ee LIBRARY ' UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SAN DIEGO ) —— Mile Mbrfih bp 0 Pesca Wy Fe Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2007 with funding from Microsoft Corporation http://www.archive.org/details/bacchylidesooemsOObacciala -- BACCHYLIDES THE POEMS AND FRAGMENTS CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE, C. F. CLAY, MANAGER. London: FETTER LANE, E.C. _ Glasgow: so, WELLINGTON STREET. Leipsig: F. AJ. BROCKHAUS. Rew Bork: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. Bombay and Calcutta: MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltn. [AZ Rights reserved] BACCHY LIDES THE POEMS AND FRAGMENTS EDITED WITH INTRODUCTION, NOTES, AND PROSE TRANSLATION BY Sir RICHARD (Ὁ. JEBB REGIUS PROFESSOR OF GREEK AND FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE CAMBRIDGE : at the University Press £995 NOTE. The Syracusan coin known as the Damareteion, struck in 479 B.C., is reproduced on the cover from the example in the British Museum. Damareta, wife of Gelon, caused this commemorative medal to be issued in silver, defraying the cost from a large gift of gold made to her by the Carthaginians, whom she had helped to obtain favourable terms of peace after their defeat at Himera in 480. The Damareteion weighed ten Attic drachms, or fifty Sicilian litrae (Diod. ΧΙ. 26); which is precisely the weight,—found in no other early Sicilian coin,—of the piece in our Museum. Obverse. A \aurel-wreathed head, probably that of Nike. The dolphins, emblems of the sea (cp. Bacchylides xvi. 97f.), perhaps suggest the maritime city. Reverse. A quadriga, crowned by a winged Nike, with allusion to Gelon’s victory at Olympia in 488 B.c. It recalls the phrase in which Bacchylides addresses Hieron as Συρακοσίων ἱπποδινάτων στραταγέ (Vv. 1f., 4768B.C.). Below, a lion, the symbol of Africa, z.e. of vanquished Carthage. PREFACE. HE Bacchylides papyrus was brought from Egypt to the British Museum in the autumn of 1896; and the editio princeps, by Dr F. G. Kenyon, appeared in 1897. We have thus acquired a large body of work by an author previously known only through scanty fragments; and the value of that acquisition is enhanced by the class to which it belongs. Of all the poets who gave lyric expression to Greek feeling and fancy in the interval between the age of Epos and the age of Drama, Pindar alone, before this discovery, could be estimated in the light of considerable remains. The fragments of the rest, exquisitely beautiful as they sometimes are, afford little more than glimpses of the genius and the art which produced them. Now there is a second representative of Greek song who can be judged by a series of complete compositions. Bacchylides has, of course, no pretension to be a poet of the same order as Pindar ; it might rather be said that part of the interest which he possesses for us arises from the marked difference of poetical rank. In reading his odes, so elegant, so transparently clear, so pleasing in their graceful flow of narrative, often. so bright in their descriptive touches, and at moments so pathetic, we feel that this is a singer who, moving in a lower sphere than Pindar, must also have been more immediately intelligible to the common Hellenic sense. The great Theban master makes no concealment of a haughty consciousness that his inmost appeal is to the few. This Ionian, if once he likens himself to an eagle —using a conventional simile germane to the style of an epinikion,—is truer to his own spirit when he describes himself as ‘the nightingale of Ceos.’ He brings home to us the existence and acceptance in Pindar’s time of a lyric poetry which, without vi PREFACE. attaining or attempting the loftier heights, could give a quiet pleasure to the average Greek hearer or reader. There is reason to suppose that, if the fame of Bacchylides in his own day was not conspicuous, at least his popularity was extensive ; and it is known that he continued to be widely read down to the sixth century of our era. ‘He certainly deserves to find readers in the modern world also. Not only is his work attractive in itself; it is a good introduction to the study of Greek lyric poetry: in particular, I believe that students would find it helpful in facilitating the approach to Pindar. The text of Bacchylides is uniformly easy, except in those places where the manuscript is defective or corrupt. The contents abound in matter of poetical and mythological interest ;—Croesus, saved from the pyre to which he had doomed himself, and carried by Apollo to the Hyper- boreans ; Heracles meeting the shade of Meleager in the nether world, listening to the story of that hero’s fate, and forming the resolve which is to seal his own ; the daughters of Proetus driven by the Argive Hera from Tiryns, and healed by Artemis at Lusi; Theseus, diving after the ring of Minos, and welcomed by Amphitrite in the halls of Poseidon. It is by considerations such as these that the scope of the present edition has been determined. I have endeavoured to combine criticism and interpretation with a treatment of the poems as literature ; and thus to contribute, though it be only a little, towards obtaining for them that place in our Greek studies which they appear well fitted to hold. For such a purpose it was not enough to explain and illustrate the odes themselves ; it was necessary also to aim at conveying some idea of the surroundings amidst which the poet worked, of his relation to contemporaries, and of his place in the historical development of the Greek lyric. Owing to mutilations of the papyrus, gaps of various sizes are frequent in the text. Sometimes there is no clue to the sense of the lost words or verses, and conjecture would be vain ; as in Ode VIII. 56-61, XIV. 7-14, 32-36, and elsewhere. Again, there are numerous instances in which a small defect can be supplied with certainty, as in I. 31 ἔπλετο καρτε]ρόχειρ, PREFACE. vii or XIX. 5 θρασυκάρίδιος Ἴδας. But there are also two other classes of lacuna, intermediate between these. (1) In some passages, where a few verses have been lost or greatly mutilated, traces remain, which, with the context, sufficed to indicate the general sense of the lost portions. See, eg., Ode XII, note on 168-174. There are several cases of this class in which the evidence is sufficiently clear and precise to justify an attempt at showing how the defective text could be completed. But it should be clearly understood that wherever, in this edition, a supplement is suggested under such conditions, it is offered only as an z//ustration of the sense to which the evidence points, and not as a restoration of the text. Such a supplement is merely an adjunct of interpretation, giving a definite and coherent form to the presumable meaning of the passage as a whole. The following are examples :—III. 41-43, 72-74; IV. 7- 12; VIII. 89-96; ΙΧ. I-8, 20-26, 54-56. (2) Another class of lacuna is that in which only a few syllables are wanting, while the limits within which a supplement can be sought appear to be narrowly defined alike by the sense and by the metre. A typical example will be found in Ode Xv. I, and another in Vill. 20. See also I. 32, 34; VI. 3;\XII. 226f.; XVIII. 33, 35, 36, 38, 50. Small problems of this nature may be said to form a characteristic feature of the Bacchylidean text as it now exists. Among those to whom my acknowledgments are due, the first is Dr F. G. Kenyon, to whose editio princeps of Bacchylides Ὁ I had the privilege of contributing some suggestions. It would be difficult for me adequately to express how much I have been indebted to him for help during the progress of this book. In places where the papyrus is defective, the lines on which any tentative restoration can proceed must often depend on exceedingly minute indications, perhaps on the ambiguous traces of a single letter. It has frequently happened that, when working with the autotype facsimile published in 1897, I have had to consult Dr Kenyon with regard to the possible interpre- tations of some faint vestige as it appears in the original papyrus, or to re-examine it in his company at the British Museum. 1 To make this clear, in the few instances where such supplements are suggested they are printed in a Greek type smaller than that of the text. Vili PREFACE. For the invariable kindness with which he has given me the benefit of his acute and skilled judgment, I cannot too cordially thank him. He has further done me the signal favour of reading large portions of the proofs; and, more especially in the critical notes on the text, several corrections or modifications of detail have been due to him. To Professor Butcher also my warm thanks are due for his great kindness in reading the proofs of text, translation, and commentary. I desire gratefully to acknowledge here the courtesy of several distinguished scholars, who, at various times from 1897 onwards, have sent me copies of their writings on Bacchylides ; among whom are Professors U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Otto Crusius, L. A. Michelangeli, E. Piccolomini, and Paul Maas. References will be found in several places to notes which from time to time have been communicated to me by Dr Walter Headlam. To Mr R. C. Bosanquet, Director of the British School at Athens, I have been indebted for information respect- ing the agonistic inscription from Iulis in Ceos, now in the Athenian Museum (p. 182); and to Mr G. F. Hill, of the British Museum, for advice as to the reproduction of the Sicilian coin which appears on the cover of the book. The literature which has grown around the study of Bacchy- lides since 1896 is of no inconsiderable volume, a good deal of it being contained in the philological journals of various countries, or in the transactions of learned societies. A contribution to the bibliography is subjoined. The Bacchylides of Professor Blass, a third edition of which was issued by Teubner in 1904, demands a special notice. It is a work to which every student of this poet must be a debtor ; and my own debt is not diminished by the fact that, on many particular points of criticism or interpretation,—as will appear from the following pages,—I have been unable to accept the views of the eminent critic. After the first editor, no one has done so much as Dr Blass towards completing the text by assigning places to small detached fragments of the papyrus. There is another tribute which I would render before closing this preface; it is to the memory of my friend Alexander Stuart Murray, sometime Keeper of Greek and Roman Antiquities in PREFACE. ix the British Museum. He was interested in that passage of Bacchylides (III. 17-21) which alludes to the offerings of the Deinomenidae at Delphi (p. 452). In December, 1903, a few months before his lamented death, he sent me a drawing, in which, using ancient data, he showed how a high tripod, such as the poet indicates, might have served as pedestal for a winged Victory ; the total height of the monument, as he conceived it, being about 18 feet 3 inches. A paragraph on page 456, relating to the probable significance of Hieron’s tripod at Delphi, embodies the view of that question which was held by Dr Murray. My best thanks are due to the staff of the Cambridge University Press. R. C. JEBB. CAMBRIDGE, May, 1905. ἢ ἢ q i τὰ ΤΩΝ που hott CONTENTS. BIBLIOGRAPHY : Ἶ ἣ . ‘ : 3 GENERAL INTRODUCTION I, THE LIFE OF BACCHYLIDES II, THE PLACE OF BACCHYLIDES IN THE HISTORY OF GREEK Lyric POETRY. III. CHARACTERISTICS OF BACCHYLIDES AS A POET IV. DIALECT AND GRAMMAR V. METRES. VI. THE PAPYRUS. AUTOTYPE PLATES . : 3 5 - : Ξ VII. Tue TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES Text, NoTEs, AND TRANSLATION . ; FRAGMENTS APPENDIX . Ξ : : VOCABULARY . : Ὁ INDEX 121 143 241 408 435 497 519 i ee at B ἀξ has . = ole a ‘ Ta hal ε PA, r ν᾿ ie αἴ BIBLIOGRAPHY *. I. EDITIONS. Frederic G. Kenyon. Zhe Poems of Bacchylides, from a Papyrus in the British Museum. Printed by Order of the Trustees of the British Museum. 1897. (Editio princeps.) The Poems of Bacchylides. Facsimile of Papyrus DCCXXXIII in the British Museum. Printed by Order of the Trustees. 1897. Friederich Blass. Bacchylidis Carmina cum Fragmentis. Leipzig, Teubner. 1898. (Second edition, 1899: third, 1904.) Niccola Festa. Le odi ei frammenti di Bacchilide, testo greco, traduzione e note, Firenze, Barbéra, 1898. Hugo Jurenka. Die neugefundenen Lieder des Bakchylides. Text, Ubersetzung und Commentar. [The translation is in verse.] Wien, Holder, 1898. Editions of Selections. E. Buchholz. > \ > \ > rn ἔστι δ᾽ αἰετὸς ὠκὺς ἐν ToTavois... κραγέται δὲ κολοιοὶ ταπεινὰ νέμονται. ‘The eagle is swift among the birds of the air,...but the clamorous daws haunt the lower regions of the sky.’ The word AdBpor suggests noisy braggarts, as in the Jad (XXII. 478 f.),— ἀλλ᾽ αἰεὶ μύθοις λαβρεύεαι" οὐδέ τί σε χρὴ λαβραγόρην ἔμεναι. The term παγγλωσσία occurs nowhere else. It denotes readiness to utter anything (compare παρρησία and παν- oupyia),—a loquacity not restrained by discernment or by taste. These creatures of mere lore are garrulous, without that discriminating instinct which chastens and refines the language of the born poet. Their utterances are also ἄκραντα : they achieve nothing, they make no abiding impression. In brief, these ‘taught’ men are pretentious, noisy, strangers to distinction of style, and ineffectual. But the fundamental thing is the contrast between original genius (φυά) and imitative accomplish- ment (μάθησις). This contrast is habitual with Pindar; we have it again in the third Nemean (vv. 40—42):— συγγενεῖ δέ τις εὐδοξίᾳ μέγα βρίθει" ὃς δὲ διδάκτ᾽ ἔχει, ψεφηνὸς ἀνὴρ ες ι Ψ' », Ng ie Ja ἄλλοτ ἄλλα πνέων οὔποτ ἀτρεκεέϊ 7 ΄ a > κατέβα ποδί, μυριᾶν ὃ ἀρετᾶν ἀτελεῖ νόῳ γεύεται. ‘Born with him is the power that gives weight to ἃ man’s fame: but whoso has the fruits of lore alone, he PINDARS SUPPOSED ALLUSIONS. 17 remains in the shade. His spirit veers with every breeze: in no field of trial is his foothold sure: he nibbles at excellence in countless forms, but his mind achieves noth- ing. The proximate occasion of this general reflection is the inspired valour of Heracles, to whom Pindar has just referred ; but it is obvious that he is thinking also of the born poet. The same remark applies to some verses in the ninth Olympian (of 456 B.C.?), where the immediate contest relates to athletes (vv. I00O—102):— τὸ δὲ dud κράτιστον ἅπαν" πολλοὶ δὲ διδακταῖς ἀνθρώπων ἀρεταῖς κλέος ὥρουσαν ἀρέσθαι. ‘Nature’s gift is ever best; but many men have strained to win renown by feats to which they had been schooled.’ Such, then, is the general scope of the passage in the second Olympian. Let us next examine a crucial point in it, the use of the dual yapverov. Emendations have been attempted : but there is a strong presumption that the word is sound!. 1 Bergk (4th ed.) suggested γαρυέ- των, which Otto Schréder adopts in his edition of Pindar (1900); a defiant imperative, like οἱ δ᾽ οὖν γελώντων in Soph. Az. 961. Schréder takes it as plural, not dual. Now such a form as γαρυέτων, instead of γαρυόντων, is most rare. The evidence is exhaustively stated in Kiihner-Blass, Ausfihrliche Gr. Gramm., 3rd ed., vol. 11. p. 50. (1) ἔστων is 3rd pers. imperat. plural in Od.1.273: also in Plato, Xenophon, Doric and Ionic inscriptions etc. (2) ἴσων in Aesch. Zum. 32 is 3rd pers. imperat. plural. (3) ἀνεστακό- τῶν is cited by Kiihner-Blass (/.c.) as occurring once in Archimedes, who elsewhere uses forms in -ντῶν : ‘ but that should certainly be corrected, with Ahrens, to ἀνεστακόντων : cp. Heiberg, Suppl. Fl. Jahr. x1. 561.’ (4) In 211. 8. 109, τούτω μὲν θεράποντε κομείτων, that form of the verb was It will be remembered that the use of the dual written by Aristarchus (but κομείτην by Zenodotus: Bergk says, ‘alii forte κομεύντων ἢ. κομείτων is usually and naturally taken as dual. In Kiihner-Blass (p. 51) it is cited as the only example of the 3rd pers. of the imperative dual in -rwy which occurs in classical literature. Schréder, how- ever, on Pind. O. 11. 87 (96), suggests that κομείτων is 3rd pers. plural: I do not know why. It will be seen that the probabilities are very strong against a form of such extreme rarity as γαρυέτων. Schréder thinks that the imperative here is a great improvement to the sense. To me it does not seem so. The clause σοφὸς κιτ.Δ. is opposed to the clause μαθόντες δὲ x.7.X. The verb to be supplied in the first clause is ἐστί : the verb of the second clause would also naturally be in the indica- tive mood, γαρύετον. The other proposed emendations The dual verb. The scholiast’s View. Other explana- tions. 18 LIFE OF BACCHYLIDES. verb implies not merely that there are two agents, but also that they are somehow associated in action. If, for example, it were desired to say in ancient Greek, ‘Adams and Leverrier independently discovered the planet Neptune,’ the verb would be εὗρον, not εὑρέτην: but in saying, ‘Erckmann and Chatrian wrote the book,’ it would be ἐγραψάτην. The usage of classical writers frequently illustrates the fine expressiveness of the dual verb. It can lightly emphasise a close comradeship, as when Heracles, in the Sophoclean play, says of Philoctetes and Neoptolemus, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς λέοντε συννόμω φυλάσσετον οὗτος σὲ καὶ σὺ κεῖνον. Or it can convey a shade of mockery, as when the Platonic Socrates says to Euthydemus and his brother, the professors of eristic, yapioac@ov...émideiEaTov...elmerov. In Pindar’s yapveror the tone of the dual is scornful. These two persons are leagued in a futile competition with their superior. Can the dual be explained without assuming that it indicates two definite persons? No, unless by regarding it as merely incidental to the imagery; 22, as meaning that an indefinite number of bad poets behave ‘like crows chattering in pairs’: but that would be pointless, and, indeed, absurd. Who, then, are these two persons? According to an Alexandrian commentator, they are Simonides and Bacchylides?. Only two other explanations (so far as I know) have been offered. One is that Pindar alludes to Capys and Hippocrates, kinsmen of Theron, who levied war against bility. (2) Tycho Mommsen, γαρύεται (‘schema Pindaricum ’). (3) Herwer- den, γαρύετε. (4) Hartung, γαρυέται (plur. of yapvérns) : whendxpay7amust of γαρύετον demand less discussion. (1) Dawes, yapvéuev. This is accepted by Michelangeli (p. 27), who, with that candour which marks the whole of his excellent discussion, recognizes the gravity of γαρύετον as an obstacle to his view that Pindar was guiltless of allusion to the Cean poets. The construction then is, λάβροι... γαρυέ- μεν (ἐντί), ‘are fierce in chattering.’ I cannot think that this has any proba- beeither an ady., oranacc. governed by the verbal notion (ἄπορα πόριμοΞ). 1 Schol. Pind. O, 11. 158 (96), on ἄκραντα ‘yapverov.—ei δέ πως πρὸς Βακχυλίδην καὶ Σιμωνίδην αἰνίττεται, καλῶς ἄρα ἐξείληπται τὸ γαρύετον duxGs* καὶ οὕτως ὄντως ἔχει ὁ λόγος. PINDARS SUPPOSED ALLUSIONS. 19 him, but were defeated. The ‘bird of Zeus’ will then be Theron: an eagle appears on coins of Acragas’. But this hypothesis is clearly incompatible with Pindar’s words, and with the context: he is speaking of himself as a poet, and of his art. The other explanation finds in κόρακες an allusion to Corax, the author of the earliest Greek treatise on rhetoric, and supposes that his associate is the rhetorician Teisias. Corax and Teisias (it is suggested) had col- laborated, shortly before 4768B.C., in a work which was known to Pindar*. Now Corax, indeed, is said to have had influence with Hieron, though his activity as a rhetorician belonged chiefly to the period of democracy which followed the fall of the Deinomenid house. But Teisias is tradition- ally represented as a man of a younger generation, a pupil of Corax, and afterwards the teacher of Lysias and of Isocrates. The chronological difficulty is not, however, 1 This explanation was suggested by Freeman, Hist. of Sicily, 11. p. 531. As to the war made on Theron by his two kinsmen, see 20. p. 147. 2 This view was first put forward by Dr A. W. Verrall in an article on Aesch. Cho. 935—972 (Journ. of Pht- Jology 1x. 114 ff.), and afterwards developed in his paper on ‘ Korax and Tisias,’ 74. 197ff. To those articles the reader is referred for a full and able statement of all that can be advanced in favour of the hypo- thesis. It should be noted that παγγλωσσία is explained by Verrall (p- 129) as ‘the sum of all yAéooa’ (obscure words), and then (p. 130) ‘the science of such words and their interpretations.’ He thinks that, before 476, the two men, afterwards famous as rhetoricians, ‘had pub- lished some work, doubtless fanciful enough, upon etymology.’ Professor Gildersleeve, who regards the sugges- tion as ingenious, adds this comment (Pindar, p. 153): ‘See P. 1, 943 where the panegyric side of oratory is recognised. If we must have rivalry, why not rivalry between the old art of poetry (φυᾷ) and the new art of rhetoric (ua@évres)??’ The work on etymology, however, which Dr Verrall supposes, would have been published, as he rightly says (p. 197), at least ten years before Corax pub- lished his ‘Art of Rhetoric,’—the earliest recorded book of its kind. Pindar, in Dr Verrall’s view, repre- sents, not poetry versus rhetoric, but the poet’s insight into words versus the etymological treatment of words ‘in prose, cold, crude, and quasi- scientific’ (p. 131). The words in P. 1.94, to which Prof. Gildersleeve refers, are καὶ λογίοις καὶ ἀοιδαῖς : where λογίοις seems to mean ‘chroni- clers’ (like the logographers). So in NV. vi. 31 the memorials of fame are ἀοιδαὶ καὶ λόγοι, ‘poems and chronicles’ (surely not ‘ speeches’). In XM. vi. 52 λογίοισιν seem to be ‘men versed in tradition,’ whether poets or prose-writers. It is more than doubtful whether there is any reference in Pindar to panegyric oratory; and it seems certain that there is none to the art of rhetoric. Pindar’s relations to Simonides and Bac- chylides. 20 LIFE OF BACCHYLIDES. the only one. Pindar, in the second Olympian, seems clearly to point at other poets, the ‘crows’ of this passage, the ‘daws’ of another, who vainly compete with the sovereign eagle. It is hard to see how, in 476, the art of rhetoric can have been in any such competition with the art of poetry as would explain Pindar’s words. On the other hand, a reference to Simonides and Bac- chylides is perfectly intelligible. Let us briefly recall the circumstances. Simonides and Pindar, the Ionian and the Theban, men of contrasted types alike in genius and in personal character, had now for many years been the two foremost representatives of lyric poetry. Shortly before Pindar began to write for Hieron, Simonides came to Sicily, and soon became established in Hieron’s confidence. Pindar and Bacchylides had already been brought into a kind of indirect competition, when Lampon of Aegina (probably in 481 or 479) commissioned both poets to write for him on the same occasion. Simonides now introduces Bacchylides to Hieron, whose Olympian victory in 476 is celebrated by Bacchylides as well as by Pindar. When account is taken of the temperament which has left its impress on Pindar’s work, it seems probable that (however unjustly) he would have considered Simonides as his inferior. He might with more justice take that view of Bacchylides, whose real excellences, besides being of a wholly different kind from his own, were on a lower plane. The nephew was probably regarded by Pindar as a feebler copy of the uncle. This, then, is the first element in the situation. As formerly at Aegina, so now in a more conspicuous manner at Syracuse, Pindar’s work has been set side by side with the work of Bacchylides. The other element is furnished by the personal relations of Pindar on the one part, and of the Cean poets on the other, with Hieron. Pindar, we may be sure, would not have been a successful courtier. It is hard to conceive of him as retaining, for any long time, the good graces of an exacting despot, who must have made continual demands on de- ference, tact, and pliancy. When asked why, unlike PINDARS SUPPOSED ALLUSIONS. 21 Simonides, he was little disposed to visit the courts of Sicilian princes, Pindar is said to have replied, ‘Because I wish to live my own life, and not that of another.’ Pindar, one may believe, was too proud a man to care if the poets of Ceos outstripped him in Hieron’s personal favour. But Pindar had the passionate love and reverence of a supreme artist for his art. His tribute to Hieron in the first Olympian is no mere conventional piece, written to order: it is one of the most splendid of his odes, showing that his imagination had really been fired by the grandeur of Hieron’s position; not simply by the power which clothed the ruler of Syracuse, but also, as is still more evident from the first and second Pythians, by Hieron’s place as the champion of Hellene against barbarian in the West. The third Ode of Bacchylides, linked by its occasion with the first Olympian, is a poem of great interest ; but it cannot, of course, for a moment be ranked in the same class with Pindar’s. Whether Hieron, how- ever, was a good judge of their relative merits, may be doubted: and it seems very possible that, as the Alexandrian scholiast affirms, he preferred the simpler, clearer verse of Bacchylides to that of Pindar. If Pindar saw that, and felt that it was largely due to the personal influence of the Ionians,—an influence won by social gifts which he himself did not possess, and rather despised,—he may have resented it as a slight, not to himself, but to the art for which he lived. Such a feeling would go far to account for the tone of the utterance in the second Olympian. The things said there could not fairly be said either of Simonides or of Bacchylides. But resentment is not apt to be a fair critic. That yapverov refers to Simonides and _ Bacchylides, seems, then, exceedingly probable: though I should welcome a ‘proof that this impression is erroneous. But the reader can now form 1 One of the Πινδάρου ἀποφθέγ. μησεν els Σικελίαν, αὐτὸς δὲ οὐ θέλει, ματα (given in W. Christ’s Pindar ὅτι Βούλομαι, εἶπεν, ἐμαυτῷ ζῆν, p- CI). ᾿Επερωτηθεὶς πάλιν, διὰ τί οὐκ ἄλλῳ. Σιμωνίδης πρὸς τοὺς τυραννοὺυς ἀπεδή- Other passages of Pindar. Result. LIFE OF BACCHYLIDES. 22 his own judgment. The aim of these pages has not been to advocate an opinion, but to exhibit the evidence. The other passages of Pindar, in which the Alexandrians traced similar allusions, are of less moment. (1) In the second Pythian, written for Hieron after 477 B.c.—perhaps in 475,—Pindar refers to the mischief of ‘slander,—to the slanderer’s disposition as resembling that of ‘the crafty fox,—and to an ‘ape’ who is admired by ‘children.’ Here the scholiast finds a reference to Bacchylides; he is the ‘ape, and he disparages Pindar to their common patron (vv. 52ff.; and 72ff.). This seems at least dubious. If Bacchylides was the ape, Pindar must have counted on Hieron failing to identify himself with the child. (2) In the second Isthmian, for Xenocrates of Acragas (czrca 470 B.C.), verse 6, Pindar refers to the olden days when ‘the Muse was not yet covetous, nor a hireling.’ This is taken by the Alexandrian commentator as glancing at the avarice of Simonides; and there is some reason for supposing that Callimachus thought so. (3) In the fourth Nemean, for Timasarchus of Aegina (c. 467-463 B.C.), vv. 37—41, the poet expresses his assurance of triumphing over certain foes; though there is ‘a man of envious eye’ (φθονερὰ... βλέπων), who ‘revolves in darkness a vain purpose that falls to the ground.’ The scholiast takes this man to be Simonides: but that seems questionable. In no one of these three passages can the Alexandrian interpretation be regarded as more than possible. So far as these are concerned, the net result of the scholia is merely to illustrate the firmness of the Alexandrian belief in Pindar’s propensity to deal thrusts at the Cean poets. 1 Pindar’s words (/. 11. 6) are: Benseler s.v. Ὑλιχίδης supposes ἁ Μοῖσα yap οὐ φιλοκερδής πω τότ᾽ ἣν οὐδ᾽ épyaris. The schol. there says:—év0ev καὶ Καλλίμαχος" οὐ γὰρ ἐργάτιν τρέφω τὴν Μοῦσαν, ὡς ὁ Κεῖος Ὑλλίχου νέ- πους. [Callim. fr. 77. Michelangeli p. 4 takes Ὕλλιχος to be the grandfather of Simonides. But Rost in Pape- Ὑλλίχου vérovs to mean δημότης *Prxl5ys.] It certainly looks as if the scholiast was right in taking Pindar’s verse to be the source from which Callimachus derived his phrase. That does not prove, but it suggests, that Callimachus understood Pindar as alluding to Simonides. SENTIMENTS IN CONTRAST WITH PINDAR’S. 23 An opinion so fixed tends, however, to strengthen the probability that the belief rested, not solely on Pindar’s text, but also on a tradition. The recently recovered poems of Bacchylides contain Bacchy- not a word which could be construed as reflecting on πω 5 Pindar. But among the previously known fragments there a//udes to are two which deserve notice as presenting a curiously ἌΦΕΣ marked contrast with Pindaric utterances. (1) Pindar says But there (O/. τι. 85f.) that his shafts of song are φωνάεντα συνετοῖσιν" °° Peas ἐς δὲ τὸ wav ἑρμηνέων χατίζει. Bacchylides says (XIV. 30f.): sentiment. οὐ yap ὑπόκλοπον φορεῖ βροτοῖσι φωνάεντα λόγον σοφία" ‘There is nothing furtive’—nothing that is not frank and open—‘in the clear utterance that wisdom brings to mortals.’ Here σοφία might well be the poet’s art. The word φωνάεντα decidedly suggests that the author was thinking of the Pindaric passage, where σοφός (said of the poet) occurs just afterwards. Bacchylides would then be saying, in effect:—‘True art does not speak in forms which have a voice only for the select few, but require interpreters for the many: it does not take refuge in riddles: its utterance has a clear sound for all men.’ The pellucid character of his own work illustrates that sentiment. (2) Still more remarkable, perhaps, is the other contrast. We have just seen how Pindar heaps scorn on the μαθόντες, the men of διδακταὶ ἀρεταί, the poets who are mere disciples or imitators. Bacchylides mildly observes (fr. 4) :— ἕτερος ἐξ ἑτέρου σοφὸς TO τε πάλαι Kal TO Viv" οὐδὲ γὰρ ῥᾷστον ἀρρήτων ἐπέων πύλας ἐξευρεῖν" ‘Poet is heir to poet, now as of old; for in sooth ’tis no light task to find the gates? of virgin song.” ‘Can any lyric poet of our day ’—so we might expand his thought— ‘confidently affirm that he owes nothing to the old poets from Homer onwards, the shapers of heroic myth, the 1 On the shortening of πάν, see 2 The image is Pindar’s: O. VI. 27 Schroder, Prolegom. to Pindar, p. 34. πύλας ὕμνων ἀναπιτνάμεν. Banish- ment of Bacchyli- des from Ceos. 24 LIFE OF BACCHYLIDES. earliest builders of lyric song, in whose footsteps Pindar himself has followed?’ The words of Bacchylides are (to my ear) suggestive of such a reply; and that view of them is not necessarily invalid merely because Pindar would, in fact, have had a sound rejoinder ; viz., that in its essence, in all that constitutes its distinctive character, his own work is eminently original. But, at any rate,—and this is the main point,—in all the extant writings of Bacchylides there is no polemical utterance. If certain asperities of Pindar were indeed directed against Simonides and Bac- chylides, the Cean poets may have profited by a quality which was not rare among men of their race. They were lonians, and may have been protected from serious annoy- ance by a sense of humour. Apart from the Sicilian chapter, the only recorded event in the external life of Bacchylides is one which is noticed by Plutarch in his tract On Exile. The authen- ticity of that piece is not liable to any well-grounded suspicion. It is a discourse of a consolatory kind (παραμυθητικός), addressed to a friend who had been banished from his country. The following passage occurs in it (§ 14) :— ‘In the best and most approved compositions of the ancients, exile, it would seem, was a fellow-worker with the Muses. Thucydides of Athens wrote his history of the Peloponnesian War at Scapte-Hyle in Thrace. Xenophon wrote at Scillus in Elis; Philistus, in Epeirus ; Timaeus of Tauromenion, at Athens; the Athenian Androtion, at Megara; the poet Bacchylides, in Peloponnesus. “ΑἹ! these, and several others, were banished from their respective countries ; but they did not despair, or throw their lives away. They used their gifts of genius, taking banishment as a travelling-grant! made to them by Fortune. Thanks to such exile, their memories survive in all lands ; while of the men who drove them out, the men whose 1 ἐφόδιον παρὰ τῆς τύχης τὴν φυγὴν λαβόντες. EXILE IN PELOPONNESUS. 25 faction triumphed, there is not one who is not utterly forgotten.’ Two conclusions may with certainty be drawn from this passage. The first is that, in Plutarch’s belief, the departure of Bacchylides from Ceos was not voluntary, but due to a sentence of banishment. The second is that Plutarch supposed him to have resided in Peloponnesus for a considerable time, and to have composed there some appreciable portion of his works. Plutarch had access to a large literature containing memoirs or reminiscences of the older poets, a product characteristic of the whole period between Aristotle and the Augustan age. Somewhere, doubtless, in that literature he found authority for his statement concerning Bacchylides. He gives us no clue to the cause of the banishment, and conjecture would be idle. Nor can the date be determined. But facts deducible “riod 4 : Tae νι which his from the poet’s odes create certain probabilities respecting exiz the period of his life to which the event belonged. Sonne (1) Ode v was sent to Hieron from Ceos in 476. The poet had not then been banished. (2) Odes VI and VII are for Lachon of Ceos. The date of these two poems is fixed by the new fragment of the Olympic register! to 452 B.c. The last verses of Ode VI rather suggest that the poet was then in Ceos. At any rate these odes would not have been written by a man who had been driven out of Ceos by a sentence of banishment. If that sentence was passed in the interval between 476 and 452, in 452 it had been cancelled. But it is perhaps more probable that the poet’s exile began after 452. As we have seen, there is reason to think that he survived the beginning of the Peloponnesian War. In 452 he cannot have been much more than fifty-five. After 452 there was still room for a chapter of life fruitful in poetical work, such as Plutarch indicates. It is pertinent to inquire whether any traces of a residence 7Zraces of in Peloponnesus can be discerned in the poems or fragments phe se sus tn his of Bacchylides. There is much, undoubtedly, that relates wz. 1 Oxyrhynchus Papyri τι. 85. 26 PELOPONNESUS.—A MAP OF THE ODES. - to Peloponnesus. Ode VIII (the only one for a Peloponnesian victor) shows his intimate acquaintance with the legends and cults of Phlius. He knows also the local legends of the neighbouring Nemea (Odes VIII and ΧΙ). In Ode x we have the Argive story of Proetus and Acrisius, the offence given by the Proetides to the Argive Hera, and the cult of Artemis Hemera at Lusi in Arcadia. The poet knew that the Mantineians bore the trident of Poseidon on their shields (frag. 6). He told how the centaur Eurytion was slain by Heracles at the house of Dexamenus in Elis (frag. 48). His poem on Idas and Marpessa (XIX) was written for the Spartans. Some of his ‘Dorian partheneia’ (frag. 40) may also have been for Sparta, a place with which that form of lyric was especially associated. Limit to When, however, we scrutinise these facts, we can oe ck scarcely say that, in themselves, they would afford a pre- traces. sumption of residence. in Peloponnesus. The knowledge shown in respect to Phlius is noteworthy; yet, after all, it is not more than might have been acquired in the course of a short visit. On the whole, there is nothing that could not be explained by a poet’s study of mythology, sup- plemented, perhaps, by occasional visits to certain localities. That, however, is no reason for doubting the tradition pre- served by Plutarch, that the home of the exiled Bacchylides was, for some considerable time, in Peloponnesus. Geogra-_ The geographical distribution of his extant poems bears seibutionop Witness to a fairly wide-spread repute. Of his thirteen the poems. Epinikia, four (1, I, VI, VIL) were for Ceos; two (XI, XII) for Aegina; one (IX) for Athens; one (XIII) for Thessaly ; one (X) for Metapontion in Magna Graecia ; and three (III, IV, V) for Syracuse. Of his six so-called Dithyrambs, the local destination of one (XIV) is unknown. One (XVI) was to be performed by a Cean chorus at Delos; one (XV) was for Delphi. Two probably (XVII, XVIII) were for Athens ; and one (XIX) was for Sparta. It is likely that, as at Syracuse, so also at Athens, in Thessaly, and in Magna Graecia, the name of Simonides may have helped to recommend his nephew. 27 II. THE PLACE OF BACCHYLIDES IN THE HISTORY OF GREEK LYRIC POETRY The work of Bacchylides, well worthy of study in itself, derives a further interest from the peculiar place which he holds in the history of the Greek Lyric. He is the latest of the nine poets whom the Alexandrians included in their lyric canon, the others being Alcman, Alcaeus, Sappho, Stesichorus, Ibycus, Anacreon, Simonides and Pindar. In his youth, all the types of the lyric had been fully developed ; and the life of lyric poetry was still vigorous. Before his death, a decline had begun. In the last third of the fifth century, exquisite lyrics continued to adorn the plays of Sophocles, of Euripides, and of Aristophanes; but, after Bacchylides, no purely lyric poet attained to a high rank. From the commencement of the. Peloponnesian War onwards, the only kinds of lyric which remained fertile and popular were such as attested the degradation alike of poetical and of musical art, such productions as the dithy- rambs of Philoxenus and the nomes of Timotheus. The history of the classical Greek Lyric is comprised Period of in a period of some two hundred years, from the early or ie τοὶ middle part of the seventh century B.C. to about the middle 4” of the fifth. The rise of a lyric poetry was necessarily preceded by a development of music, which was traditionally associated with two principal names. The Phrygian Olympus, a dim figure, represented some marked improve- Olympus. ment in the music of the double flute (αὐλητική), soon followed by an advance in the art of singing to that instrument (αὐλῳδική). Terpander of Lesbos, whose Zerpander. activity may be placed about 710-670 B.c., improved the cithara, and was regarded as having founded the art of the ‘citharode’ who sings to it. The kind of song which Terpander more particularly cultivated was that called the g==2 28 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. The nome. ‘Nome’ (νόμος), a general term for a musical strain!, but one which early acquired a technical sense. A ‘nome’ was a solo, chanted to the cithara in honour of a god, especially of Apollo, and divided into parts according to a traditional scheme. Only about a dozen genuine lines of Terpander are extant?» Some of these are short verses composed wholly of spondees, which suggest a solemn liturgical effect. Healso usedthe hexameter. In Lesbos he founded a citharodic school which maintained his tradition for Terpander centuries. He visited Delphi. He established the citharodic at Sparia: ++ at Sparta, where he is said to have gained a prize at the festival of the Carneia in 676 B.c. The first epoch* in the Spartan culture of poetry and music is associated by Plutarch with Terpander’s name. The second such epoch was made by Thaletas‘,a native of Gortyn in Crete, who flourished about 670-640 B.c. He brought to Sparta certain kinds of choral song in which the Cretans excelled. These were the pacan and the hyporcheme, both belonging The paecan. to the Cretan cult of Apollo. The paean was usually, though not always, accompanied by dancing, an art which had been elaborately developed in Crete. The kindred, The hypor- but livelier, hyporcheme was, as the term imports, inseparable cheme. from dancing. The Spartan festival of the Gymnopaediae, founded (according to Eusebius) in 665 B.C., was that with which, in early times, the performance of paeans was more especially associated. Thaletas was said to have composed paeans; but Thaletas at Sparta. 1 The musical sense of νόμος is doubtless derived from that of ‘custom,’ ‘law.’ Weir Smyth com- pares τρόπος, olun, Germ. Weise, French and English air. See his Greek Melic Poets, p. lix, where other explanations are also noticed. 2 Bergk* 111. pp. 8-12. 3 Plut. De Mus. 9: ἡ μὲν οὖν πρώτη κατάστασις περὶ τὴν μουσικὴν ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῃ, Τερπάνδρου καταστήσαντος, γεγένηται. The sense οὗ ἡ πρώτη κατάστασις κ-ιτ.Ὰ. is indi- cated by καταστήσαντος. It means τῶν ‘the first phase in the establishment’ of musical and poetical art at Sparta. + Plut. Δ. associates with Thale- tas, as founders of the δευτέρα κατα- στασις at Sparta, Xenodamus of Cythera and Xenocritus of the Epizephyrian Locri, both writers of paeans; also Polymnestus of Colo- phon, known especially as a writer of ὄρθιοι νόμοι for flutes; and Sacadas of Argos (72. c. 580 B.C.?), who is described by Plutarch as a ποιητὴς ἐλεγείων. AEOLIAN MONODY. 29 Plutarch observes that the tradition was not undisputed’. Some verses, at least, of Terpander were still extant in the second century A.D.; one of our scanty fragments is due to Clement of Alexandria’. But the Alexandrians did not include Terpander in their list. He was regarded rather as an early pioneer of lyric song, a ‘singer’ who was primarily a musician, while his poetical work was of a com- paratively archaic kind. The fame which he enjoyed in Ancient antiquity is proudly attested in the verse, written perhaps ἼΝΣ within a century after his death, by his countrywoman /&r. Sappho:— πέρροχος, ὡς ὄτ᾽ ἄοιδος ὁ Λέσβιος addOdSdTroLow’. There is a remarkable contrast in respect to their history between the two principal branches of the Greek lyric, the Aeolian song for one voice, and the Dorian choral ode. The Aeolian song is suddenly revealed, as a mature 7%e work of art, in the spirited stanzas of Alcaeus. It is raised an to a supreme excellence by his younger contemporary Sappho, whose melody is unsurpassed, perhaps unequalled, among all the relics of Greek verse.. With those two lives, —contained, probably, within some such limits as the years 640 and 550 B.c.,—the Aeolian lyric begins and ends. In a later generation (¢. 550-500 B.C.) Anacreon of Teos wrote, indeed, lyric monodies on themes of festivity or of love: but his Ionian grace was not joined to the Lesbian fire; and his metrical forms owed little or nothing to the Lesbian models. His contemporary, Ibycus of Rhegium, in the fragments of love-poems which remain, shows a passion which gives him some measure of spiritual kinship with Alcaeus and Sappho; but his odes, so far as we can now judge, were of a kind wholly distinct from theirs, being choral, and composed in the large Dorian strophes. When Alcaeus and Sappho passed away, the moulds of their song were broken. No third Greek poet, in any age, created similar masterpieces of lyric monody. 1 Plut. De Mus. το. *: Fr. 92. 2 Strom. V1. 784 (Terpander fr. 1). The Dorian choral lyric. Alcman., The par- theneion. 30 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. The history of the Dorian choral ode, on the other hand, is that of a series of lyric types gradually developed by successive poets in connexion with religious cults and public festivals. The Dorian state, as represented by Sparta, was based on the education of a warrior caste, trained to arms from boyhood, proud of their heroic ancestry, and imbued with a deep reverence for the institutions and customs of their race. ‘The Dorian sons of Pamphylus and of the Heracleidae, says Pindar, ‘dwelling under the cliffs of Taygetus, are ever content to abide by the ordinances of Aegimius’’ In a military aristocracy of this compact kind, the sense of corporate life was peculiarly strong ; and that was the sense to which the Dorian choral lyric appealed. It was an act of worship, performed at a gathering of the citizens. The gods of the city, the heroes of racial or local legend, the common beliefs and sentiments, were its normal themes. Choral dancing, in which the Dorians of Crete were so accomplished, was not less con- genial to Spartans. The gymnastic training, in which Spartan maidens participated, would confer ease and precision in rhythmic movement. It is easy to understand, then; why the choral lyric, in its earlier phases, was distinc- tively associated with Dorians. The closeness of that early tie explains the fixed convention which arose from it. A Dorian colouring remained obligatory for the dialect of the choral lyric, even when the composer was Boeoto-Aeolian, like Pindar, or Ionian, like Simonides and Bacchylides. Both Pindar and Bacchylides, according to Plutarch, wrote ‘many Dorian partheneia®.’ The ‘virginal song,’ or partheneion, was first perfected by Alcman (c. 640-600 B.C.), the earliest choral poet known in Greek literature. His parents were probably Aeolian Greeks resident in Lydia. 1 Pind. P. 1. 62 ff. Papyri iv. 1904). If the ascription 2 Plut. De Mus. 17.—The frag- ments of Pindar’s Παρθένεια are very scanty (fr. 95-104 in Schréder’s ed.). But a new fragment, of some 80 verses, from a partheneion, is ascribed by Blass to Pindar (Oxyrhynchus is correct, these verses illustrate the remark of Dionysius, that Pindar’s style in his partheneia was simpler and easier than in other classes of his poems. No fragment οἵ ἃ partheneion by Bacchylides is extant. DORIAN CHORAL LYRIC.—ALCMAN. 31 From Sardis he was brought in boyhood to Sparta, where he lived and died. He wrote hymns, paeans, hyporchemes, drinking-songs, love-songs. But his fame rested chiefly on his partheneia. Few fragments of Greek poetry are more interesting than the passage of about ninety verses by which one of these ‘virginal songs’ is represented. A chorus of Spartan maidens is offering a robe to Artemis Orthria, goddess of the dawn, and is competing for the musical prize with another Chorus. The time seems to be night,—perhaps shortly before daybreak. Their song begins with the myth of Hippocoon, the wicked king of Sparta, who drove out his brother Tyndareus, but was slain, with his sons, by Heracles. Then it glides into a lighter strain.—praising the beauty of Agido (a prominent member of the Chorus), which is as ‘a vision of winged dreams,’—and the vocal skill of the leader Hagesichora, in whom they chiefly trust for victory. The playful grace and airy charm of these stanzas are inimitable. In another fragment” of a partheneion, the chorus seems to defend Alcman against detractors; in a third*, it is he who addresses them, ‘the sweet-voiced maidens, who delight with song, and laments that he is growing too old to take part in their dance. It is a pity that nothing remains from the partheneia of Bacchylides, which must have given scope for his elegance of fancy and lightness of touch. Ionian and Athenian manners did not permit such virginal choruses. The partheneia of Bacchylides may have been written for Sparta, or other Dorian cities, during his residence in Peloponnesus. Alcman was a fine and versatile artist ; but, for the later history of Greek lyric poetry, he is less significant than Stesi- szesi- chorus of Himera (c. 610-550 B.C.), the creator of the epic The pie hymn. Terpander, Aleman, Alcaeus and Sappho had written 4ymmn. hymns; but only in honour of gods, or of such semi-divine 1 Fr. 23 (Bergk). The papyrus 175 ff. was found in 1855 by Mariette in a 2 Fr. 24. tomb near the second pyramid. Cp. * Ἐν, χ6. Weir Smyth, Greek Melic Poets, pp. Festivals of the heroes. Influence of Stest- chorus. 32 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. persons as the Dioscuri. Stesichorus, taking the material furnished by epos, recast it in a lyric form. He drew on all the great cycles of myth, Trojan, Theban, Argive, Thessa- lian, Aetolian. The hymn became in his hands mainly a narrative, epic in general style, yet differing from epos by a fuller expression of characters and feelings. He boldly modified the old legends, as in his ‘ Palinode’ concerning Helen; and he also added to them. He seems to have been the first who spoke of Athena as springing full-armed from the head of Zeus, and the first who sent Aeneas on a voyage to Italy. The epic hymns of Stesichorus were intended for choral performance at those festivals of the heroes which were numerous in the western colonies ; thus there was a cult of Philoctetes at Sybaris, of Diomedes at Thurii, of the Atreidae at Tarentum?. Such observances linked the new homes with the memories of the old: and at such festivals the hymns of Stesichorus would doubtless have been popular. In addition to hymns, Stesichorus wrote paeans, mentioned by Athenaeus as sung at banquets. He was also the author of lyric romances or love-stories* drawn from folk-lore, and thus was a far-off precursor of the Greek novel*. The volume of his writings was exceptionally large. In the Alexandrian age, Aleman was represented by six books of poems, Sappho by nine, Alcaeus by ten, Pindar by seventeen, and Stesichorus by twenty-six. A ‘book’ was, of course, a variable quantity ; but at any rate this number indicates a great mass of work. No other Greek poet had so wide or so varied an influence as Stesichorus on the poetry which came after him. The artificial dialect which he employed, Doric in basis but with a large infusion of epic forms, was the general prototype of that which prevailed thenceforward in the choral lyric. It was he, too, who established the norm of choral composition in strophe, antistrophe, and epode; though whether he was the inventor of the epode is disputed. His original treat- 1 [Arist.] De mirabil. auscult. 3 Athen. 13. p. 6or A. 106-110. Strabo 6. 262-264. 4 E. Rohde, Der griech. Roman, 2 Athen. 6. p. 2508. Ρ- 29. STESICHORUS. SIMONIDES. 33 ment of the myths furnished a mine of material to Attic Tragedy. He was also influential in Greek art. The vase-painters of the sixth and fifth centuries were often indebted to him. His hymn, ‘The Capture of Troy’ (Ἰλίου Πέρσις), provided Polygnotus with subjects for his paintings in the Lesche of Delphi, and can be traced in those episodes of the Trojan War which some artist in the first century of our era depicted on the Zabula L[haca. Among the poems of Bacchylides, there is one (Ode Stesichorus XIV, the Aztenoridae) which may well have been influenced “holies < by the method of Stesichorus in the lyric handling of an epic theme. The hymn of Stesichorus on the Calydonian Boar-hunters (Συοθῆραι) may not improbably have been a source used by Bacchylides for the story of that hunt as told by Meleager (Ode v). In writing of the Centaur Eurytion, slain by Heracles in Elis (fr. 48), Bacchylides was again on ground traversed by Stesichorus, one of whose hymns (the ['npvovnis) included the adventures of Heracles in Peloponnesus on his way home from the abode of Geryoneus (or Geryon) in the far west. More generally, a study of Stesichorus may have helped to form that epic manner of narrating myths which is characteristic of Bacchylides, as in the story of the Proetides (Ode x), and in the episode of Ajax at the ships (Ode x11). . Simonides was the last of the classical poets who Simonides. created new types of choral lyric. Those of which he may be considered the inventor are the enkomion and the epinikion. An ‘enkomion, or ‘song at a revel’ (ἐν κώμῳ), The _ was, in the technical sense, an ode in praise of a distin- π γηση, guished man, intended to be sung by a chorus at or after a banquet. Strictly speaking, then, the enkomion was a genus of which the epinikion was a species : and sometimes the line between the two was not clearly drawn. The ode of Euripides for Alcibiades, properly an epinikion, is also called an enkomion?. Pindar’s encomion for Aristagoras 1 Bergk* 1. p. 266. By Athen. Ὀλυμπίασι ἱπποδρομίας εἰς ᾿Αλκιβιάδην I. 3E it is called an ἐπινίκιον: by ἐγκώμιον. Cp. Plut. Adib. c. 11. Plut. Dem. c. 1, τὸ ἐπὶ τῇ νίκῃ τῆς Lymns to living men. The epinikion. 34 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. . of Tenedos, on the occasion of his being installed as president of the Council, stands appended to the Nemean epinikia!, although in the Alexandrian collection of Pindar’s writings the enkomia formed a distinct book. The poem of Simonides on Scopas is an example of the enkomion proper. Among the subjects of Pindar’s enkomia were Alexander the son of Amyntas, king of Macedon, and Theron of Acragas. The enkomion and the epinikion represent a further extension in the province of the hymn. Hymns were dedicated by the elder poets to gods or demigods alone; by Stesichorus, to the heroes also; and now, by Simonides, to living men. Ibycus might be regarded as having set the example, though only in a limited sense, when he wrote choral hymns in praise of youths at the court of Polycrates. But it was Simonides who first led the Greeks to feel that such a tribute might properly be paid to any man who was sufficiently eminent in merit or in station. We must remember that, in the time of Simonides, the man to whom a hymn was addressed would feel that he was receiving a distinction which had hitherto been reserved for gods and heroes. That chord is touched by Pindar in his enkomion for Alexander :— πρέπει δ᾽ ἐσλοῖσιν ὑμνεῖσθαι οὐ καλλίσταις ἀοιδαῖς" τοῦτο γὰρ ἀθανάτοις τιμαῖς ποτιψαύει μόνον". This is the only tribute to human worth that ‘ verges on the honours rendered to immortals,’ Simonides is the first recorded author of epinikia. It may well be that, before his day, the praises of athletes had been sung to their fellow-townsmen or kinsfolk ; but, if it was so, the songs have left no trace. An epinikion, though appealing in the first instance to the victor’s city and family, was also, like his renown, Panhellenic. It was an elaborate and stately work of art; and the earliest artist in that kind was Simonides. The advent of the 1 [Mem. X1.] 2 Pind. fr. 121. THE ENKOMION. THE EPINIKION. 35 epinikion at that particular period was not an accident, due to the special bent of one poet’s genius: it was con- Develop- nected with that new era in the history of the national men ane games which dated from the earlier part of the sixth sees. century. In 582" B.c. the ancient Pythian festival in honour of 7%e Apollo, which had been held in every ninth year, became 37 τα. a pentaeteris, to be held in the third year of each Olympiad. Hitherto the contests had been only in music, instrumental and vocal. To these were now added the most important of such athletic and equestrian contests as were then in use at Olympia. The Pythian festival took place in August. The agonothetae, or presidents, were the Amphictyons ; the prize was a wreath of laurel. Two years later, in 580 B.Cc., the Isthmian festival of 7%e Poseidon was reconstituted as a trieteris, to be held in the το. second and in the fourth year of each Olympiad. The celebration was in spring. The presidency belonged, in the fifth century, to the Corinthians. In the earliest times, as again in the Roman age, the Isthmian prize was a wreath of pine (πέτυς), symbolising the cult of Poseidon. In the fifth century it was a wreath of parsley (σέλιενον), which had a funereal significance, referring to the legend that the Isthmia had been founded in memory of Ino and her son Melicertes, who, after death in the waves, became re- spectively the Nereid Leucothea and the _ sea-deity Palaemon. The festival of the Nemean Zeus was remodelled in Zhe 573 B.c. Thenceforth it was a trieteris, held at the Neti beginning of the second and of the fourth year of each 1 This is the date given for the first Pythiad by the Pindaric scholia, and accepted by Bergk. Pausanias (x. 7. §3) gives 586, which was adopted by Boeckh. The date 582 is confirmed by the fragment of the Olympic register, which shows that Hieron had been victorious at Olympia in 476 and 472. Bacchylides (Ode Iv) attests that Hieron, when he won his victory at the Pythian games, had already won twice at Olympia. Now the Pythiad in which Hieron won was the 29th (Schol. Pind. P.1.). If the Pythiads were reckoned from 582, the 29th falls in 470. But if they had been reckoned from 586, it would fall in 474. 36 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. Olympiad, probably in the month of July. Down to about 460 B.C. the agonothetae were apparently the Cleonaeans ; but the presidency afterwards passed to the Argives. The prize was a wreath of parsley, signifying that the festival had originated from the funeral games held by Adrastus and his comrades in memory of Arche- morus. The The Olympian festival of Zeus—said to have been Obmpia. founded by Heracles, and renewed or enlarged by Oxylus, Iphitus, and Pheidon—dated its historical era from 776 B.C. Since then, it had been held in every fourth year. The time of celebration varied within certain limits, according to a cycle of lunar months, so as to coincide either with the second or with the third full moon after the summer solstice. The Eleans were the presidents, and appointed the judges called Hellanodikai. The prize was a wreath of wild olive (κότινος). | The games at these four great festivals were distin- guished as sacred (ἱεροὶ ἀγῶνες). But numerous minor Epinikia festivals existed in every part of Hellas; and epinikia ᾿βαβ were often written for these also. Thus the ode which is known as Pindar’s ‘second Pythian’ was for a Theban festival, perhaps the Heracleia or lolaia. The so-called ‘ninth Nemean’ was for the Pythia at Sicyon; and the ‘tenth Nemean,’ for the Hecatombaia at Argos. The thirteenth ode of Bacchylides was for the Petraia in Thessaly. When the custom of writing epinikia had once been established, the demand for them must have been considerable. Records of At Olympia the names of victors had been recorded on wutorees. stone from an early date. When the three other great festivals were reconstituted, a similar practice was doubt- less observed. Cities, too, kept local registers of the suc- Tributes to cessful athletes. Nor had a poetical tribute been wholly victors. wanting at Olympia. Before the days of the epinikion, an Olympic victor used to be greeted with that song of Archilochus which Pindar calls ‘the triumphal hymn, with 1 See Introd. to Ode I. THE EPINIKION. 37 threefold loud refrain’ (καλλίνικος ὁ τρυπλόος κεχλαδώς)", The old The refrain was τήνελλα KadXivixe, in which the first word κάλλίικος. represented the sound of the lyre. Two of the verses remain :— Xaip’ ἀναξ Ἣράκλεες, αὐτός τε καὶ ᾿Ιόλαος, αἰχμητὰ δύο. This song was still used in Pindar’s age by a comos escort- ing an athlete on the day when his victory was announced. The earliest epinikia of Simonides belonged to the Zpinikia latter years of the sixth century. In mentioning Eualcidas ΩΣ of Eretria, who was killed at Ephesus, fighting against the Persians, soon after the burning of Sardis in 499, Herodotus describes him as a famous athlete, whose victories had been ‘much praised’ by Simonides?. It is clear, then, that the poet’s epinikia gained a wide repute. Another of his early odes was for Glaucus of Carystus, a famous boxer, of whom Simonides said that not even Polydeuces or Heracles could stand up against him :— οὐδὲ Πολυδευκέος Bia "-“ > 7, a “᾿ χεῖρας ἀντείναιτ᾽ ἂν ἐναντίον αὐτῷ, οὐδὲ σιδάρεον ᾿Αλκμήνας τέκος. To Alcman that would have sounded very like an impiety ; but times were changing. Simonides wrote also for Xeno- crates of Acragas (brother of Theron), a winner at the Pythian festival of 490 B.c.; for Astylus of Croton; and for Anaxilas, tyrant of Rhegium‘ At the date when poetry first brought a tribute to 7%e poets victors in the games, sculpture was already beginning to she, honour them. The earliest sculptors who are known to *#/ptor's. have made statues of athletes, Eutelidas and Chrysothemis of Argos, were active from about 520 8.6. ; but there were some archaic statues of victors which claimed a higher age’. rma. O. ix. 1f.: “Bergk* ΤΙ, + Simon. 6, 7, 10. His epinikia p. 418. were classed by contest, as πένταθλοι 3 Herod. v. 102: στεφανηφόρους (fr. 12), τέθριπποι (fr. 14), etc. Te ἀγῶνας ἀναραιρηκότα καὶ ὑπὸ 5 Prof. Ernest Gardner, Handbook Σιμωνίδεω τοῦ Κηΐου πολλὰ αἰνεθέντα. of Greek Sculpture, pp. 191 f. 3 Simon. fr. 8 (Bergk*). 38 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. Among the sculptors who commemorated athletes at Olympia, or elsewhere, between 520 and 450 B.C., were the Argive Ageladas, the Sicyonian Canachus, and the greatest representative of the Attic school in this kind, Myron’. It is well to remember that, when the epinikion was a new thing, the artist in verse might naturally compare himself with the artist in marble or in bronze. His ode was not to be merely an ephemeral compliment; it was to be an enduring record for the victor’s city, and an heirloom for his house*?. Pindar, to whom Poetry and Sculpture are sisters in the bestowal of fame, contrasts the immovable statue with the poem which travels far and wide*. Elements In all the larger specimens of the epinikion, three of the : ; inikion. elements are normally present ;—a reference to the victory, at the beginning and at the end,—a mythical episode, linked in some way with the occasion,—and a reflective or gnomic element, leavening the whole. This general pattern A traitin was doubtless set by Simonides. The fragments of his gg epinikia, scanty as they are, warrant the belief that he Simonides; differed from Pindar in sometimes describing more fully the circumstances of the particular victory. This verse belonged to a description of a chariot-race :— κονία δὲ Tapa τροχὸν μεταμώνιος ἄρθη“" ‘Dust was lifted on the wind beside the chariot-wheel,’— another chariot being just in front. A second verse seems to speak of some precaution taken by a charioteer,—perhaps that of passing the reins round his waist, lest they should slip from his hands ;— μὴ βάλῃ φοίνικας ἐκ χειρῶν ἱμάντας. andof Bac- This Simonidean trait recurs in some epinikia of Bac- chylides. chylides. Dithy- The dithyramb, which in the time of Archilochus had ce, been distinctively a song to Dionysus, was afterwards applied to themes unconnected with that god. This en- 1 Prof. Ernest Gardner, Handbook θέμεν ἸΤαρίου λίθου λευκοτέραν. of Greek Sculpture, p. 192 (Ageladas) : 3 Pind. Δ΄. v. 1 ff. Ῥ. 195 (Canachus) : p. 238 (Myron). 4 Simon. fr. 16. 2 Pindar’s aim (ΛΗ IV. 81) is στάλαν 5 Simon. fr. 17. THE EPINIKION. THE DITHYRAMB. 39 largement of its scope must have taken place before the days of Simonides; but he is the earliest poet for whom it is attested. One of his dithyrambs was entitled Wemnon, and another Europa’. The only dithyramb of Pindar from which a considerable fragment remains (fr. 75) was strictly Dionysiac: but we do not know whether that was true of the dithyrambs in which he referred to Orion (fr. 74) and to Geryon (fr. 81). In the latter part of the fifth century B.C., dithyrambists of the new school exercised a complete freedom in their choice of subjects. The Alexandrians 4xan- seem to have applied the name ‘dithyramb’ to any poem sense of which contained a narrative concerning the heroes. as Speaking of Xenocritus, a native of the Epizephyrian Locri who was contemporary with Thaletas, Plutarch remarks that it was disputed whether he wrote paeans*. ‘They say that he was the author of poems on heroic subjects, containing narratives ; and that therefore his pieces are by some called dithyrambs. In the phrase used _ here, ἡρωϊκῶν ὑποθέσεων πράγματα ἐχουσῶν, the word πράγματα appears to mean ‘events’ (ves gestas) set forth in historical sequence. It recalls the use by Polybius of the term πραγματεία to denote his own work (I. 2 ὃ 2); and of the phrase, ὁ τῆς πραγματικῆς ἱστορίας τρόπος (26. § 8), to express ‘the method of systematic history.’ Of the poems in the Bacchylides papyrus, six (XIV—XIX) were classed 7ke taithy- by the Alexandrians as ‘dithyrambs.’ One of these (xv) Poche was so far a dithyramb in the old sense, that it was “es. intended for performance at Delphi in connexion with the winter-cult of Dionysus, though the subject (Heracles) did not relate to the god himself. Another (XVIII) is also Dionysiac, the point of it being the god’s descent from Io. Of the four others, one (XIV, Axtenoridae), which concerns the embassy of Menelaus and Odysseus to Troy, may have been produced with a dithyrambic chorus, as is suggested by the fact that, according to Bacchylides, the sons of 1 Simon. fr. 27 and 28 (Bergk* ὑποθέσεων πράγματα ἐχουσῶν ποιητὴν ΠῚ. pp. 398f.). γεγονέναι φασὶν αὐτόν" διὸ καί τινας 2 Plut. De Mus. 10: ἡρωϊκῶν γὰρ διθυράμβους καλεῖν αὐτοῦ τὰς ὑποθέσεις. 40 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. Antenor were fifty in number. It would then have been a dithyramb in the same sense as the Memmnon or the Europa of Simonides. \ 7 a / τὼς νῦν καὶ ἐμοὶ μυρία παντᾷ κέλευθος > \ ὑμετέραν ἀρετὰν ὑμνεῖν. There is another parallelism which (as it seems to me) affords a presumption, not indeed of direct imitation, but of reminiscence. Pindar says in Olymp. X. 78 ff. (484 B.C.) :— ἀρχαῖς δὲ προτέραις ἑπόμενοι καὶ viv ἐπωνυμίαν χάριν νίκας ἀγερώχου κελαδησόμεθα βροντὰν \ U ΄ καὶ πυρπάλαμον βέλος ὀρσικτύπου Διός. ‘ Following the beginnings made of yore’ [7.e. the tradition of hymning Zeus at Olympia], ‘ now also, in a tribute of song (χάριν) named after proud victory [¢.¢, in an ἐπινίκιον), will we celebrate the thunder and the fire-sped bolt of loud-pealing Zeus.’ 1 Note on vill. 11 f. : Introduction to ΧΥῚ, ὃ 5, n. 3: Introd. to XIX, § 3, n. 2. 66 CHARACTERISTICS OF BACCHYLIDES. Bacchylides writes thus in XIII. 19 ff. (of unknown date) :— Κλεοπτολέμῳ δὲ χάριν νῦν χρὴ Ποσειδᾶνος Ἰ]ετραί- ov τέμενος κελαδῆσαι. ‘Now, in tribute to Cleoptolemus, ’tis meet to celebrate the sacred domain of Poseidon Petraios.’ It will be observed that the points of resemblance between these passages are three :—(1) the peculiar sense of χάριν: (2) the construction of χάριν as accusative in apposition with the sentence: (3) the use of the verb κελαδεῖν. Pindar in [γΖλ.} 11. 55 f. (475 B.c.?) describes Archi- lochus as βαρυλόγοις ἔχθεσιν | πιαινόμενον. Bacchylides (111. 67 f., 468 Β.0.) has, ed λέγειν πάρεστιν, ὅστις μὴ φθόνῳ πιαίνεται. The stamp of the phrase is Pindaric. Pindar (fr. 90. 5) calls himself Ilvepidwv προφάταν: and Bacchylides in VIII. 3 is Movowv...mpopdaras. This phrase, which is not epic, may have been first used by Pindar: it has a Delphic tone. Pindar, in /sthm. V (VI). 12, has σύν τέ of δαίμων φυτεύει δόξαν: Bacchylides, in XVI. 68 f. (Ζεὺς) Mivwi φύτευσε τιμάν: but this is less significant. We should be cautious in assuming a debt on either part, where the phrase is of a commonplace lyric character. Thus Bacchylides Vv. 9 (476 B.C.) has σὺν Χαρίτεσσι βαθυζώνοις : Pindar Pyth. 1x. 1 (of 474 B.C.) has σὺν βαθυζώνοισιν... Xapitecot: where, if either was a debtor, the chronology points to Pindar; but as the epithet is so conventional and obvious, it is needless to suppose any borrowing. Again, the phrase of Bacchylides in V. 196f., εὐκλέα... γλῶσσαν οὐ πέμπειν ‘lépwv, has boldness of a Pindaric kind: but, as a matter of fact, the passages of Pindar which show a like use of γλῶσσα occur in odes probably subsequent in date to the ode of Bacchylides, namely JV. Iv. 86 (456 B.C. ?), and Ο. IX. 44 (464 B.C.). Apart from any question of verbal imitation, we find some noteworthy coincidences of thought and sentiment INFLUENCE OF PINDAR, AND OF AESCHYLUS. 67 between the two poets. Both deprecate scepticism as to marvels by the remark that ‘nothing is incredible’ when gods are at work (Pind. Pyth. x. 48 ff.: Bacch. 111. 57 ἢ, Xvi. 117f.). Both regard fame and opulence as the two main factors of ὄλβος, wherewith a mortal should be con- tent (Pind. /sthm. Iv (V). 13 f.: Bacch. ν. 50—55). Both, when celebrating victories in the chariot-race, praise the man who ‘does not keep his wealth hidden’ (Pind. Mem. I. 31, /sthm. 1. 67: Bacch. Il. 13 f.). Both speak of just praise as a benign dew which fosters the tender plant of apera (Pind. Nem. vill. 40 ff.: Bacch. v. 197 f.). The influence of Aeschylus on the diction of Bacchylides Aeschylus. is shown by a number of traces. Supplices (c. 491-490 B.C.?). 555. βαθύπλουτος. This word, which first occurs here, is used by Bacchylides (III. 82), but not by Pindar.—104 f. νεάζει πυθμὴν | ...τεθαλώς. Compare Bacch. v. 198 πυθμένες θάλλουσιν ἐσθλῶν.--- 973 f. πᾶς τις ἐπειπεῖν ψόγον ἀλλοτρίοις | evTUKos. The construction of εὔτυκος with an infinitive recurs in Bacch. vill. 4 ff. Persae (472 B.C.). 104. πολέμους πυργοδαΐκτους. Com- pounds of δαΐζω are Aeschylean: Theb. 735 αὐτοδάϊκτοι: Cho. 1071 λουτροδάϊκτος. Bacchylides (VIII. 6) has μηλο- daixtav. [In Pers. 104 should we read πυργοδαΐκτας ?]— 111. πόντιον ἄλσος The phrase first occurs in this place: it is not epic or Pindaric. Bacchylides has it in XVI. 84 f—731. κἀπικουρίας στρατοῦ. This is the first occurrence of ἐπικουρία : the word is used by Bacchylides (XVII. 13), but by no other poet of the classical age except Euripides.—1072. ἁβροβάται. The word occurs in Bacch. Ill. 78 (468 B.C.), but nowhere else. Septem contra Thebas (467 B.C.). The rare word apyn- στής, found in verse 80 (and in Ewmenides 181), is used by Bacchylides in v. 67 (476 B.c.). It occurs nowhere else, except in Theocritus xxv. 131. If it was from the mint of Aeschylus, Bacchylides must have found it in some lost play of which the date was earlier than 476 B.c.—882. ἐρειψίτοιχοι. This is the only extant compound with Vocabu- lary of Bacchyli- des. 68 CHARACTERISTICS OF BACCHYLIDES. ἐρειψι-, except the ἐρειψυπύλαν of Bacchylides in v. 56, and his ἐρειψ[ελάοις Ὁ] in ΧΙΙ. 167. Prometheus Vinctus (later than 468 B.c.). In 588 Io has the form of a maiden, with the horns of an ox (Bov- Kepws παρθένος). This was probably the conception adopted by Bacchylides (see Introduction to XVIII, § 1). The word οἰστρόπληξ, an epithet of lo which occurs first in P.V. 681, is restored with certainty in Bacchylides XVIII. 40.—In 724f. Prometheus speaks of the Amazons, a? Θεμίσκυράν ποτε] κατοικιοῦσιν ἀμφὶ Θερμώδονθ᾽, iva k.T.X.: compare Bacchylides VII. 42 f. ταί 7 ἐπ᾽ εὐναεῖ πόρῳ | οἰκεῦσι Θερμώδοντος. Choephori (458 B.C.). 362. πεισιβρότῳ... βάκτρῳ (πισίμ- βροτον... βάκτρον cod. Laur.). The only other occurrence of the adjective is in Bacchylides vitl. 1 f. δόξαν... πεισίμ- βροτον (where see n.).—In 1071 f. Agamemnon is ᾿Αχαιῶν | πολέμαρχος ἀνήρ. (In Theb. 828 πολεμάρχους refers to the sons of Oedipus.) Compare Bacchylides XVI. 39 πολέμ- apxe Κνωσίων. These are our only examples of the word πολέμαρχος used in a non-technical sense, with the exception of the phrase πολέμαρχος...συνεφήβων in an inscription of the second century (Kaibel, Epzgr. Graeca 960. 2). Upwards of a hundred words otherwise unknown are found in the poems of Bacchylides. The nouns substantive are ἄθυρσις (XII. 93), θατήρ (XI. 8), μουνοπάλα (XI. 8). If in XVI. 112 didva were sound, we should have to assume aiwv as the name for some kind of garment: but the word is probably corrupt. In V. 110 εἰσάνταν is a novel substitute for the Homeric adverb eicavta. The new verbs are yeXavow (V. 80), εὐμαρέω (I. 65), καταχραίνω (V. 44), ὀλιγοσθενέω (V. 139), πεδοιχνέω (XV. 9); to which ἀωτεύω (VIII. 13) may safely be added. But the vast majority of the new words,—more than ninety,—are compound adjectives. Some of these, doubtless, though previously strange to us, had been used by poets before Bacchylides ; but many, if not most, of them may well have been his own HIS NEW WORDS. 69 inventions. The general character of this considerable accession to the lexicons may best, perhaps, be illustrated by a selection of groups. I. One set of such groups may be arranged according to the first element in the compound. 1. Thus we have the following new compounds beginning with dvagi-:— avakiaros (XIX. 8), ἀναξιβρόντας (XVI. 66), ἀναξίμολπος (VI. 10). 2. With εὐρυ-:---εὐρυάναξ (V. 19), evpvdivas (III. 7), εὐρυνεφής (XV. 17). 3. With μεγιστο-:--- μεγεστοπά- τωρ (V. 199), μεγιστοάνασσα (XVIII. 21),—meaning μέγιστος πατήρ, μεγίστη ἄνασσα. 4. With ὀρσι--:---ὀρσίαλος (XV. 19), ὀρσιβάκχας (XVIII. 49), ὀρσίμαχος (XIV. 3). 5. With ὑψι-:--ὑψαυχής (ΧΙ. 85), ὑψεάγυια (XII. 71), ὑψιδαίδαλτος (XIII. 18), ὑψίδειρος (Iv. 4). 6. With χαλκεο- Or χαλκο-:]---- χαλκεόκρανος (V. 74), χαλκεόκτυπος (XVII. 59), χαλκόκτυπος (Ὁ XIII. 16), χαλκοκώδων (XVII. 3), yarKxoteryns (III. 32). II. Other small groups are indicated by the second element in the composite word. 1. New compounds with ἔπος:---θελξιεπής (XIV. 48), θερσιεπής (XII. 199), τερψιεπής (XII. 230). 2. With ὄνομα:---ἐρατώνυμος (XVI. 31), χαριτ- @vupos (II. 2). III. We note also a group of which the common characteristic is that the compound adjective is formed by combining the stems of two substantives:— ἀρέταιχμος (XVI. 47), ἀστύθεμις (IV. 3), θερσιεπής (XII. 199), κεραυνεγχής (VII. 48), πολεμαιγίς (XVI. 7), πυργοκέρας (frag. 31,=51 Bergk), χαριτώνυμος (II. 2). IV. If the new adjectives of Bacchylides are considered in regard to their meaning, we observe that the following are expressive of colour or of splendour :—xvavavOns (XII. 124), μελαμφαρής (XII. 13), EavOodepxns (VIII. 12), πορ- gupodivas (VIII. 39), πυριέθειρα (XVI. 56), πυρσόχαιτος (XVII. 51), φοινίκασπις (VIII. 10), φοινικόθριξ (X. 105), φοινικοκράδεμνος (XII. 97), φοινικόνωτος (V. 102), χρυσεό- πλοκος (XVI. 106), χρυσεόσκαπτρος (VIII. 100), χρυσόπαχυς (V. 40). V. Lastly, from the metrical point of view, it may be noted how many of the poet’s new words have the form 1 In compounds Pindar uses only χαλκεο- and χρυσεο-. χαλκο-, χρυσο-: Bacchylides, also Adjectives common to Pindar and Bac- chylides. Analogies in the two vocabu- laries. 7ο CHARACTERISTICS OF BACCHYLIDES. v-vv—:—aednrobpouas (V. 39), ἀερσίμαχος (XII. 100), ἀμετρόδικος (X. 68), ἀναιδομάχας (v. 195), ἀναξίαλος (XIX. 8), ἀριστοπάτρα (X. 196), arapBouayas (XV. 28), ἐρειψιπύλας (V. 56), μεγιστοπάτωρ (V. 199). Besides the adjectives included in the groups just noted, there are more than forty others, also peculiar to Bacchylides, which scarcely call for special remark. They are enumerated below’. It is instructive to compare Bacchylides and Pindar in respect to their choice of poetical epithets. Many such words are common to both; as ἀγλαόθρονος: δαμασίμ- Bpotos (epithet of sword or spear): διχόμηνις: ἐρισφάραγος (epithet of Zeus): θεόδματος: θεόδοτος: θεότιμος: θρασυ- μήδης : ἰοβλέφαρος: ἰόπλοκος : ἰοστέφανος : μεγαλοσθενής: μελίφρων: ὀρθόδικος (or -δίκας): πλάξιππος: πολυώνυμος: τηλαυγής: τοξόκλυτος: φαυσίμβροτος: φιλάγλαος: φιλάνωρ: χάλκασπις: χρυσαλάκατος: χρυσάμπυξ: χρυσάρματος: χρυσάωρ (-dopos? Bacch. III. 28): χρύσασπις : χρυσοκόμας: χρυσόπεπλοςς Further, we note ἃ large number of instances in which the word of Bacchylides is not used by Pindar, but finds some analogy of form in the Pindaric vocabulary. The following are examples :— BACCHYLIDES. PINDAR. ἀμετρόδικος. ἀϊδροδίκας. ἀναξιβρόντας. αἰολοβρόντας. ἀκαμαντορόας. ἀκαμαντόπους (etc.). 1 ἀκαμαντορόας (V. 183): ἀριστ- (Υ. 73, XIII. 14): μεγαίνητος (111. 64): αλκής (VII. 7): ἀριστοπάτρα (ill. 1): βαθυδείελος (1. 139) : βροτωφελής (ΧΙΙ. 191): δαᾳαδοφόρος (fr. 23): δνόφεος (xv. 32, otherwise known only from Hesych.): δυσμάχητος (if fr. 32 be- longs to Bacch.): ἑλικοστέφανος (VIII. 62): ἐρειψίλαος (?XI1. 167): ἐρειψι- πύλας (V. 56): evalveros (XVIII. 11): εὔγυιος (X. 10): εὐεγχής (XII. 147): edvans (VIII. 42): θελημός (XVI. 85): θρασύχειρ (11. 4): ἱδρώεις (XII. 57): ἱμεράμπυξ (XVI. 9): ἱμερόγυιος (XII. 137): ἱπποδίνητος (V. 2): ἱππώκης (x. 101): καλλιρόας (X. 26, 96): λεπτόπρυμνος (XVI. 119): λιγυκλαγγής μεγαλοκλεής (VII. 49): μελαγκευθής (Ῥ 111. 55, fr. 25): μελαμφαρής (III. 13): μελανόκολπος (? fr. 23): μηλο- δαΐκτας (VIII. 6): νεόκριτος (see Ap- pendix on VII. 14): vedxporos (Vv. 48): ὀβριμοδερκής (XV. 20): ὀβριμόσπορος (XVIII. 32): ὀλυμπιόδρομος (III. 3): οὔλιος as = οὗλος (XVII. 53): πάμ- φθερσις (fr. 20): πανθᾶλής (XII. 229): πάννικος (X. 21): mAelorapxos (III. 12): πολύφαντος (XII. 61): πρώθηβος (xvil. 57): πυργοκέρας (fr. 31): σεμνοδότειρα (11. 1): ὑμνοάνασσα (XI. 1): φερεκυδής (XII. 182): φρενοάρας (xvi. 118). HIS EPITHETS COMPARED WITH PINDAR’S. 71 BACCHYLIDES. PINDAR. ἀναιδομάχας. + + ἀπειρομάχας. ἀριστοπάτρα. - 4. ἀριστόγονος. βαρύβρομος. . βαρύκτυπος. δαμασίχθων (οἵ Bestitony: . ἐλασίχθων (do.). ἑλικοστέφανος. νον, ἐλικάμπυξ. εὐρυνεφής (of Zeus). - . . ὀρσινεφής. θερσιεπής. . . « θρασύμυθος. θρασυμέμνων. εὐ . + θρασυμάχανος. θρασύχειρ. . « « θρασύγυιος. ἱμερόγυιος. . 4. ἀγλαόγυιος. ἑἱπποδίνητος. . . . ὠκυδίνατος (of chariot- races). καρτερόχειρ. οὐ + « καρτεραίχμας. κεραυνεγχής. . ἐγχεικέραυνος. κυανανθής (‘of dark hue . λευκανθής (of corpses). λιπαρόζωνος. οὐ + « λιυπαράμπυξ. μελίγλωσσος. νον μελίγαρυς, μελίφθογγος. νεόκτιτος. οὐ νος, VEOKTLCTOS. ὀρσίαλος (of Poseidon). . . . ὀρσοτρίαινα (do.). παλίντροπος. . 4.2. παλιντράπελος. πανθαλής. » . . εὐθᾶλῆς. πυργοκέρας. . . . ὑψικέρας. τανύθριξ. . . . τανυέθειρα. ὑψίδειρος. . . « ὑψίλοφος. χαλκεόκρανος (ios). 4s χαλκότοξος. ὠκύπομπος. νος, ὠκύπορος. A few notes on special points may be added. (1) Pin- dar has a remarkable number of adjectives compounded with πᾶμ- or παν-:- παμβίας, παμπειθής, παμποίκιλος, παμπόρφυρος, πάμπρωτος, παμφάρμακος, παμφόρος, πάμ- ῴφωνος, πανδαίδαλος, πάνδοκος, πανέτης, πάντολμος. Bac- chylides has the following (of which those marked with * are peculiar to him):—*audOepo.s, πανδαμάτωρ, παν- δερκής, πανθαλής and Ἐπανθᾶλής, *wavvixos. (2) Very characteristic of Pindar are the compounds of ἀγλαός :— ἀγλαόγυιος, ayNaddevdpos, ἀγλαόθρονος, ἀγλαόκαρπος, ay- Bacchyli- des and Greek art. 72 BACCHYLIDES AND THE. VASE-PAINTERS. λαόκολπος (probable in JV. III. 56), ayAacxoupos, ἀγλαο- τρίαινα. Bacchylides has ἀγλαόθρονος, but no other. (3) Pindar also loves compounds with ποικίλος :—rotxir- ἄνιος, ποικιλόγαρυς, ποικιλόνωτος, ποικιλοφόρμιγξ. Bac- chylides has no such compound. (4) The Pindaric φοινικο- group consists of φοινικάνθεμος, φοινικόκροκος, φοινικόπεζα, φοινικόροδος, φοινικοστερόπας. [In JV. IX. 28 it is better to write Φοινικοστόλων, ‘sent by the Phoenicians, than, with Mezger, φοινικοστόλων.) Not one of these words occurs in the q@oivixo-group of Bacchylides (see above, p. 69). (5) The word Xezrapos is a favourite with Pindar, who applies it especially to opulent cities, but never to persons. Here he follows the Homeric rule. (In Od. 15. 332, where youths are λυπαροὶ κεφαλάς, the reference is to anointing with oil.) But Bacchylides in v. 169 has λιπαρὰν... ἄκοιτιν, where the notion is that of rich adornment and stately surroundings; it may be expressed by ‘queenly.’ This un-Homeric use may have been suggested by the 7heogony, ν. 901: δεύτερον ἠγάγετο λιπαρὴν Θέμιν. The general result of the foregoing survey is to show that the diction of Bacchylides, though influenced in several particulars by earlier or contemporary poets, has a well-marked character of its own, which comes out when we examine his mintage of new words. His work in this kind often shows the bent of his own fancy. Certain traits of his style which belong to the province of dialect and of grammar are reserved for separate treatment. The relation of Bacchylides to Greek art is a subject which no student of his poetry canignore. Vase-paintings illustrate the story of Croesus as told in the third ode; the struggle of Heracles with the Nemean lion, at the beginning of the twelfth; the reception of Theseus by Amphitrite, in the sixteenth ode; and the account of that hero’s deeds on his way from Troezen to Athens, in the seventeenth. Details as to these vases will be found in the Introductions to the several poems, and in the com- mentary on the text. But a few words must be said here HIS REPUTE IN ANTIQUITY. 73 on the general import of such coincidences. It is known that the epic hymns of Stesichorus furnished themes to Greek painters in the fifth century B.c.; and it might seem natural to suppose that, in some cases, Bacchylides exercised a similar influence. But the relation of Bac- chylides to the vase-painters was, in fact, wholly different from that of the older poet. Stesichorus, by an original treatment of the myths, popularised versions which became established in tradition, and which the vase-painters adopted. Bacchylides did not innovate, like Stesichorus, or boldly recast his material, like Pindar. He adhered to the forms of the myths generally current in his own day. When he and the vase-painters concur, it certainly is not because they have followed him. In at least two instances, his poem is later than the vase which supplies an illustra- tion of it. The cause is either that the same poetical tradition has been their common source, or that Bacchylides has followed the vase-painters, who, in the fifth century, had a large influence in popularising mythical scenes and situations. A case in which the latter explanation seems highly probable is that passage of the seventeenth ode which mentions two heroes as accompanying Theseus on his journey to Athens’. The series of references to Bacchylides in ancient writers extends from the Alexandrian age to the sixth century of the Christian era. He is not mentioned in any extant book of the fifth or fourth century B.c. But it would be very unwarrantable to infer from such silence that his work was then held in slight esteem. We know that a prominent citizen of Aegina, when he wished his son’s victory at Nemea to be worthily commemorated, coupled Bacchylides with Pindar in the commission. We know also that Bacchylides alone eelebrated the latest and highest distinction won at Olympia by the Syracusan 1 See on this subject C. Robert in xvi, 82 (the kylix of Euphronius). Hermes, vol. XXX111, p. 130 (1898). 3 Introd. to xvII, 83: also the 2 See Introd. to Ode 111, 82 (the note on XVII. 46. Croesus amphora): and Introd. to J. B. 6 Stestchorus and Bac- chylides: their re- spective relations to the vase- painters. Repute of Bacchyli- des in antiquity. 74 ANCIENT REPUTE OF BACCHYLIDES. prince for whom Pindar had previously written. Among those who, in the fifth century, felt the charm of Bac- chylides, we may probably count Euripides. The sixteenth ode would have had some interest for a dramatist whose Theseus dealt with the adventure in Crete. A lyric passage in the Sacchae (862 ff.) seems to be reminiscent of some beautiful verses in the twelfth ode (83—90). But it is needless to say that in the highest regions of lyric poetry, and in those lyric qualities which pass triumphantly through the test of choral performance, Bacchylides could not vie with Simonides or with Pindar. The distinctive merits of Bacchylides, his transparent clearness, his gift of narrative, his felicity in detail, the easy flow of his elegant verse, rather fitted him to become a favourite with readers. Like Horace, who sometimes imitated him, he was a poet who gave pleasure without demanding effort, a poet with whom the reader could at once feel at home. This, we may well believe, was the secret of his popularity; as would perhaps be still more apparent if time had spared some of his partheneia, and of those lighter compositions, such as the convivial songs, in which a bright fancy and a delicate touch peculiarly qualified him to excel. The earliest men- tions of his name, the earliest quotations from his work, occur in the Alexandrian scholia. This is precisely what might have been anticipated ; for the Alexandrian age was an age of readers. An idea of the vogue which Bacchylides enjoyed in the ancient world may best be formed by considering the sources to which we were indebted for such knowledge of his poetry as existed before the discovery of the Egyptian papyrus. The fragments and notices of Bacchylides collected at the end of this volume are sixty-one in number. The first thirty-four items (as arranged in this edition) are ‘fragments * proper, ze. citations of his words. The remaining items are ‘notices, which do not cite his words?, In the following survey of the sources, we indicate the item or items which each source furnishes. 1 See Nauck, 7rag. Graec. Frag- 2 Elsewhere in this volume, the menta (2nd ed.), p. 477. term ‘fragment’ (abbreviated ‘fr.’) is RANGE OF THE CITATIONS. 75 The oldest sources are the scholia on Homer, Hesiod, Sources of Pindar, Aristophanes, Apollonius Rhodius, and Callimachus. pb To these are due fragments 6 and 23; and notices 36, 39, 7“. 42, 43, 44, 45, 47, 48, 49, 53, 54, 56,61. Didymus (flor. c. 30 B.C.) wrote a special commentary on the Epinikia of Bacchylides (see fragment 31). In the Augustan age, Bacchylides is quoted by Diony- sius of Halicarnassus on a point of rhythm (fragment 11); and Strabo corrects him on a point of geography (notice 57). Llowards the end of the first century we find Plutarch speaking of his partheneia (n. 40), and quoting him more than once (fr. 29, and fr. 3, verses 6—10). In the second century, he is cited by the grammarian Apollonius Dyscolus (fr. 31), by the paroemiographer Zenobius (fr. 5, 24), and by the metrist Hephaestion (fr. 12, 14, 15), on matters per- taining to their respective subjects. Aulus Gellius mentions him with reference to a detail of mythology (n. 52). Athenaeus is thoroughly familiar with his poems (fr. 13, 16, 17, 18, 22: n. 60). Clement of Alexandria draws on him for illustrations of general sentiments (fr. 21, 32), especially such as concern the divine nature, and human destiny (fr. 19, 20: see also crit. note on ode XIV. 50). In the third century, Porphyrion indicates an imitation of Bacchylides by Horace (n. 46); and the rhetor Menander refers to a class of his hymns (n. 37). The fourth century continues the series of witnesses. Himerius touches on the love of Bacchylides for his native 1115 (n. 59). The commentary of Didymus on the poet’s Epinikia is noticed in the lexicon of Ammonius (n. 35). From Ammianus Marcellinus we learn that Julian read Bacchylides with pleasure, and quoted from him a passage in which the grace lent by purity to rising manhood Was compared with that which a fine artist can give to a beautiful countenance (n. 41). Servius, the commentator on Virgil, was acquainted with the ‘dithyrambs’ of Bac- chylides (n. 38, 51). used, for purposes of reference, as fragments in the proper sense from including the notices. But in this mere notices. By ‘n.’ is here meant passage it is convenient to distinguish a notice. 6—2 Estimate of Bacchy- lides in the Περὶ ὕψους. 76 THE PSEUDO-LONGINUS ON BACCHYLIDES. At the close of the fifth century, or early in the sixth, Stobaeus culled a large number of passages from the Cean poet, including the well-known fragment of a paean on the blessings of peace (fr. 1, 2, 3, 7, 8, 9, 10, 20, 28). Our debt to Stobaeus in this respect is larger than to any other single author. Priscian, in the first quarter of the sixth century, illustrates a point of metre from Bacchylides (fr. 27). A few additional fragments or notices come to us from Byzantine or medieval sources, such as the Etymo- logicum Magnum (fr. 25, 30); Joannes.Siceliota (fr. 26); Tzetzes (n. 55); Natalis Comes (n. 50). An elegiac in- scription for a tripod (fr. 33), and another for a votive shrine (fr. 34), are ascribed to Bacchylides in the Palatine Anthology. It appears, then, that his writings remained in repute down to the latest period of the ancient civilisation. He was not merely a subject of learned study to specialists in grammar, metre, or mythology. He continued to find readers in the cultivated world at large, among men of letters such as Stobaeus, and among men of affairs such as Julian. The only definite estimate of Bacchylides which has come down from antiquity is contained in the famous treatise Περὶ ὕψους, ‘On elevation of style’, traditionally ascribed to Cassius Longinus (77. ας. 260 A.D.), but more probably the work of an unknown writer who lived in the first century of our era*. The author’s aesthetic criticism, often instructive where traits of classical writers are illus- trated in detail, sometimes enlarges rhetorically on pro- positions which now seem platitudes. Thus he insists at 1 The traditional rendering, ‘On the Sublime,’ is altogether misleading. However ‘sublimity’ be defined, the subject of the Ilepi ὕψους is something much wider. It is a discussion of the qualities which raise style to a high excellence. * From the appearance of the editio princeps (Robortello’s) in 1554 down to the beginning of the nine- teenth century, the ascription to Lon- ginus was practically unchallenged. The turning-point was Amati’s dis- covery (in 1808) of the Vatican Ms. 285, with the inscription Διονυσίου ἢ Aoyylvov περὶ ὕψους. The question is reviewed, historically and critically, by Prof. W. Rhys Roberts, in the introduction to his excellent edition (1899). BACCHYLIDES AND HORACE. 77 some length on the incontrovertible truth that, in literature, high genius, though attended by some faults or lapses, is preferable to flawless merit on a lower level. From that point of view he contrasts Homer with Apollonius Rhodius, Archilochus with Eratosthenes, Sophocles with Ion of Chios, and Pindar with Bacchylides. What we learn from the passage is how this writer defined the most general charac- teristic, as he deemed it, of Bacchylides. It is, in his phrase, καλλυγραφία, ‘elegance of style, marked by τὸ γλαφυρόν, ‘polish, and equably maintained’. That does not tell us much; it is not a help towards appreciating or analysing the qualities distinctive of the poet. Yet it has at least the interest of showing the broad impression which the essayist had received, and which, as he assumes, would be shared by his contemporaries. Far more instructive are those traces of Bacchylides Bacchyii- which remain in the odes of Horace. Paris is carrying prsticyh Helen across the Aegean; the sea-god Nereus stills the winds, and, addressing him, prophesies the woes that are to come,—the ruin of Troy, and the doom which awaits the false guest of the Spartan king* After the first stanza, which briefly indicates the occasion, the rest of the little ode, which contains only thirty-six verses, is the speech of Nereus. Here, as Porphyrion tells us, Horace was imitating a poem of Bacchylides in which the fate of Ilium was predicted by Cassandra*. The type and the scale of that poem may be inferred from the examples which we now possess in the fourteenth, fifteenth, and seventeenth odes of Bacchylides. Horace had seized the motive and caught the inspiration of such pieces. He had noted the peculiar kind of poetical effect which Bacchylides produces by a small picture taken from the heroic myth- ology,—a short poem which marks a situation, and then breaks off, after foreshadowing a catastrophe. The prophecy 1 Περὶ ὕψους c. XXXII. Bacchy- 2 Hor. Carm. 1. 15. lides and Ion of Chios are described 3 Bacch. fr. 46. See note on as ἀδιάπτωτοι (‘flawless’) καὶ ἐν τῷ fr. 6. γλαφυρῷ πάντῃ κεκαλλιγραφημένοι. 78 BACCHYLIDES AND HORACE. of Nereus in the ode of Horace may be compared, from this standpoint, to the warning speech of Menelaus with which the fourteenth ode of Bacchylides abruptly closes. The integrity of that ode, and of the fifteenth, as the papyrus has them, is indirectly confirmed by the imitative ode of Horace, which ends with a like suddenness. We can perceive also that Horace felt the curious felicity which is sometimes seen in the Greek poet’s phrases. The power of wine in stimulating the fancy is described by Bacchylides as γλυκεῖ ἀνάγκα (fr. 16). Horace says of Bacchus, 7x lene tormentum ingenio admoves Plerumque duro (C. Ul. 21.13 f.). His choice of tovmentum was evidently prompted by the special associations of the Greek word in such expressions aS ἀνάγκην προστιθέναι or προσάγειν Tas ἀνάγκας : though Bacchylides presumably meant nothing more specific than ‘a sweet compulsion.’ There are, indeed, several points of analogy between the genius of Horace and that of Bacchylides. Both poets could succeed in stately odes, but were perhaps more thoroughly at home in poems of a lighter strain. Both excelled in lyric cameo-work. Both were men of a modest and genial temper, with a homely philosophy which in- culcated the virtue of contentment. A notable resemblance to the tone of Horace appears in those verses of Bacchylides which proffer a hospitality not set off by ‘gold or purple carpets, but commended by ‘a kindly spirit, and good wine in Boeotian cups®” Under the Empire, during those centuries when the faculty of comprehending a Pindar was becoming rarer, the last representative of the classical Greek lyric may well have retained a quiet popularity by qualities like those which have endeared Horace to the modern world. n. there). But the words caliginosa nocte (referring to the hidden future, in C. III. 29. 30) are curiously parallel 1 Verses 16—20 of Horace’s ode suggest a general reminiscence of Bacch. fr. 16. 5—8, and perhaps also of Pindar fr. 218. It is unnecessary to suppose that Horace’s apis Matinae (C. Iv. 2. 28f.) was suggested by Bacch. IX. τὸ (see with the νυκτὸς δνόφοισιν of Bac- chylides in a like context (vii. 89f.). ? Bacch. fr. 17. Compare Horace Carm. 1. 38 and 11. 18. 79 IV. DIALECT AND GRAMMAR. The dialect prescribed by tradition for choral lyric poetry was Doric in its general colouring. But the Doricism could be more or less strongly marked, and more or less tempered by an admixture of non-Doric forms, accerding to the taste of the poet. Indeed, as Pindar shows, the same poet might vary the complexion of his dialect from ode to ode. In the dialect of Bacchylides, the Doricism,—which for him, an Ionian, was purely con- ventional,—is of the mildest type. It is further distinctive of him that, in numerous instances, he modifies Doric forms by compromises which his own sense of euphony dictated, but which it is difficult to bring under any consistent rules. He sometimes retains y, instead of the Doric a, in order Doric a. to avoid the occurrence of the a-sound in two successive syllables. Thus he writes ἀδμήτα (V. 167), but ἄδματοι (X. 84): λῃσταί (XVII. 8), but λαΐδος (XV. 17): φήμα (II. 1), but φαμὶ καὶ φάσω (I. 49). It is not easy to see why he should agree with Pindar in writing προφάτας (VIII. 3, IX. 28), and yet differ from him in writing κυβερνήτας (V. 47, XI. 11). Pindar has ζαλωτός: Bacchylides has ἐπίζηλος (V. 52), πολύζηλος (X. 63), πολυζήλωτος (VII. 10, etc.). His ᾿Αθάνα (XII. 195, etc.) and ᾿Αθᾶναι (XVII. 60) may be explained by supposing that, in, these instances, . the Doric convention of the choral lyric was too strong for him. A like explanation possibly applies to the case of σελάνα (VIII. 29); and of ἀλάθεια (once ἀλαθεία), which is so spelled in five places: in one place (Vv. 187) the MS. has ἀληθείας, but manifestly by an error. As to otpatayé (v. 2), used in addressing Hieron, he had no choice; it was an official title, and he was bound to use the Doric form. In XVI. 121 we find also στραταγέτας. Comparing σκᾶπτρον (III. 70) with ἐπισκήπτων (V. 42, VI. 41), we may perhaps infer that a after ox displeased the poet’s ear in the middle of a word, but not in the first syllable. There are some instances in which the preference of to Doric a is not Other Dorictsms. 80 BACCHYLIDES. peculiar to Bacchylides, but was general in the less strict type of Doricism; such are εἰρήνα (V. 200, etc.), 78a (III. 90), μῆλον ‘sheep’ (V. 109): στῆθος (V. 15). To these, ᾿Αλκμή- vios (V. 71) may probably be added: several editors of Pindar, including Bergk and W. Christ, give ᾿Αλκμήνα, with some MS. authority, in his text, though Schréder now prefers ᾿Αλκμάνα. The variations in the poet’s practice with regard to the Doric a are warnings that, when the Ms. has an exceptional ἢ, it should not lightly be altered, unless the case is as clear as it is in V. 187 (ἀληθείας). There are two places in which Blass alters ἡ to a, but in which it appears to me safer to retain ἡ. Each of these must be considered in the light of the euphonic context. (1) X. 45 f. ...«παραπλῆγι φρένας | καρτερᾷ ζεύξασ᾽ ἀνάγκᾳ. Here Blass, writing παραπλᾶῶνγι, can appeal to πλάξιππον (V. 97) and πλᾶξεν (Χ. 86). But, as is shown by the examples given above, we cannot assume that, with Bacchylides, the desire of consistency would have prevailed over considerations of euphony ; and it seems very probable that the number of a sounds in V. 46, καρτερᾷ ζεύξασ᾽ ἀνάγκᾳ, may have led him to write παραπλῆγι. (2) Similarly in xX. 92 ἔ, τρισκαίδεκα μὲν τελέους | μῆνας κατὰ δάσκιον ἠλύκταζον ὕλαν, Blass writes ἀλύσκαζον : but the vicinity of -as, -a, δασκ-, -αν would, in the case of this poet, explain the preference of ἡ- to -d. He uses, as Pindar does, the Doric (and Aeolic) inflexion ὄρνιχες (V. 22). The Doric αὐ occurs twice (V. 5 ai τις, XVI. 64 ai κε), as against some fourteen instances of εἰ or εἴπερ. The Doric ore, ‘as, used by Pindar, is found once (XVI. 105). The Doric ending of the 3rd pers. plur. in τοντι seems to be preferred by Bacchylides under two con- ditions: viz. (1) when £ or ee precedes, as in καρύξοντι (XII. 231) and πτάσσοντι (V. 22); though, for metrical convenience, he can write αὔξουσιν (IX. 45): (2) when the final . is elided; as in βρίθοντ᾽ (fr. 3. 12), and σεύοντ᾽ (XVII. 10). Pindar uses either the Doric -οντί}), or the Aeolic ending (not used by Bacchylides) in -οισι(ν), pre- ferring the latter, as a general rule, where the paragogic DIALECT. 81 ν is required. But Bacchylides can also use -ove., as in ἴσχουσι (V. 24), or (for verbs in -éw) -εῦσι, as in οἰκεῦσι (VIII. 43). From verbs in -ws we find φασίν (V. 155), not Pindar’s φαντί. Pindar uses both εἰσί(ν) and ἐντί: Bacchy- lides, only the former (VIII. 88, fr. 19. 2). The Doric infinitive in -e occurs four times; ἐρύκεν (XVI. 41), θύεν (XV. 18), ioyev (XVI. 88), φυλάσσεν (XVIII. 25). On the other hand, we find ζώειν (1. 57), λαγχάνειν (IV. 20), λέγειν (III. 67 and V. 164): and, from verbs in -éw, εὐμαρεῖν (1. 65), ὑμνεῖν (VI. 6). The infin. of φαμί is φάμεν (II. 65), as with Pindar (0. I. 36), not φάναι. . The sporadic Aeolicisms are not numerous. κλεεννός Acolic appears thrice (1. 6, V. 12, 182), as against six instances of 27" κλεινός. Pindar, too, supplies only three examples of κλεεννός (one of these being the superl.. κλεεννότατον, P. IV. 280), as against fourteen of κλεινός. Once only does ’ Bacchylides use Μοῖσα (Vv. 4, the form always employed by Pindar), while in ten places he has Μοῦσα. The Aeolic ἄμμι (XVI. 25) is the only part of the pronoun of the Ist pers. plur. which occurs in his text. The Aeolic ending of the first aorist in -ξα instead of -ca is used by Bacchylides for some verbs in -af@ or -ifw ; δοίαξε (X. 87): εὐκλέϊξας (VI. 16): παιάνιξαν (XVI. 129). But we find also ἀγκομίσσαι (111. 89), as in Pindar’s usage κομίσαι alternates with κομίξαι. When x precedes, euphony forbids -ξα : hence ᾧκεσσεν (VIII. 22), a form used also by Pindar (/sthm. VU. 20). As to the Aeolic ἔλλαθιε, see note on xX. 8. The infin. ἔμμεναι (XVII. 14) is Aeolic and Homeric. Two Aeolic forms of the participle occur; ἐπαθρήσαις (XII. 227) and λαχοῖσαν (XVIII. 13). The diction of epic poetry contributes another element. ἘῸΝ and Bacchylides (like Pindar) uses the epic genitive in -ow, pire: sometimes called Thessalian, as ἀριγνώτοιο (IX. 37). In XVI. 20 geptatov should perhaps be φερτάτοι᾽ : but in XVI. 42 the ἀμβρότοι᾽ of the MS. should be awBpotov. The genit. plur. of ᾿ἀνήρ is once ἀνέρων (XII. 196), though in six other places ἀνδρῶν: the dat. ἄνδρεσσι is used (V. 96, X. 114) as well as ἀνδράσι ([τ. 16.6). We find the epic form κλισίῃσιν Digamma. 82 BACCHYLIDES. (XII. 135), and the genitive of the epic παιήονες (XV. 8). The lonic παρηΐς (whence παρηΐδων, XVI. 13) is not Homeric, but was probably old in Ionian poetry, for its use in tragedy dates from Phrynichus (fr. 13) and Aeschylus (Theb. 534, εἴς.) The Homeric forms, found in the plural only, are παρειαί (common to the Jad and the Odyssey), and παρήϊα (peculiar to the latter): the Doric is wapaa. The epic ending -σι for the 3rd pers. sing. of the sub- junctive is used by Bacchylides in λάχῃσι (XVIII. 3 f.); and probably in θάλπῃσι" (fr. 16. 3). The digamma, which is not written in the papyrus, is indicated by hiatus or by metre before certain words. The use of it by Bacchylides is, like Pindar’s, inconstant ; and it is also far more limited than Pindar’s. I. ἄναξ takes f in VIII. 45, πολυζήλωτε (F)avaé: but not in Ill. 76 or Vv. 84 (8 avaé). 2. é&kate takes f in I. 6f.; but not in V. 33, VI. II, or X. 9 (δ᾽ ἕκατι). 3. The group of compounds with ἴον. κε is assumed before ἐἰοβλεφάρων in VIII. 3, ἰοπλόκων in VIII. 72, and ἰοστέφανον in Ill. 2: but not before ἐόπλοκοι in XVI. 37, ἰοστεφάνου in XII. 122, or ἐἰοστεφάνων in V. 3. In ode xv., where Vv. 26 ends with ταλαπενθέα, F is perhaps assumed before the name Ἰόλαν at the beginning of the next verse. μιόλα occurs on an early vase from Caere (Mon. d. Inst. 6, 33). 4. In v.75 the r assumed before ἐόν, acc. of ios ‘arrow,’ is an error due to the analogies of γιός ‘ poison, and είον ‘violet’ (see note). In XVI. 131 ἐανθείς, preceded by φρένα, is possibly a similar instance; though φρένας would be an easy correction®. 1 Tt is doubtful whether, in such subjunctive forms, the t adscript is ᾿Αλφεοῦ, | ἰανθεὶς ἀοιδαῖς. It is not necessary to suppose Ff there. If correct: Blass prefers λάχησι, θάλπησι. See Kiihner-Blass, Gr. Gramm. I. p- 46. θάλπησι in fr. 16. 3 has some- times been taken as an indicative. 2 In Pind O. 111. 12f. we find Pindar assumed it in that passage, at any rate he died not do so in QO. VII. 43 θυμὸν ἰάναιεν, nor in P. 11. go νόον ἰαίνει. DIGAMMA. TREATMENT OF VOWELS. 83 5. ἐσθμός takes ¢ in 11. 7, but not in vil. 40. (Pindar’s use is similarly inconstant: see n. on II. 7.) 6. The pronoun οἱ (Ξ αὐτῷ) always takes ε, except in the second of the two elegiac epigrams attributed to Bacchylides (fr. 34. 3 εὐξαμένῳ yap οἱ ἦλθε). The following words, which sometimes have f in Pindar, do not take it in Bacchylides :—eimop (see II. 48): ἐλπίς (III. 75): ἔργον (VIII. 82): ἔρδω (XVII. 43): εἴκοσι (X. 104): ἴδον (XVI. 16): οἶκος (fr. 16. 9). Hiatus occurs in IIL. 64 ὦ μεγαίνητε Ἱέρων : 16. 92 τρέφει. Hiatus. Ἱέρων (where the pause helps): XV. 5 ἀνθεμόεντι Ἕβρῳ (see n.): 26. 20 ὀβριμοδερκεῖ afuya. The final o of the genitive-ending τοῖο is elided in Euston. V. 62, ἀπλάτοι᾽, and X. 120, Πριάμοι᾽. Pindar has this elision (P. τ. 39 Δαλοι’ ἀνάσσων), which is post-homeric. The elision of « in the dative case is epic: XVII. 49 ἐν χέρεσσ᾽. The «¢ of -οντι in the Doric 3rd pers. plur. can also be elided: XVII. 10 σεύοντ᾽: fr. 3. 12 βρίθοντ᾽. (So Pindar, P. IV. 240, ἀγαπάζοντ᾽.) Synizesis is frequent. 1. -éa or -éa: VIII. 2 Νεμέᾳ. In Synizesis. XV. 26, ταλαπενθέα, synizesis is not certain. 2. -εο: V. 50 θεός (last word of the verse): 26. 95 θεῶν (first word): and so X. 60 θεοφιλές (first word). ἐόντα is scanned as -- ιν in XVIII 23 f., though as v—v in IV. 19. 3.-ew. The participle of a verb in -éw suffers synizesis in VII. 46 ὑμνέων : but not in V. 152 ὀλιγοσθενέων, or XII. 118 κλονέων. In VII. 46 ἐών is scanned as a monosyllable. In VIII. 32 the ῥιπτῶν of the papyrus is perhaps an error for ῥίπτων rather than for ῥιπτέων. The absence of synizesis in XVII. 12 δοκέω (scanned ὦ ~ -) is noteworthy as being rare in the Ist pers. sing.: another example is Aesch. Ag. 147 καλέω. 4. -ιω. XVII. 39 Κνωσίων (scanned —-). 5. Two doubtful cases should be noted. In XI. 103 ᾿βοαθόον, if right, must be scanned υ ——: the synizesis is a somewhat harsh one. In lll. 22, where the papyrus has ἀγλαϊζέθω yap ἄριστον ὄλβον, the least improbable reading is ἀγλαϊζέτω, ὁ yap ἄριστος ὄλβων: but. the synizesis is very harsh. Contrac- tion. Diaeresis. Afpocope. Quantity. Vowels before mutte and liquid. 84 BACCHYLIDES. The infinitive-ending of the -ém verbs is contracted: I. 65 εὐμαρεῖν : VIII. 6 ὑμνεῖν But in 1. 34 the -βολοῖ of the MS. is anomalous: we should expect -βολέοι. In XV. 7 it seems almost certain that we must read ἀδείᾳ: but the diaeresis in that word is unexampled. Apocope of the simple preposition occurs in XIII. 10 map χειρός, but elsewhere is confined to compounds; as Ill. 7 ἀμπαύσας: XI. 58f. (probably) ἀνδεθεῖσιν: X. 100 ἀντείνων (cp. fr. 13. 4): X. 103 mapdpovos. It may be useful to add some notes on the practice of Bacchylides with regard to the shortening or lengthening of certain vowels and diphthongs. 1. In XII. 206 καλῶς has a, which is epic and Ionic, but not Pindaric. 2. The diphthong az is short in ᾿Αθαναίων (XVI. 92) and παιάνιξαν (2b. 128). 3. The poet has ἴσος in V. 54, but ἦσον in I. 172 and fr. 2.2. 4. Inv. 182 thes of Πίσαν is short, as with Pindar (see note). 5. κυάνεον has v in XII. 64, but all the poet’s compounds with «vavo have v (V. 33, VIII. 53, X. 83, XII. 124, 160, XVI. 1). 6. χρύσεος has the lyric (but non- epic) ὕ in V. 174 and XV. 2. The frequency with which a naturally short syllable is lengthened before muta cum liquida varies considerably in different classes of poets. The Homeric tendency is strongly towards allowing the mute and liquid to make position, z.e. to lengthen the preceding vowel. The choral lyric poets lengthen the vowel in such cases more often than they shorten it, but less often than is the Homeric rule. In Attic tragedy the shortening of the vowel is, on the whole, far more frequent than the lengthening’. The subjoined table gives the statistics for Bacchylides. 1 do not claim for the figures that they are always exact ; but in every case they are at least approximately correct, and will therefore suffice to indicate the general state of the facts. The column headed S shows the number of instances in which a naturally short vowel remains short before each combination of mute and liquid. The column headed Z 1 Kithner-Blass, Gramm. 1. p. 303. VOWELS. ACCIDENCE. 85 shows the number of instances in which such a vowel is lengthened. S x S ΙΖ; ἊΣ 7, RY v6 BN ο 3 5p 3 6 Kv ° 2 τν ο Ι βρ 3:4. Τὸ ΘᾺ ο 6 Kp go ον Tp 1006.26 yr ° 9 Ou ο 4 πλ ἢ. Ὁ pr ° ἼΡ ο 5 Ov 2 I πν Ι 2 pv I 4 vp bis 8 Op be 38 ™p 5 15 op ae Ou ° 5 KX rin τλ Ι χν Ι I ὃν ο 2 κμ ο Ι τμ ο xp 12 9 Thus Bacchylides lengthens the syllable in about 198 places, and leaves it short in about 57, a ratio of between 4 and 3 tol. It is not surprising to find that an Ionian poet leans to the Homeric usage. So also, and in a still more marked degree, does Simonides. Pindar, on the other hand, neglects ‘position’ more often than they do, coming nearer in this respect to the practice of Attic tragedy. It will be seen from the table that BA, ya, dy, ὃν, Or, Ou, Ku, PAX are among those combinations before which no instance of a short syllable occurs in Bacchylides. Before each of these a short syllable is occasionally found in Pindar?. It is worthy of remark that, despite the general Attic tendency towards neglecting position, the poets of the Old Comedy observe it more often than tragedy does: they do not admit a short syllable before BX, yA, γν, Sy, ὃν. A few details of accidence may be noted. Accidence. Substantives. In IV. 17 ὀλυμπιονίκας is acc. plur. of the rare fem. form, meaning an ‘Olympian victory’; and in X. 8 μουνοπάλαν also is fem., meaning ‘the match in wrestling only,’ as distinguished from the pancration. In Il. 3 ἐπινικίοις is the earliest known example of the word used as a substantive. 1 Schneidewin, preface to the frag- Κάδμου. (4) ὃν: P. xX. 72 κεδναί. ments of Simonides, p. xlviii. (5) OA: 0.11. 43 ἀέθλοις. (6) Ou: 2 Examples :—(1) BA: Pindar VV. O. X. 45 σταθμᾶτο. (7) Ku: O. VI. vill. 7 ἔβλαστε. (2) yA: WV. VIL 52 73 τεκμαίρει. (8) oA: P. IIL. 12 παντὶ γλυκεῖα. (3) Ou: P. VIII. 57 ἀποφλαυρίξαισα. Pronouns. Verbs. 86 ᾿ BACCHYLIDES. Adjectives. The forms taviogupos (II. 60, V. 59) and τανίφυλλος (X. 55) are given in the papyrus. Euphony may have been the poet’s reason for preferring them to the more correct τανύσφυρος and τανύφυλλος. The accu- satives fem. ὑψικέραν (XV. 22) and καλλικέραν (XVIII. 24) are formed as if from N. -«épa. An epic freedom is shown in forming patronymics: I. 14 Εὐρωπιάδας (= Εὐρωπίδας, ‘son of Europa’): VIII. 19 Tadaioviday (‘son of Talaiis’), where -ίων is combined with - δης, as in ᾿Ιαπετιονίδης. With regard to declension, it may be noted that πολέων (V. 100) is gen. plur. fem., as with Callimachus, whereas in Homeric and Hesiodic usage it is always masc.: the Homeric fem. is πολλέων OF πολλάων, the Pindaric πολλᾶν. Some compound adjectives are of three terminations: XII. 178 ἀκαμάτᾳ: 1X. ὃ ἀπράκταν: XII. 181 πολυπλάγκταν. Personal Pronouns as used by Bacchylides. Ist pers. plur.: D. ἄμμι (XVI. 25), the only part which occurs. 2nd pers. sing.: N. ov: Pindar has also the Doric τύ. ἃ. σέο and σέθεν (old Ionic and Homeric): Pindar has also σεῦ. D. σοί, and once, before a vowel, τίν (XVII. 14), both orthotone: the enclitic is always τοι. (Pindar uses these three forms ; but, with him, coi can be either orthotone or enclitic.) 2d pers. plur.: D. dup is conjectured in VIII. 97; no other part occurs. 37d pers. sing. 1). οἱ A. νιν. The only example of μὲν occurs in X. III, ypaivey τέ μιν αἵματι μήλων, where, after χραῖνον, the poet may have wished to avoid a third v-sound. (μὲν is traditional in a few passages of Pindar, but the tendency of recent criticism has been to correct it into wy: see Rumpel, Lex. Pind. s.v., and Schroder, Proleg. to Pindar, p. 37.) The acc. of the Ist pers. sing. is once αὐτόν (XVII. 41). 3rd pers. plur. A. vw (VIII. 15, where see n.). Possessive pronouns. 2nd pers. sing., σός or Doric τεός (both used by Pindar). For the 3rd pers., σφέτερος is either singular, ‘his’ (11. 36), or plural, ‘their’ (xX. 50), as with Pindar and Aeschylus. oétepos as = és, ‘his,’ occurs first in Hes. Sct. 90. The infinitive of εἰμί appears in three forms. 1. ἔμμεν, ACCIDENCE. 87 V. 144, XVII. 31, 56, in all three places followed by a con- sonant. This form, which is Thessalian Aecolic, also old Ionic and epic, occurs in the //iad once (18. 364), anda few times in the Odyssey (as 14. 332), but only before a vowel; whence some would write ἔμμεν᾽, as it is now written in Sappho 2. 2. Pindar uses it both before a vowel and (like Bacchylides) before a consonant. 2. ἔμμεναι, XVII. 14, 15 Lesbian Aeolic, old Ionic and epic. 3. εἶμεν, vill. 48. This is the ‘milder’ Doric form, the ‘stricter’ being ἦμεν. Pindar has only ἔμμεν, ἔμμεναι: for in the one place of his text where εἶναι is traditional, /sthm. v. [VI.] 20, ἔμμεν is now restored. The other Homeric forms, ἔμεν and ἔμεναι, are not used either by him or by Bac- chylides. The participle is with both poets ἐών: but Bacchylides once (III. 78) has εὖντα, a Doric form used by Theocritus (II. 3). It seems possible that ἐόντα (- v) should be corrected to edyta in XVIII. 23 f.: but the synizesis in ἐών (VII. 46) shows that such a change is not necessary. Notes on the following verbal forms will be found in the commentary on the passages where they severally occur :—dpapteiv=opuapreiy (VIII. 103 f. and XVII. 46). ἀνέπαλτο (X. 65). δίνασεν (XVI. 18). δίνηντο (XVI. 107). ἔλλαθι (X. 8) ἐρχθέντος and epypevoy (XII. 65 ἔ, 207). ἷξον (XII. 149). ἵσταν (X. 122). ὄρνυο (XVI. 76). πέφαται (VIII. 52). προσήνεπεν (XIV. 9). Examples of rare middle forms are κομπάσομαι (VII. 42): νωμᾶται (V. 26 f.): ὑφαιρεῖται (probable in VIII. 18): ὠρίνατο (XII. 112). To the epic adverbs εἴσαντα and ἄντην, Bacchylides Adverbs. adds a new form, εἰσάνταν (V. 110). In XVI. ΟἹ the un- metrical ἐξόπιθεν of the MS. should probably be corrected to the Aeschylean é€o7w. The Homeric τῶ (‘therefore’) occurs in XVI. 39. It may be noticed that the enclitic νυν is found only in xvi. 8. The epic and Aeschylean ros, not used by Pindar, stands in V. 31. εἰς occurs once (before a), XIV. 43: elsewhere the form 4 is always és. The poetical form ὑπαί appears in XII. 139f, ὁ Syntax. Noun. Verb. 88 BACCHYLIDES. and zrapai (MS. mara) must be restored in X. 103. In X. 21 we have the earliest example of ἦρα used, like χάριν, as a preposition with the genitive. In the syntax of Bacchylides there is little which is distinctive; but a few points are deserving of remark. I. Noun. 1. Number. A dual substantive with a- plural adjective occurs in XVII. 46 δύο φῶτε μόνους. 2. Case. Bpvew is construed, first with the dative, and then with the genitive, in two successive clauses, with no apparent difference of sense (III. 15 f.). After the passive θαυμάζομαι, the admirers are denoted (as in Thuc. I. 41 § 4) by the dative case (I. 42). An accusative of the person is combined, in epic fashion, with an accusative of ‘the part affected’: τὸν δ᾽ εἷλεν ἄχος κραδίην (X. 85). 3. Gender. V. 77. ψυχὰ προφάνη Μελεάγρου | καί νιν εὖ εἰδὼς προσεῖπεν. This is in the style of the epic poets, who, when they describe a person by a periphrasis with βίη, is, or ψυχή, use the masculine participle (see n.). II. Verb. 1. TZense. In X. 110—112 the imperfects τεῦχον, χραῖνον, ἵσταν denote the series of things which the persons ‘proceeded’ to do. This is worth noticing in connexion with two other passages where the aorist has been conjecturally substituted for the imperfect which stands in the MS. (1) In Χιν. 38 Blass alters σάμαινεν to odpavev: but the former is parallel with dyov in verse 37, which means in strictness, ‘they proceeded to lead.’ (2) In XVI. 51, where the same editor changes ὕφαινε to ὕφανε, the imperfect (though preceded and followed by aorists) admits of a similar defence; especially as the reference is to a process of thought.—TZenses of the Infinitive. After μέλλω we find the present inf. in Ill 31 and Xv. 18, but the future inf. in XII 165. In V. 164 τελεῖν is ambiguous, but probably the future. The aorist inf. is regularly used where a moment (as distinguished from a continuing action) is indicated: ν. 30 (ἐδεῖν), 161 (προσιδεῖν): X. 88 (πᾶξαι): XII. 43 ἰδεῖν (where see note). SYNTAX. 89 2. Mood. (i) In Il. 57 f. we have an example of the indicative used in a relative clause expressing a general condition: ἄπιστον οὐδέν, 6 τι θεῶν μέριμνα τεύχει (instead of 6 τι ἂν... τεύχῃ).. The alteration (made by Blass) of τεύχει into τεύχῃ is unnecessary: see the note ad Joc. (ii) The subjunctive is used with εἰ: VIII. 86 εἴπερ καὶ θάνῃ τις. Also with ai xe, after a verb of knowing: XVI. 64 ᾿εἴσεαι...αἴ Ke...kAUn. Both usages are Homeric. (iii) The optative with εἰ is used to express a general supposition in a dependent clause, after a present indicative in the principal clause: Xv. 187 f. χρὴ ©&...aiveiv..., εἴ τις εὖ πράσσοι (see n.).—The optative stands in a relative clause after a hypothetical optative with ἄν in the principal clause: XVI. 41—44, οὐ γὰρ ἂν θέλοιμ᾽...ἐπεὶ Sauaceias.—The optative of indefinite frequency occurs in I. 33 f. ὁπότε... (συμ) βολοῖ. (iv) The infinitive, as a verbal noun, takes the definite article in 1. 64 f. τὸ... εὐμαρεῖν (nominative case). The articular infinitive, which is post-homeric, occurs first in Pindar, and always as a subject nominative, unless an exception is to be recognised in O..Il. 97 (τὸ λαλαγῆσαι θέλων). III. The use of prepositions by Bacchylides is, on the 2 γε2οοῖ- whole, normal; but several points are noteworthy. ΓΞ I. ἀμφί (i) with the dative has either (4) the local sense, XVII. 52 f. στέρνοις... -«ἄμφι: or (0) the figurative, ‘in respect to, ‘concerning’; 1. 39 ἀμφί τ᾽ iatopia: IX. 44 ἀμφὶ βοῶν ἀγέλαις. (ii) With the accusative it means either ‘around,’ X. 18f. ἀμφ᾽ ᾿Αλεξίδαμον... ἔπεσον (where motion is implied), or merely describes position in a certain region, IX. 34 ἀμφί τ Εὔβοιαν. Pindar joins ἀμφί with the genitive also (in the sense, ‘concerning’): but this use does not occur in Bacchylides, 2. ἀνά with accusative occurs in Vv. 66 f., Ἴδας ἀνὰ... mpavas (‘up along’). [In III. 50 ἀνὰ ματρὶ...ἔβαλλον = ἀνέ- βαλλον.] 3. διά (i) with genitive denotes that through which a passage is being made: VIII. 47 στείχει δι’ εὐρείας κελεύ- Oov: XII. 52 (of a sword) χωρεῖν διὰ σώματος. (ii) With fo Bs 7 go BACCHYLIDES. accusative, it denotes the range throughout which a motion extends: XIv. 40 f. δ εὐρεῖαν πόλιν ὀρνύμενοι: VIII. 30 f. δι ἀπείρονα κύκλον | φαῖνε θαυμαστὸν dSéuas,—where the prep. may be rendered ‘amidst, but properly means that the sensation made by. the sight went right through the vast crowd. (The athlete is not running, but throwing the quoit.) The causal διά also occurs: Il. 61 δι εὐσέβειαν (cp. VI. 4 and XII. 156). 4. ἐπί (i) with genitive denotes position ‘on’: XVI. 84 f. ἐπ᾽ ἰκρίων σταθείς : fr. 3. 2 ἐπὶ βωμῶν. (ii) With dative: (a) VII. 9 ἐπ᾽ ἀνθρώποισιν, ‘among men’ (where see n.): (6) VIL. 12 ἄθλησαν ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρχεμόρῳ, ‘in memory of him’: (c) V. 83 ψυχαῖσιν ἔπι φθιμένων, ‘against them’ (and so in 133). (iii) With acc., of movement ‘to’: VIII. 41 ἦλθεν καὶ ἐπ᾿ ἔσχατα Νείλου; XII. 88, 149, etc. 5. κατά (i) with genitive occurs once: XVI. 94 ff. κατὰ λειρίων ὀμμάτων δάκρυ yéov, ‘down from.’ (ii) With the accusative, this prep. is notably frequent in Bacchylides, as meaning (a) ‘throughout, X. 93 κατὰ δάσκιον.. ὕλαν : (4) ‘along down,’ XVI. 87 f. κατ᾽ οὖρον : (c) ‘according to, IX. 32 κατ᾽ αἶσαν: (d@) of time, ‘during, XVIII. 26 f. κατ᾽ evpeyyéas ἁμέρας. 6. μετά is found only twice: (i) with genitive, x. 123 μετ᾽ ᾿Ατρειδᾶν: (ii) with dative, V. 30 μετ᾽ ἀνθρώποις, ‘among’ them. 7. παρά (i) with genitive, of the giver: Ill. 11 παρὰ Ζηνός: SO XV. 35; XVIII. 3,13. Also in the phrase τὸ πὰρ χειρός (XIII. 10, where see n.). (ii) With dative, either of persons, VIII. 84 παρὰ δαίμοσι: or of river-banks, παρὰ ῥεέθροις, 111. 20; cp. V. 64, XII. 150. So Pindar, O. 1. 21 map ᾿Αλφεῷ, X. 85 παρὰ... Δίρκᾳ. (iii) With accusative, denoting (a) motion to a place, especially to the banks of a river, VIII. 39, XVIII. 39; but also fr. Il. 3 f. wapda...vaov ἐλθόντας : cp. Pind. V. Vv. 10 πὰρ βωμὸν.. στάντες. (ὁ) motion along, 111. 6, V. 38. (c) extension or position along (without motion), IX. 29 f, X. 119, ΧΙ. 58 παρὰ βωμόν, XV. 12 παρὰ...ναόν, XVI. 119 vada παρὰ λεπτόπρυμνον φάνη (unless φάνη be taken as implying motion). (47) of time, ‘in ‘SYNTAX. οι the course of, ‘during’: fr. 7. 4 τό τε παρ᾽ ὦμαρ καὶ νύκτα. (In Pind. P. ΧΙ. 68 παρ᾽ duap =‘ on alternate days.’) 8. περί (i) with genitive, (4) in a local sense, ‘around, XVII. 51 κρατὸς πέρι (κρατὸς ὕπερ MS.): (4) denoting that ‘for’ which one strives, V. 124 f. περὶ...δορᾶς μαρνάμεθ᾽. (ii) With dative, (4) in local sense, VII. 50 περὶ κρατί, XVII. 47 περὶ... ὥμοις : (4) denoting the prize, just like (i) (ὁ), XI. 55 περὶ στεφάνοισι. 9. πρός (i) with dative, once, X. 23 πρὸς yaia πεσόντα (like Od. 5. 415 βάλῃ ποτὶ πέτρῃ, etc.) (ii) With accusa- tive, of motion to or towards, V. 45, 149: X. 100.—The constr. with the genitive does not occur. 10. σύν is frequent, occurring about 31 times (cp. pera). The temporal sense may be noted: X. 23 κείνῳ ye σὺν ἄματι (see note): 2b. 125 σὺν ἅπαντι χρόνῳ. II. ὑπό (i) with genitive, ‘from under, XII. 139 f., XVI. 17: of the agent, Vv. 43f, IX. 48, XII. 154. (ii) With dative, (4) ‘under,’ IX. 4 (?): ΧΙ]. 125 f. ὑπὸ κύμασιν, 7b. 166 ὑπ᾽ Aiaxidais: (6) to denote an attendant circumstance, where it may be rendered ‘with’: ΠΙ. 17 λάμπει δ᾽ ὑπὸ μαρμαρυγαῖς ὁ χρυσός (see note). (iii) With accusative, once, XVI. 30: λέχει Διὸς ὑπὸ κρόταφον “das | μιγεῖσα. This is noteworthy, since the sense is simply ‘beneath’ (Ξ ὑπὸ κροτάφῳ). Elsewhere, when ὑπό governs the acc., and motion is not implied, at least the idea of extension (‘along under’) is present, as it is (¢,g.) in Pind. P. Χ. 15, re- ferring to a victory in running gained ὑπὸ Kippas...mérpav. It would perhaps be difficult to find an exact parallel for the use of ὑπό with acc. which Bacchylides admits here. 12. Anastrophe. In a few passages where the preposition stands after the substantive, an attributive genitive follows: IV. 6 ἀρετᾷ σὺν ἵππων: V. 83 ψυχαῖσιν ἔπι φθιμένων : 76. 133 ψυχαῖς ἔπι δυσμενέων. The other instance is XII. 150 ναυσὶ δ᾽ εὐπρύμνοις παραί. 13. Zmesis. (a) The preposition precedes the verb, as in III. 50 f. ava ματρὶ χεῖρας | ἔβαλλον. (ὁ) Or follows it; IV. 20 λαγχάνειν ἄπο μοῖραν (see note): XVIIL 7 βάλωσιν Gude τιμάν. 7—2 Farticles. 92 BACCHYLIDES. IV. Particles. 1. ἡ is affirmative in XII. 54, XVII. 41: interrogative in XVII. 5, where three questions are asked by H...4...4...3 The Homeric interrogative ἢ pa (74 5. 421) stands in Vv. 165, where Blass writes ἦρα (ἢ -- dpa): see Kihner-Blass, Gramm. 1.217. 2. The intensive particles ye μέν occur in III. 63 ὅσοι ye μέν (where μέν merely emphasizes the limiting ye): and 2b. 90 ἀρετᾶς ye μέν (where the sense is that of the Attic ye uv,‘ however’). 3. μέν is used, without a corresponding δέ, in III. 15 f. (see note), IX. 47, XVI. 1. 4. The epic combination δέ re is found in XII. 129 (see note), and fr. 3. 1. 5. In Xv. 5f. the dis- junctive εἴτε is followed by ἤ in the second clause. In XVIII. 29—35 we have εἴτ᾽ οὖν...ἤ pa...4.... 6. ὥστε occurs only once, viz. in XII. 124, where it means ‘as’ (see note). In this sense Pindar employs ὦτε (found also in Bacchylides, XVI. 105), while he uses ὥστε only with the infinitive. V. METRES. With the exception of Odes Xv and XVI, the poems of Bacchylides are seldom difficult from a metrical point of view. The metres are well-known, and his treatment of them is simple. Such difficulties as occur (outside of the two odes named above) are confined, for the most part, to verses in which the text seems to be corrupt, or at least doubtful. I. The metre most largely used by Bacchylides is that which is generally known as ‘dactylo-epitritic”: eag., Εὔμοιρε Συρακοσίων ἱπποδινάτων στραταγέ (V. If.). One of its two elements is dactylic, as seen in the first of these two verses. The other is the so-called efztritus, -- ὦ —-, as 1 The term ‘dactylo-epitritic’ is pp. xxxv ff. (3rd ed.). He observes modern. Prof. Blass preferstodescribe that in the Pindaric scholia they are verses of this measure as being κατ΄ called δίμετρα or τρίμετρα προσοδιακά. ἐνόπλιον εἶδος, for reasons fully given Dr W. Headlam would call them in the Preface to his Bacchylides, simply ‘ Dorian.’ METRES. 93 seen in the second, a trochaic dipody, --υ, -v, with the second —» slowed down to —-. The name ‘epitritus’ means that the time-value of — τ is to that οἵ -- -- as 3 to 4. It is possible that when epitriti were combined with dactyls, the first syllable of the epitritus had the time-value of -, so that the measure became 7 De a hk and the first half of it was equal in time to a dactyl. Stesichorus, the founder of the τριὰς ἐπῳδική in the Dorian choral lyric, is supposed to have been the first who composed dactylo-epitritic strophes. An _ epitritic trimeter, like Pindar’s ἑσπέρας ὀφθαλμὸν ἀντέφλεξε Μήνα (Ο. Ill. 5), was called Στησιχόρειον. Such verses alternated, in the composition of Stesichorus, with long dactylic measures, of which the dominant rhythm was the ἐνόπλιος, —-vv-vv--. It was left for later poets, Simonides, Pindar, and Bacchylides, to effect a subtler and more artistic fusion of the two elements, The dactylo-epitritic metre was well-suited for choral odes on a large scale, and especially for such as had an epic character. It is used by Pindar in nineteen of his forty-four extant epinikia. His first Pythian might be instanced as an ode which exhibits all the capabilities of this metre in their most splendid form; and his fourth Pythian, as an unrivalled example of its adaptation to heroic narrative. Among the nineteen odes of Bacchylides represented by the papyrus, no fewer than ten are dactylo-epitritic. ' That number includes all his odes of victory, except those- three (II, IV, VI) which are merely short songs; also the poem (XIV) on the mission of Menelaus and Odysseus to Troy, which has a kinship in subject and in style with the epic hymns of Stesichorus. The same metre appears in the epode of Ode 111; where the strophe, though logaoedic, prepares for the other measure by verses (I—3) containing rhythms common to logaoedics and dactylo-epitrites?. But the use of the dactylo-epitritic strophe was by nc means confined to epinikia or to poems on epic themes. 1 See Dr W. Headlam in Yournal of Hellenic Studies XX. p. 214, τι. τὸ (1902). a BACCHYLIDES. Pindar applies it to the dithyramb (fr. 57) ; Bacchylides, to the hymn (fr. 2), the paean (fr. 3), the hyporcheme (fr. 10), the prosodion (fr. 9). What was perhaps less to be expected, Pindar found it suitable also for choral skolia (fr. 99—101); and Bacchylides for some kindred songs of love or of festivity (fr. 14, 16). It may be noted that neither Pindar nor Bacchylides ever uses the combination —v—v-—zs (the so-called ‘ithyphallicum’) in a dactylo- epitritic strophe, though it is frequent with Simonides, Aeschylus, and Euripides. This observation was made long ago by Westphal (who, for Bacchylides, had only the old fragments), and is now confirmed (as Blass remarks, Praef. p. XLV) by the new papyrus. Pindar’s mode of composition in his dactylo-epitritic strophes is, on the whole, very different from that of Bacchylides. Pindar writes in ample periods, which flow on without marked division into smaller ‘members’ or ‘kola.” The tendency of Bacchylides, on the other hand, is to divide his periods rhythmically into short kola, usually of two or three metra each. His ¢echnique in this respect has been carefully analysed by Dr Paul Maas'. These kola are so regularly divided that they do not essentially differ from periods except in being shorter. They are so compact, and so sharply marked off, that they tend to obscure the unity of the period. In many cases there is room for difference of opinion as to the points at which, within a strophe of Bacchylides, the periods begin and end?. Briefly, in the dactylo-epitrites of Pindar, the most evident unit is the period: in those of Bacchylides, it is the kolon. This characteristic of the Cean’s versification is sometimes, as Maas remarks, scarcely in accord with the dignity of his subject-matter. ‘It almost seems, he adds, ‘that in one place the poet himself became conscious of this. Read 1 Kolometrie in den Daktyloepi- to epode); v111; X (doubtfully). Paul triten des Bakchylides : In Philologus, Maas (p. 298, n. 1) differs from the vol. LXIII. pp. 297—309 (1904). division of periods by Blass in v 2 A division of periodsis indicated (epode), and x (epode), agreeing as by Blass (3rd ed.) in respect to Ode; to these with O. Schréder, Hermes, 111 (epode) ; v (strophe, doubtfully as 1908, pp. 240 ff. METRES. 95 the hexameter which announces the apparition of Meleager, the only one which Bacchylides allows to run on with rhythmical division into kola (v. 68—70), ταῖσιν δὲ peré- πρεπεν εἴδωλον θρασυμέμνονος ἐγχεσπάλου Lopbavida: it stands out among the short lines of the poem just as Meleager does among the other shades.’ It has often been held that the verses, mostly very short, into which the papyrus divides the poems of Bac- chylides, do not represent the division intended by the poet himself. Certainly the Alexandrian κωλιεσταί treated Pindar’s periods in a similar fashion, though, in his case, the division into short verses was, as a rule, inadmissible. But the result of Maas’s investigation is to show that, in the case of Bacchylides, the manuscript division is largely confirmed by the internal evidence of the metrical text. It may be noted that, while the lines in the MS. are usually short, there are three instances of long verses (tetrameters); and two of them probably represent the metrical intention of the poet. These two are:—(1) The second verse of the epode in Ode VIII, as v. 46, ἐγγόνων γεύσαντο καὶ ὑψιπύλου Τροίας ἕδος. (2) The tenth verse of the strophe in Ode Ix, as v. 48, ἄνδρα πολλῶν ὑπ᾽ ἀνθρώπων πολυζήλωτον εἶἷμεν. Those verses did not admit of a rhythmical division into shorter kola. In the third instance, however, the papyrus gives one verse where (as Maas thinks) the poet made two. This is the sixth verse of the strophe in Ode XIv: Λαρτιάδᾳ Μενελάῳ | τ᾽ ᾿Ατρεΐδᾳ βασιλεῖ, -ε ν. 48 Πλεισθενίδας Mevé- λαος | γάρυϊ θελξιεπεῖ. Here considerations of calligraphy may have come in; since, if the verse had been divided, two short lines would have stood between two long ones. Conversely, the MS. in some places gives two verses, the second being a monometer, where Bacchylides probably made only one. Three instances occur in Ode XII. (1) Strophe, verses 1 and 2, as 46 ἔ, οἵαν τινὰ δύσλοφον o-| μηστᾷ λέοντι. (2) Strophe, νν. 7 and 8, as 52f.: χωρεῖν διὰ σώματος, é-\yvaup0n δ᾽ ὀπίσσω. (3) Epode, wv. 2 and 3, as 92f.: ἀνθέων δόνακός τ᾽ ἐπιχω- ρίαν ἄθυρσιν. The same period occurs in nine other places, and in all 96 BACCHYLIDES. of them is given by the MS. as one verse: see v. 9 (7 σὺν Χαρίτεσσι βαθυζώνοις vpavas): 1b. 31, 33: VII. 3: IX. 1: X. 9, 12, 30: XIV. 2. Two other examples must be added: XI. I, 2, ὡσεὶ κυβερνήτας σοφός, ὑμνοάνασ᾽ σ᾽ εὔθυνε KreLot: XIII. 2, 3, εὖ μὲν εἱμάρθαι παρὰ δαίμονος ἀν θρώποις ἄριστον. In these two cases, the reason of the division is more obvious. Without it, the first verse would have consisted of 17 syllables, and the’ second of 16; whereas the normal limit of length for a verse in the papyrus is 15. There are several instances in which, within the same poem, the kolometry of the MS. is inconsistent with itself, verses metrically identical being rightly divided in some places, and wrongly in others. These anomalies are indicated in the notes appended to the metrical schemes of the Odes. See note 4 on I, n. I on V, ἢ. 3 on IX, n. 1 on XII, ἢ. 5 on XVI. The Alexandrian division of verses in the papyrus of ‘Bacchylides did not rest on metrical principles syste- matically applied. It was, no doubt, the aim to make such a division as seemed to suit the rhythm; but formal considerations, reasons of space and of calligraphy, also came into account; and in particular there was a wish to limit as far as possible the number of instances in which a word was divided between two verses. The result was a division which, in fact, usually coincided with that which Bacchylides seems to have intended; but the coincidence was in some measure accidental. One of Maas’s remarks on the poet’s versification is especially deserving of attention in view of its bearing on the criticism of the text. It concerns a rule which had been regularly observed by the lyric poets (with the exception of Pindar), as can be seen in the verses of Aleman, Anacreon, Simonides, and Aeschylus. This general rule may be stated as follows. In a dactylo-epitritic period, when a verse ends with +v¥, and the syllable defore + Ξ is long, that syllable is normally not the last of a word. The — rhythmical principle is the same as in Porson’s law regarding the final cretic in an iambic trimeter. Thus in the verse, ὦ τρισευ- δαίμων ἀνήρ (111. 10), the syllable δαι- is long: were it the last of a METRES. 97 word, the rule would be broken. The same general rule applies to a long syllable afver +v— at the beginning of the verse: thus ὃς παρὰ Ζηνὸς λαχών (111. 11) is normal, but (¢.g.) ὃς πάρεδρος Ζηνὸς ὧν would be abnormal. The exceptions to this rule in Bacchylides are comparatively rare. In Ode v, for example, there is only one (v. 12 -πει κλεεννὰν és πόλιν). In Ode 1 alone are such exceptions frequent: there we have νείμας ἀποπλέων ᾧχετ᾽ és (Vv. 12=122 Blass): ποσσίν τ᾽ ἐλαφρός, πατρίων (35): -ξος ᾿Απόλλων ὦπασεν (38): aidv’ ἔλυσεν, πέντε παῖ- (43): πρώτοις épiler- παντί τοι (58). Maas accounts for this peculiarity in Ode 1 by suggesting that Bac- chylides was there imitating the zechnigue of Pindar, the first poet, it seems, who broke through the old rule. Even when the syllable before the final —U™ is short, it is not often the last of a word, as in V. 4 ἄγαλμα, τῶν ye νῦν : 20. 19 εὐρυάνακτος ἄγγελος : ΧΙ. 4 ἐς γὰρ ὀλβίαν: XII. 190 μεγάλαισιν ἐλπίσιν: XIV. 190 μέλπετ᾽, ὦ νέοι: XIV. 51 ἅπαντα δέρκεται. As it can be shown that (except in Ode 1) Bacchylides usually observed this rule, Maas holds that the following conjectures are inadmissible :— (1) U1. 26 Ζηνὸς τελείου νεύμασιν. (2) v. 8 δεῦρ᾽ ἄθρησον «- σὺν: νόῳ. (3) vul. 20 ...Πολυνείκεϊ πλα[γκτῷ πρόξενον. (4) vul. 77 Αὐτόμηδες, νασι]ώταν. (5) XU. 97 ἔτι[κτεν Πηλέα. (6) xr. 124 θύων ναυβάτας. With regard to (1), (2), (3), (4), and (6), I may add that the conjecture in each case introduces an exception to the rule such as does not occur in any corresponding verse of the same Ode: see Ill. 12, 40, 54, 68, 96: Vill. 46, 72, 98: XII. 58, 91, 157, 190, 222. As to (5), XII. 97, there is another exception in a corres- ponding verse of the same ode; for v. 64 ends with καλύψῃ, λείπεται (where ὅταν in v. 63 excludes κάλυψε). II. Another class of metres used by Bacchylides is the ‘logaoedic'.’ The origin of the name is disputed ; but perhaps no account of it is more probable than the old one, given by Aristides Quintilianus (p. 51), that it origi- nated with the Lesbian poets, and was applied to sucha 1 Prof. Blass prefers the term, pp. XLVIII ff. κατὰ Baxxetov εἶδος. See his Preface, 98 BACCHYLIDES. verse as Sappho’s ἠραϊμαν μὲν ἐγὼ σέθεν, Ατθι, πάλαι πόκα. Here ἃ trochee is prefixed to dactyls. The ‘song, ἀοιδή, was regarded as beginning with the dactyls: the trochee, leading up to the song but outside of it, was considered as ‘ prose,’ λόγος. At all events, the essence of ‘logaoedic’ metre lay in combining rhythms of two distinct kinds, the dactylic, and the trochaic or iambic :— Βασιλεῦ τἂν ἱερᾶν ᾿Αθανᾶν, τῶν ἁβροβίων ἄναξ ᾿Ιώνων (XVI. I f.). Bacchylides uses logaoedics in his three minor epinikia (II, IV, VI); in the strophe (though not in the epode) of ΠΙ; and in a dithyramb (ΧΙ). Pindar’s employment of the metre was less restricted ; some of his larger odes are logaoedic: and his verses of this kind are usually more complex in structure than those of Bacchylides. III. Four of the odes are neither dactylo-epitritic nor logaoedic: viz. XV, XVI, XVIII, XIX. As to the metres used in these, see the notes prefixed and appended to the metrical schemes. IV. Viewed with regard to metre, the 32 lyric frag- ments of Bacchylides may be classed as follows. The numbering of the fragments is that used in this edition. 1. Dactylo-epitritic. Fragments 1, 2, 3, 6, 9, 10, 14, 16, Το ΟΣ 20) 21,22, 24,520, 2. Logaoedic. Fragments 4, 7, ὃ. 3. Other metres. (i) lambic. Fragments 15, 27, 30 (ii) Tvochaic. 13, 17, 32. (iii) Paeonte or cretic. 11, 12 23, 25. 4. Doubtful. Fragments 5, 26, 29, 31. METRES. ODE ἢ 99 A. ἘΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ͂. Ope I. Dactylo-epitritic. Strophe (8 verses). Ὅλ taping Sa aa eat vu-¥,-v-— A | “Ὁ =) vu Pz ng SS νι Ch meet Epode (7 verses). NI SP oP Nt —,-w-,vu--| ye a OAS τ ὟΝ NS πος ὧὡ ζλίως vY 5 -v--,-v-¥ Pre AR ee Ls Se Ena ner Se ae --ἡὦ --Ξ Notes. 1. The ode, when entire, probably contained 8 ‘systems’ (strophe, anti- strophe, epode). The part preserved with approximate completeness includes the last three systems. In this part, the first and second verses of each strophe and antistrophe are wrongly divided in the ms. See in this edition vy. 6f., Διὸς Εὐκλείου δὲ féxa-\r14, where the MS. divides thus, |kare: similarly in vv. 29 f., 37f., 52f., 60f. [The end of ν. 14 is mutilated, but the position of ... δεκάτωι in 15 shows that the same thing happened there also.] But it would seem that the earlier part of the ode, fragments of which have been conjecturally pieced together by Blass, exhibited at least two instances in which this error was avoided: if, that is, the first verse of one antistrophe ended with ἀελίου (v. 55 Blass), and of another with . evrepowar (μὲν στέρομαι, v. 78 Bl.). The point is worthy of notice, since, if this was the case, it is a somewhat curious example of that inconsistency which occasionally appears elsewhere also in the kolometry of the papyrus. 2. Inthe second verse of the strophe, the fourth syllable is everywhere long except in ant. 8 (v. 61), πενίας 7 duaxdvov. In the sixth verse of the strophe, the fifth syllable is everywhere long except in str. 7 (v. 34), xpetés Te συμ]βολοῖ μάχας. ; 8. In epode 7 the third verse (47) has the form, θῆκεν ἀντ᾽ εὐεργεσιᾶν, λιπαρῶν τ᾽ ἄλ-. But in epode 8,—the only other which has been preserved,— 100 BACCHYLIDES. the MS. gives (v. 70), ὅσσον ἂν (én χρόνον τόνδε λάχεν τι--. Blass retains this, holding that -~-—- could replace -~~-. But that seems, in this place, a metrical impossibility. It can scarcely be doubted, I think, that the poet wrote, ὅσσον ἂν ζώῃ, λάχε τόνδε χρόνον τι-.-. There are some certain instances in this papyrus of words erroneously transposed (see commentary). Here the transposition, if not merely inadvertent, may have been prompted by the wish to bring χρόνον into the relative clause. 4. The seventh verse of epode 5 becomes two in the MS.: ναυσὶ πεντή- κοντα σὺν | Κρητῶν ὁμίλῳ. But this error is not made in either of the two corresponding verses which remain (51, 70). Ope II. Logaoedic. Strophe (5 verses). υπυ-π,πυυπ,υππᾷλ | Ww - ae Tg γον δ, -ὐ χρῶ ς δ" ὑπυππ,πυυ-- PPP Ey Oy ἘΞ 5 --ωυ,πυ,υ π,πλ Epode (4 verses). s οὐνηρσδο tania SN se μὰ Ἀγ τὴ οδην ΠΡ ἢ; ΥῊ NFS απο Sh AS pee όταν Sy ery Sy LN The first three verses of the strophe, and the first two of the epode, consist of iambic dipodiae and choriambi. The fourth verse of the strophe is a glyconic (with ὦ as first foot): so also is the third verse of the epode (but with ~— as first foot). The fifth verse of the strophe is a pherecratic (with τον as first foot): as is also the fourth verse of the epode (with —— in that place). Notes. 1. In verse 2, és Kéov ἱεράν, χαριτώ-, the resolution of the fourth syllable of the first choriamb (which does not recur in the antistrophe, v. 6) might suggest that we should read ipdv. That form, however, is not elsewhere found in Bacchylides. In 111. 15 βρύει μὲν ἱερά (where Ludwich suggests ἱρά), the trisyllabic form is confirmed by v. 85, φρονέοντι συνετὰ γαρύω k.T.X. 2. Inv. 4 the θρασύχειρ of the Ms. (= ~~-~ in v. 9) is a mere error for θρασύχειρος. METRES. ODES Jf, JIT. ΤΟΙ Ope III. The strophe is logaoedic in general character, but in verses I—3 makes a preparation for the rhythm of the epode which is dactylo-epitritic. Strophe (4 verses). w ore Yo We -- | ΝΖ pep iN Eero kee a δ. τὰ Ἔππτ.π - ς, “ὦ Y yY πυποξιυ-υ-πξΞ Epode (6 verses). Y Yeu, vu, Y a τοὺς Sete apes —vej eu" wy —,-vuM-,-v-A | Ww .. “Ἕ“, be § Me ev - YU Y Y RT oe eg Oe νὰ] A Verse 1 of the strophe is an iambic trimeter catalectic, ἀριστο- κάρπου Σικελίας κρέουσαν. Verse 2 consists of a prosodiacus (o-vv-—vv-) and a bacchius (υ -- 5), Δάματρα μιοστέφανόν τε κούραν. Verse 3 is the same, ὑμνεῖ, γλυκύδωρε Κλειοῖ, θοάς τ᾽ Ὀ-. Verse 4 is the Sapphic hendecasyllable, -λυμπιοδρόμους Ἱέρωνος ἵππους. Notes. 1. The first verse of the strophe always contains a tribrach, except in the case of ant. 7 (v. 89), γῆρας, θάλειαν αὖτις ἀγκομίσσαι. The place of the tribrach in the verse is (i) the second in vv. 15 and 85: (ii) the ¢hzrd, in vv. 1, 5, 19, 29 (probably), 33, 47, 56, 61, 71, 75. Verse 43 is lost. 2. In the second verse of ant. 5 (v. 62), the ereuwe of the Ms. must be corrected to ἀνέπεμψε (dv having been lost after ἀγαθέαν). The second z. of ant. 7 (v. go) ends with μινύθει, z.e. ~~— instead of the ----- found in all the eleven other places where the end of the corresponding verse remains. See commentary. 8. The third verse of ant. 5 (v. 63) begins, in the MS., with ὅσοι μέν, ~-~, instead of the ~—~~ found elsewhere. ‘ye must be inserted after ὅσοι. The last syllable of the third verse is everywhere short, and in str. 1 Οἰλυμπιοδρόμους is divided between v. 3 and v. 4. 4. The fourth verse of the strophe has the fourth syllable long in str. 2 (ν. 18), ὑψιδαιδάλτων, and in ant. 5 (v. 64), ὦ μεγαίνητε, but elsewhere short. 5. Hiatus, with lengthening of a short syllable, occurs before Ἱέρων, after the fifth syllable of the fourth verse, in ant. 5 (v. 64), ὦ μεγαίνητε ἹἹέρων : also in ant. 7 (v. 92) Μοῦσά vw τρέφει. ἹἹέρων x.7.d. 6. The thesis is resolved in verse 4 of epode 3 (v. 40), in a proper name: πίτνουσιν ᾿Αλυάττα δόμοι. It is also resolved at the beginning of verse 5 in epode 6 (v. 83), ὅσια δρῶν. 102 BACCHYLIDES. OpvE IV. Logaoedic.—A pair of strophes, without epode. Strophe (10 verses). VU Po Me Sy VUE, πΞωγῶ v-,-A “΄υπύω-σςουυ --- τω Rin ὦν τ ph ter el de PU eee OF Pitas A 5 -“͵ουἀπυνπν -Ὡ͵ὼπφ͵ω - Πο- -- YUU, OY; v-,-A Nth ba, pany sean v-,v-,-A AAI ον Ng ὦ ἐὉ ΧΟ ΝΣ ae - ΔΛ Notes. 1. The first verse of this strophe is identical in measure with the fourth verse of Ode 11, ὅτι μάχας θρασύχειρος ’Ap-. 2. In verse 4, where the MS. has tpirov yap...... λον, the faint traces of the letter which followed yap suit II better than A: hence Blass gives τρίτον yap παρ᾽ ὀμφαλόν, x.7-A., and in the ant. 14 (where the Ms. has παρ᾽ ἑστίαν), πάρεστίν νιν. Otherwise we might read in v. 4 τρίτον yap ἀμφ᾽ ὀμφαλόν, and in v. 14 πάρεστι νῦν. ODE V Dactylo-epitritic. Strophe (15 verses). SESH eccet Ea ah WORE -vu--,-v-%, | -“πτυύυ,πυυπ--,τ SU Vag =e Siectss bal bloat --vu-,yv eA | sree arial Pernt, coher? 1a -υ πον v= | Sat Aa I EE tae at ee πραδῃς Io -υυ,πυυξ | muy, ven, ΟἹ -πυ-, τ πυξ | -“πωυυ,- υυ-, Ξ τ -π͵ου,-πυυ-, (Ξ) - 15 -v-,--v*~ METRES. ODES IV, Vv. 103 Epode (10 verses). SSS Se λων ον, enon Ces ¢ —--v-,~ trae it δ΄ re a δα -“πυυ,πυυ-,Ξ--π,- SI Ry RSS yO 5 SOS ES ns =n, eu, XH -“πυυ,-πυω.υ-Ξ —v—-,¥-v-,* Og ON Io -πυ-πππ,---πξΞ,-ὺυ -- Notes. 1. (i) In verses 13, 14 of str. 1 the MS. wrongly divides thus, Οὐρανίας | κλεινός, instead of Οὐρανίας κλειϊνός, though in the corresponding verses of ant. 1 the division is correctly made, σὺν ζεφύρου πνο(ι)-ἰαἴσιν. (ii) Verses 5 and 6 of the epode are wrongly divided in 35 f., ἀγέρωχοι | παῖδες, instead of dyépw-\xor παῖδες: in 75 f., ἀναπτύ- ξας, instead of dva-|rrvgas: and in 115f., κατέπεφνε σῦς, instead of karéme-|pvey σῦς. But the division is correct in 155 f. and in 195 f. 2. Some apparent instances of exceptional shortening in arsis are easily removed: v. 28, for προ αῖσιν, read mvolaiow: 49, for φιλοξένῳ, read φιλοξείνῳ : 115 f., for κατέπεϊφνε, read κατέπεφνεν : 137, for κόρα, read κούρα. 3. The Ms. has lost a syllable in v. 184, where és must be inserted after Pepévixos : and in 193, where dv must be inserted after ὅν. 4. The metre of the first strophe and antistrophe differs in two places from that of the four other pairs. (i) Verses 11 f. of strophe 1 are :—vdoov ξένος ὑμετέραν πέμ-πει κλεεννὰν és πόλιν, =26f., δυσπαίπαλα κύματα" νωμᾶ-ταῖι δ᾽ ἐν ἀτρύτῳ χάει. Here v. 11 (ΞΞ 26) is longer by a syllable than the corresponding verses elsewhere. (ii) Verses 14f. of strophe 1 are: -vds θεράπων" ἐθέλει δὲ | γᾶρυν ἐκ στηθέων xéwv=29f. -aiow ἔθειραν dplyvw-\ros per’ ἀνθρώποις ἰδεῖν. Here, again, v. 14 (=29) exceeds the normal length by a syllable. See commentary and Appendix. 5. Other instances of defective responsion are the following. (i) In verse 8 of str. 1 the MS. gives δεῦρ᾽ ἄθρησον νόῳ, ------- «-- instead of the -~---~- found in the nine other places. Blass explains the exception as -~ --~-, But it seems more probable that the text is corrupt in v. 8 (see commentary). (ii) In epodes 1, 2, and 3 the first verse has this form: —-~~, --~~, —-~-, =: eg. v. 31 τὼς viv Kal ἐμοὶ μυρία παντᾷ κέλευθος. (Cp. 71 and rit.) But in epode 4 the MS. gives (151), Πλευρῶνα" μινυνθα [without accent] de μοι Yuxa γλυκεια. Blass defends μένυνθα, holding that -~~-— (-vvvAa δέ μοι) is here substituted for --~-: see his Preface, pp. xxxixf. (3rd ed., 1904). I read μινύνθη (see commentary). το BACCHYLIDES. In epode 5, v. 1 (191), Βοιωτὸς ἀνὴρ τάδε φών[ησεν..., τᾷδε (Wilamowitz) is a probable correction. (iii) In epode 3, v. 5 (115), the MS. has θάπτομεν τοὺς (κατέπεφνεν ois), z.e. -~— where the four corresponding verses (35, 75, 155, 195) have —~~. Yet Blass refrains from reading οὕς, thinking that the poet wrote τούς ‘ne videretur esse θαπτομένους.ἢ (iv) The tenth verse of the epode begins with —~— in 40, 80, 200, and presumably so in 120 (rarpo]s ᾿Αλθ-). But in 160, where the first hand wrote TOIA’E®A, a corrector (A*) changed rod’ to τόδ᾽, or, as Blass thinks, to τάδ᾽ ἔφα, which he gives. The true reading is probably ro?’ ἔφα, or τοῖα $a. 6. In 189 ἀπωσάμενον, followed in 190 by εἴ | τις, is noteworthy: see commentary. The sy//asa anceps is perhaps justified by the slight pause ; though the conjecture ἀπωσαμένους (Housman) is attractive. Ope VI. Logaoedic.—A pair of strophes, without epode, as in Iv. Strophe (8 verses). Notes. 1. Verse 1, Λάχων Διὸς μεγίστου, is an iambic -dimeter catalectic. Verse 2, λάχε φέρτατον πόδεσσι, is an ‘anacreontic’ verse, with anaclasis (-~-~ instead of --~~). Sappho has the same sequence : _ γλύκεια parep, οὔτοι δύναμαι κρέκην τὸν ἴστον. 2. The measures of vv. 4 and 5, δι᾽ ὅσσα πάροιθεν | ἀμπελοτρόφον Κέον, recur in XVIII. 17, where they form a single verse, εὐρυσθενέος φραδαῖσι φερτάτου Διός. Ope VII. (1) In the first eleven verses (ὦ Aurapa...cTepavor. Adxwva) the metre is dactylo-epitritic. After these, about 24 verses are lost. (2) Then come 16 verses (Πυθῶνά τε μηλοθύταν.... κλεινοῖς ἀέθλοις), in which the metre is again dactylo-epitritic. Kenyon held that (2), the group of sixteen verses, belonged to an ode (his νι) distinct from the ode which began with (1) METRES. ODES VI, VII. 105 the group of eleven verses. Paul Maas also thinks that there were two odes, each consisting of one pair of strophes. Blass refers both groups to the same ode (viz). I incline to the latter opinion ; partly because, if there were two odes, both must have been very short ; and it seems improbable that the poet’s first and second tribute to Lachon (vI, vi1) should both have been on so small a scale. (See Introduction to Ode vit. p. 204, n. 1.) There is a further question. Supposing that groups (1) and (2) both belonged to ode vii, was that ode composed in strophe, antistrophe, and epode? Blass formerly thought so, conjecturing that the epode began with the second group, Πυθῶνά τε μηλοθύταν. In his third edition, however (1904, p. Lv, and p. 5), he holds that this ode, alone among the poet’s extant pieces, was written in non-strophic verses (ἀπολελυμένα). That does not seem very probable. Maas observes that the division of κέκλη-ται between verses 9 and ro ‘would be singular, if it could not be explained by reference to an antistrophe’ ; and the point deserves considera- tion, whether we suppose (as he does) that there were two odes, or that there was only one. That part of the ode which would have contained the antistrophe has perished with the lost column x11. No endings of antistrophic verses can be traced in the left margin of col. x1v: but this may be, as Maas suggests, because the scribe wrote more compactly in that place than he did in the strophe. The metrical schemes of the two groups, (1) and (2), are subjoined ; but, in view of the uncertainty, it is better to refrain from indicating ‘strophe’ or ‘ epode.’ (1) Group of 11 verses, ὦ λιπαρὰ... στεφάνοισι Λάχωνα. SNA πο τας [«-- ae τς Een gn een ὩΣ Ξε το Ὁ ΓΞ 1- ad - | a ΤᾺ Ψ ’ ¥ Sear ae εν AGE gi λα -π-υ-π, ππυπ,π πύυ-π, Io —--v-,-[-v]y, [-vv-],- “νυ -- [τ υ]υῖτννυ τς J. B. 8 106 BACCHYLIDES. (2) Group of 16 verses, Πυθῶνά τε...κλεινοῖς ἀέθλοις. Huy, vee, IAS g NI ον ἘΞ -“᾽͵ἀὠὁπ-π,πυξλ | PE ah SOO pA NT πὶ EXD 2 Sires νας —-vly, -υ]υ --, = Ope VIII. [1X.] Dactylo-epitritic. : Strophe (9 verses). ee ee reer | 5 τὸς -πυν] πυπξπυξ | -.,τὋ.,,-οο- τος Ὁ. τ ? ᾽ -..--- τ σοι ἔττ- τ ἘΠπτ τ Epode (8 verses). (4)=o¢) “ou, Sous, ἘΞ an Ve erage ἐλ ον τα ποτ ae aay eer πυ-π,ππυ- Ἐ en os vu = ey -ω-πλ χε er Ὁ ἀπο ge ᾽ -τ᾿.»τστ’Πτ΄.-π-νΎ΄.-- ’ METRES. ODES VIII, IX. 107 Notes. 1. In v. 5, εὐθαλές is best taken as Doric for εὐθηλές, since in the 5th verse of the strophe the 4th syllable is elsewhere always long. In verse 7 of the strophe, the 4th syllable is once, at least, anceps, if edvaet be right in v. 42. In verse g of the strophe, the 4th syllable is normally long, and κόραι (MS.) in 44 should be corrected to κοῦραι. 2. In verse 1 of epode τ (v. 19) where the first hand wrote AHTOT’, A*’s correction AKAI TOT’ is confirmed by σῶν ὦ in v. 1 of epode 2 (45). The beginning of v. 1 of ep. 3 (71) is lost; so also is that of ep. 4 (97), where ὕμμιν δέ seems probable. Ove IX. [X.] Dactylo-epitritic. Strophe (10 verses). yv Ἔλα τι οἱ Y = ? “κι ee ee wa NG ww RAI AS NI RT Y 5 -,ὖὦ-(-, -v-*¥ SS ae ee eS vultj υυ-πλ -͵υ--π,πυ--π-π, i κω πὰς} an Δ Me Si ane ? Io -vl, ¥v--+,-v-¥,-v-- Epode (8 verses). πυ-π,πυυπ,ιυυ-- A | — = τ ΙΝ τως ace), ΝΕ wis Wi, =U He en, Hr -- - -“οωου-πτυυππ,πὸυ-- 5 πυυ-, vv Δ] -[-]υ, πῦυ-,- -(v-]-, Fh Rt sean eae Notes. 1. In verse 5 of ant. 1 (15), the Ms. has ὅσσα where metre requires —-~-. ὁσσάκις is a probable correction. 2. The ms. misplaces the division between verses 5 and 6 of the strophe. In ant. x (15 f.) it ρίνεϑβ.. ἕκατι ἄνθεσιν ἕξαν-᾿θάν, instead of ἕκατι | ἄνθεσιν ξανθάν : in str. 2 (33f.)...véuovrar, ἀμφί 7 Ἐὔβοι-[αν, instead of νέμονται, | ἀμφί τ᾽ Ἑὔβοιαν : in ant. 2 (43f.), reralver: of δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ Epyor-low, instead of τιταίνει, | οἱ δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἔργοισιν. In each of these three places, the hiatus bewrays the error.” That the same mistake occurred in the mutilated first strophe, is certain from the fact that the lost word ending in τῳ (χώρῳ ?) stood at the end of verse 5. But, in that place, there was probably no hiatus; and having 8—2 108 BACCHYLIDES. made the wrong division in the first strophe, the scribe repeated it in the other three. 9. Verses g and ro of the strophe are wrongly divided by the Ms. in 37 f. (τεύξεται being added to v. 37), though the division is correct in gf., 19f., and 47 f. 4. In verse ro of strophe 1, νασιώτιν gives -~-—~ where we find -~-— in the other three places (20, 38, 48). This might suggest νασιώταν (see comment.), though the arszs correpfta is, of course, possible. 5. In the roth verse of ant. 1 (v. 20) the Ms. has ταχεῖαν ὁρμάν. This should be ὁρμὰν ταχεῖαν (cp. 10, 38, 48). OvE X. [XI.] Dactylo-epitritic. Strophe (14 verses). =, SS πυπ,ππυ-π,Ξ ceo το τον beret Δ΄ ἡ τῇ ee ἐγ ον λον ΘΙ τ ἢ 5S SO petra ὩΣ ee wy Si I oe SS rg A em IN -.συ-,Ξ-ὦ-ἃΞ LOS A na ieee. τ τυ - ππυυ,πυυπ,Ξπυ-,Ξ]| a ΚΒΟΣ Ng AI Nad eng σευ ἃ πυ-π,ππυ-,- IO τ τὰν “ΟυΣ, METRES. ODES X, X71. 109 Notes. 1. It is of some interest to observe in this ode the poet’s preferences with regard to a long or a short syllable in arsis, where either was admissible. (i) In v. 4 of str. 1, ἐν πολυχρύσῳ δ᾽ ᾿Ολύμπῳ, the fourth syllable is long, as it is also in three of the other five places (vv. 46, 88, 102). It is short only in v. 18 (in a proper name) and v. 60. (ii) Similarly in v. 9, κούρα Στυγὸς ὀρθοδίκου" σέθεν δ᾽ ἕκατι, the ninth syllable is short only there and in v. 107, while it is long in the other four places (18, 51, 65, 93). (iii) On the other hand, in v. 12, κῶμοί τε καὶ εὐφροσύναι θεότιμον ἄστυ, the ninth syllable is long only there (where eo is—, by synizesis) and in 110, while it is short in 26, 54, 68, 96. (iv) Verse 2 of the epode remains integral only in v. 72, κτίζειν, πρὶν és ἀργαλέαν πεσεῖν ἀνάγκαν, where the ninth syllable is short ; and so it must have been also in 114 (where the Ms. has πόλιν ᾿Αχαιοῖς, instead of ~-~—-), and presumably in the mutilated v. 30 (πάτραν θ᾽ ἱκέσθαι). (v) In verse 8 of epode 1 (v. 36), ἄμερσαν ὑπέρτατον ἐκ χειρῶν γέρας, the ninth syllable is long, as also in v. 78; while it is short in v. 120. 2. At the end of v. 1 of str. 2 (v. 43), v must be added to the ἐφόβησε of the Ms. (Cp. v. 115 f., where xareré-|pve should be κατεπέ-φνεν.) 8. In verse 2 of epode 3 (v. 114) és should be inserted before ἱπποτρόφον. With regard to πόλιν ᾿Αχαιοῖς, see commentary. 4. In verse 7 of epode 2 (v. 77) the second syllable of κάμον seems to be a syllaba anceps: see commentary. Of the two corresponding verses, one (35) ends with βροτῶν, and the other (119) with the corrupt mpéyo-|vou. Ove ΧΙ. [XII] Dactylo-epitritic.—Only eight verses remain, of which the last, τάν τ᾿ ἐν Νεμέᾳ γυιαλκέα μουνοπάλαν, is metrically identical with the first, ὡσεὶ κυβερνήτας σοφός, ὑμνοάνασ-, and may possibly, therefore, mark the beginning of the antistrophe; but this, of course, is by no means certain. Strophe. SSS, Su, Ξ VOT Ge ee. Ee iy wee (Gee I RAS 5 St NP ey —uU--, -u=-= iat: dee Poem hae ge, (antistr. ?) ---αἀ- Ξ- που; ver, * * 110 <= BACCHELIDES Ove XII. [XIII] Dactylo-epitritic. Strophe (12 verses). ——VUy SVU, Y = | Meee, ἘΖ > easel ἀν os ee patie getty] --.-- -- ae 5 Vv; eRe Se -οὧ-π--ῷ - π,πυυπ,νυ - SEE A wom: —— ᾽ = ? vy eth gh ieee att τα. 4 16°] Via) Yi, SWI I ΧΖ ἘΣ Tet pee ee en AS ton ae Epode (9 verses). Y A VM; vv > Vv > -“τνυυ,-ου-, ws ἐϑ χενο I I) Sa AS Ral 5. -)-v--,-¥-A| STS RD ae eg ὅλ} : -v-¥,-v-¥,-v¥A| Notes. 1. The seventh verse of ant. 3 (v. 85) is wanting in the Ms. Some remains of it (now represented by the letters ραν) seem to have been pieced on to the sixth verse (84): see crit. n. there.—The third verse of epode 5 (v. 159) has also been lost. The fourth verse (160) seems to have been added to it in the same line. 2. The second verse of the strophe is a pherecratic, ---~~—%, Περσείδας épinow (48). As there, so also in 81, 102, 114, 135, 147, 168, 180, 201, the second syllable is long; and I cannot think that in 69 πανθαλέων presents, as Blass suggests, a solitary exception. πανθᾶλής occurs, no doubt, in 229: but πανθαλής (Doric for πανθηλής) would be parallel with εὐθαλής (see on VIII. 5). 8. In the fourth verse of the strophe the last syllable is short only once (115, ἄστυ), but long in all the other instances (49, 70, 136, 148, 181, 202). METRES. ODES XII, XIII. III 4. In the third verse of the epode, the first syllable is everywhere short (93, 126, 192, 225). This fact supports the conjecture ἀν δεθεῖσιν (Housman) in 59f., as against ἀνθρώποισιν (Blass). 5. At the beginning of verse 7 of epode 2 (v. 64) κυάνεον must be —-~-, though in compounds with κυανο- Bacchylides has ¥. A resolution of the thesis would be against his rule in this place: see 97, 130, 163, 196, 229. 6. Verse 8 of the epode ends with a long syllable in 65, 164, 197, 2303 yet once with a short (131). 7. Inverse g of the epode, the fourth syllable is normally long (99, 165, 198, 231); yet once short (66, -χθέντος ἀσφαλεῖ σὺν αἴσᾳ). In 132 ἐξίκοντο might have either ¢ or t (cp. XV. 16). Ope XIII. [XIV.] Dactylo-epitritic. Strophe (7 verses). aa. ramctae ay σε λας τ Fae od «ὦ —-,-v-- -,υ--π, πὸ --, PAS) SP Og = LY NS 5 -Ἰτ-υυ, πύυ-,-τ 5 τ eh περ ρος Epode (8 verses). —] Cr wr σ]- συ, RCE a ᾿ χσα -π-υ͵]τ- πιπυυ-,τ “ὧ-- σ-ιὕὔἦνΉγ σους υν-- 5 (υδ᾽πυύυπυυν- --ὖὦ-,- το -.-- ᾽ 3 PoE Ge Sg) Gb. (hn mes eee San aren Note. In verse 3 of strophe 1 the MS. seems to have lost τ᾽ after ἐσθλόν : and in verse 5 a corruption has occurred. See commentary. 112 BACCHYLIDES B. ΔΙΘΥΡΑΜΒΟΙ. OvE XIV. [XV.] Dactylo-epitritic. Strophe (7 verses). Se FG ee y -“πυυ,πυυ--,Ξ-υ- “ — --- --- Ἐν πὸ Ωοὦ VM; Wisse g TO ee eee κεῖν: bo leh tear) ei does! Wee re ay SD eg FN NT erg NIE TK ig y OS τ ea ? ᾽ Epode (7 verses). Se ee ΞΘ a a ne - --ὠὦς-ἰὐ-, --τοωο-π,- “πὸ Ὁ δος πε σοῦ, ὧν λων ain coed | St λῆς εν NS ig rt 5 See re RASS) SAS AI —— UH, ry Notes. 1. In verse 6 of ant. 1 (v. 13) the MS. has σὺν θεοῖς where -~~-— stands in the corresponding verses (6, 48, 55): a short syllable (ye, δέ, or τε) seems to be lost after σύν. 2. In verse 7 of epode 3 (v. 63) the MS. ὥλεσεν should be ὥλεσσεν, as v. 42 shows. Ope XV. [XVI] The metres of this ode are complex, and the precise analysis is in many points doubtful. Dacty/ic measures of various lengths predominate, both in strophe and in epode. Mingled with these are paconic rhythms. The pacon primus, -v vv, appears certainly in verse 9 of the strophe; and almost certainly (I think) in verse 1, where it is followed by the kindred cretic; though the mutilation of that verse in the strophe, and the ambiguous quantity of ye before «A in the antistrophe (v. 13), differentiate the case from that of verse 9. The pacon guartus, συ Ὁ -, may be recognised at the beginning of verses 4 and 11 in the strophe, . METRES. ODES XIV, XV. 113 and probably in the second part of v. 5 of the epode (v. 29). There are also some anapaests (or apparent anapaests). Dr W. Headlam, who has given special study to the metres used in this ode, describes the strophe as composed of three elements, paconic, dactylic, and logaoedic; the epode being constructed, as usual, of the same material in a different arrangement. By this complexity, and by somewhat abrupt transitions from one rhythm to another, Bacchylides seems here to aim at expressing agitated feelings, in unison with the tragic pathos of Deianeira’s fate. Such a metrical character was not ill-suited to a Dionysiac dithyramb. Strophe (12 verses). Sieg gee Al ae Ta pent ae Ce ΤΟΝ τοι τ προ τειν τας be FC τὸ τξ 5-ὠβΣσσυ - υυ-Ἔὅ----- Rh ag ἐν ey eee eee Ὅν A SN Ὁ» “π υυπππωυυ--"Ξ | --ὖ Ξ πύυυ---| - ας ἌΣ wt Ὁ ὦ Ξο- ἡ “ οὠὦοὐς- πυνσων-- Epode (11 verses). “Δὃ-νυ-πττωυυ- - πως φπρὼ» ὦ ωυ-πυω-ππυ- ωΨψφωΦ ς-ῳὡν 5 5 ωυ-“πονυ ----- tet © © deel © τ τ ρου σ-ν.- ωυ-“»υσυσ-πυνπ-πὸυ - Ὧν τ ee ae -.͵ὧοοὧ-οαὐυ- LO. - οὐ νυ, == SDI SF OF πὰ ἣν τῷ ᾿ Notes. 1. The question as to the metre of verse 1 is bound up with the palaeo- graphical data: see crit. note ad Joc. If the verse did not begin with -~~ as [Πυθἤου, but with --~, then two long syllables were formed by 4 letters (for 114 BACCHYLIDES. which alone there is room before ov); and the fourth of these was either I, or a letter ending with a vertical stroke, such as N. In verse 1 of the antistr. (v. 13) γε before xX might, according to B.’s practice, be either short or long: for the statistics, see above, p. 85. 2. Verse 3 of the strophe is a dactylic pentapody with catalexis, not a frequent verse, but one which occurs in Alcman, fr. 51, Pindar P. Ill. 4 (Odpavida γόνον εὐρυμέδοντα Kpédvor), etc. 9. Verse 5 of the strophe ends with ἀνθεμόεντι “EBpw, answering to evpuvepet Κηναίῳ in v. 17. The hiatus before “ESpw recalls that in 111. 64, ὦ μεγαίνητε ‘Tépwv, a passage which also suggests that the ¢ of ἀνθεμόεντι might be lengthened before the aspirate. But such a lengthening is easier to under- stand in thesis (111. 64) than, as here, in arsis; and moreover it is needless to assume it. Blass surely mars the metre by inserting ποὺ after ἀνθεμόεντι.--- The double spondee of v. 17 occurs in Aesch. Ag. 121 αἴλινον αἴλινον εἰπέ, τὸ δ᾽ εὖ νικάτω. 4. Verse 6 (=18), composed of four dactyls and a spondee, is the same as that in Aesch. Zum. 360, σπευδομένα δ᾽ ἀφελεῖν τινα τάσδε μερίμνας. 5. Verse 7 (=19) might be read either as an anapaestic dimeter, or as a dactylic tetrapody catalectic with anacrusis (~~). The former view is the simpler. 6. The eighth verse, mutilated in the strophe, is preserved entire in the antistrophe, -λε κόρᾳ τ᾽ ὀβριμοδερκεῖ &fvya,—anapaest, dactyl, trochee, cretic. In verse 8 the last four syllables are formed by παιηόνων, where the first might be short, as in παϊάνιξαν (XVI. 129). Blass, to avoid the hiatus and the shortening of -xe., inserts ye after ὀβριμοδερκεῖ. 7. Verse 9, ἄνθεα πεδοιχνεῖν (=21 παρθένῳ ᾿Αθάνᾳ), consists of a pacon primus and a spondee. In verse 11, τόσα χοροὶ Δελφῶν (= 23, τότ᾽ ἄμαχος δαίμων), we have a paeon guartus and a spondee. Thus the place where the paeonic element becomes prominent is also that which, in the antistrophe, marks the turning-point of tragic interest. Verse 23 introduces Deianeira’s resolve. 8. Verse 12, the last of the strophe, is a choriambus followed by an enhoplius, cov κελάδησαν παρ᾽ ἀγακλέα ναόν. It will be noticed that both here and in the antistrophic verse (24), Aatavelpg πολύδακρυν ὕφανε, the fifth syllable coincides with the end of a word. 9. The first verse of the epode (25), a dactylic tripody catalectic, is metrically the same as the ninth (33). 10. In verse 2 of the epode (26), πύθετ᾽ ἀγγελίαν ταλαπενθέα, it seems most probable that the final -éa of the last word is to be scanned~-. The metre will then be the same as that of the 7th verse of the epode (31), φθόνος evpuBlas νιν ἀπώλεσεν. In 27 ᾿Ιόλαν can take Ff 11. In verse 5 of the epode (29), ἄλοχον λιπαρὸν ποτὶ δόμον πέμποι, two anapaests are followed by the combination already found in the strophe (vv. 11 and 23), a pacon guartus and a spondee. 12. Verse 6 of the epode (30), ἃ δύσμορος, ἃ τάλαιν᾽, οἷον ἐμήσατο is followed at the beginning of v. 7 by φθόνος, and the last syllable of ἐμήσατο is therefore long. The first ἃ is anacrusis: then we have a dactyl, and a trochaic dipody catalectic (twice). The movement is slow, with a slight pause after τάλαιν᾽, and gives a wailing effect, which is continued in the next verse. 13. The rrth and last verse of the epode (35), δέξατο Νέσσου πάρα δαιμόνιον τέρας, has a general likeness to the last v. of the strophe, but ends METRES. ODES XV, XVI. 115 with --΄-- instead of -- As in the strophic verses (12 and 24), the fifth syllable coincides with the end of a word. Ove XVI. [XVIL.] In the metre of this ode much is difficult and obscure. One element, which Wilamowitz regards as predominant (Gét¢t. Gelehr. Anz. 1898, pp. 137 ff.), is formed by iambic dipodies or ‘diiambi.’ Some verses, such as the second of the epode (v. 48), τάφον δὲ ναυβάται, are simply iambic. There are also trochaic rhythms (as 6.5. in v. 9). But there are other elements also. Bacchylides uses cretics in frag. 11 (=15 Blass), οὐχ ἕδρας ἔργον οὐδ᾽ ἀμβολᾶς, | ἀλλὰ χρυσαίγιδος ᾿Ιτωνίας etc., where the second foot of the second verse is a paeon primus: and Blass asks (Praef. p. Liv, 3rd ed.) whether this ode is to be regarded as cretic or paeonic. ‘It is clearly,’ he says, ‘a paean ; it concerns the Cretan Minos, and the word Κρητικόν occurs in the fourth verse: but if cretics and paeons are to be recognised in it, at any rate they are strangely mingled with trochees, iambics, and even anapaests.’ He further observes that the first three verses of the strophe, between which synaphea seems to exist, can be more easily reduced to trochaic dipodies (ditrochaeos), such as Aristoxenus is said to have called κρητικοὶ κατὰ τροχαῖον (Diomedes p. 481), than to ‘cretics’ in the ordinary sense of the word. A complete metrical analysis of the ode has been essayed by Housman in the C/assical Review, vol. x11. pp. 134 ff. (March, 1898). While the technical aspects of the metre present so much that divides the opinions of experts, a reader can feel that its general character is well adapted to the subject-matter. The verses suit a rapid and spirited narrative, fraught with excitement, startling incident, and reversals of fortune. Strophe (23 verses). στ A τ ie x= Fe ee A, Se ες ee ie Sey - . SN αι ἐκ ὩΣ Ua wy μεν 5--π-πυξ’--υὐ ω-.- YY Ue - δ ED CCS NOPE BEF Se se 8 I K—VvrVMruUo 116 BACCHYLIDES. I0 -“.,ῳῳὦ -οὐ-οὖῷὸοτ “ ὡ--οὐτο-ῶὧῶν - τὴωςύτωττυ - υ-“ τυς-ὸόυ --- υπυτΞ--υο- ἡ- 15 στ-ύ-π- -ὖξ! -.;.οὧωων πῶ --- σ(υυ)--ὐ- δ | ὑπ ΠΑ ΞΕ Ss Χ “ωὠὡὠὐιιο | wy 20 Gr νων πΞι, -ὦ-- | ww SS eS a -- Very C= ORO SS eS UU « Epode (20 verses). v “Es Sel Rt Ng μους ι-- ἢ SES Δ tat SASS Lo tL “νυ; w=. -- τ, υπυ-, ι- -, --ο-, 5 vrvvy, ι--- ΠΡΟ ΔΑΝ nt A Ley, L-J-,L v-, = SO eT me NS -ὠ-πὸῷὼ Ἢ -,τὖὸ - Ι1ουνυωσσυσ-ο- Si “νὰ τ υςπυππυ---ππ υυ Pg ey δ V0 σι “- 15. πω, ῳ σου eel, © Ame © Decree © dice vou, uw, HY LUuY~l u-, es vu, Hee 20 ὧσπν“-ὶ -ὖ-, Leu Notes. The number of places where apparent breaches of metre suggest some disturbance of the text is larger in this Ode than in any other. 1. In several instances the metrical fault can be cured by some very slight correction; as in v. 4, by writing τάμνε for rduvev: 42, ἀμβρότου for METRES. ODE XVI. 117 ἀμβρότοι᾽ : 80, ἠὔΐδενδρον for εὔδενδρον: 88, ἴσχεν for ἴσχειν : gt, ἐξόπιν, or ἐξόπιθε, for ἐξόπιθεν : 112, ἀμφέβαλεν for ἀμφέβαλλεν : 118, θέωσιν for θέλωσιν. 2. The defect of a syllable sometimes occurs in one of two verses which ought to correspond metrically. (i) In verse 4 of ant. 2 (v. 93) a long syllable has been lost after ἠϊθέων. (ii) In verse 8 of str. 1 the Ms. has Μίνω where we expect -~-. (iii) The same v. of str. 2 (74) ends with Θησεῦ, τάδε, instead of --~~~. (iv) In v. 14 of ant. 1 (37), 7é(F)oe δόσαν ἰόπλοκοι, a short syllable is wanting at the end. 98. Conversely, excess of a syllable appears (i) in v. 8 of ant. 2 (97), φέρον δὲ δελφῖνες ἐναλι- ναιέται, where metre requires ἁλι- ναιέται : and (ii) in v. το of ant. 2 (108), -πὸον κέαρ ὑγροῖσιν ἐν ποσίν, where metre requires ὑγροῖσι ποσσίν. 4. There are other and more complex cases of defective responsion where the most probable remedy is afforded by ¢ransfosition. (i) In verses 11 and 12 of ant. 2 (100f.), where the Ms. has ἔμολέν τε θεῶν | μέγαρον, two faults are removed by writing μέγαρόν re θεῶν | μόλεν. (ii) In vv. 13f. of ant. 2 (ro2f.), the Ms. has ἔδεισε Nypéos ὀλ- βίου, where we require ~--~-—~-— | ~-: this is obtained by writing ἔδεισ᾽ ὀλβίοιο Nx-\péos. These two instances, in which the probability of the transposition ap- proaches to certainty, should be carefully noted as tending to prove that a displacement of verses was possible in this papyrus; not necessarily through an error of the scribe, but perhaps because, in some earlier MS., a verse had been omitted, and then re-inserted in a wrong place. We should remember this in considering two other places. (iii) In vv. 20f. of ant. 2 (109 f.) the Ms. has εἶδέν (made from ἴδεν) re πατρὸς ἄλοχον φίλαν | σεμνὰν βοῶπιν ἐρατοῖ-, where, instead of σεμνάν, metre requires either ~~ or -- Housman is surely right in making v. 20 begin with σεμνάν, and v. 21 with ide. (iv) In wv. 16f. of epode 1 (62f.) the Ms. has δικὼν θράσει σῶμα πατρὸς és δόμους | ἔνεγκε κόσμον βαθείας ἁλός" where a short syllable is wanting after θράσει. I agree with Blass in transposing the verses, and adding ἐκ before βαθείας. For a fuller discussion of all the passages indicated in notes 2—4, the reader is referred to the commentary. 5. Verses 6 and 7 of the strophe are wrongly divided by the Ms. in ant. 2 (95 f., δάκρυ | xéov instead of δά-κρυ xéov), though rightly in the other three places (6f., 29f., 72f.). 6. In his third edition (1904) Blass, referring to Hermes XXXVI. 284 f., makes a new division of verses 5—6 of the strophe, thus :—(r) str. 1: τηλαυγέϊ γὰρ ἐν φάρεϊ βορήϊαι | πίτνον αὖραι κλυτᾶς | ἕκατι κιτ.λ. (2) ant. 1 (28—30) : ἔλθῃ" σὺ δὲ βαρεῖαν κάτεχε μῆτιν, εἰ | καί σε κεδνὰ τέκεν | λέχει κιτιλ. Note here that the new division of εἰ καὶ between two verses is objectionable. This awkwardness becomes still more marked if (as is desirable) a colon or full stop, and not merely a comma, is placed after μῆτιν. (3) str. 2 (71—73): ἄστραψέ θ᾽" ὁ δὲ θυμάρμενον ἰδὼν τέρας | χέρας πέτασσε κλυτὰν | és αἰθέρα κιτ.λ. In the MS. v. 72 is ἰδὼν τέρας χεῖρας πέτασσε: where the simple correction, πέτασε χεῖρας (see comm.), restores the metre. The new division dispenses with the transposition (though requiring χέρας instead of xetpas): but it introduces a new discrepancy, viz.~—~— (χέρας πέτασσ-) instead of the -~— found in all the corresponding places (6, 29, 95). (4) ant. 2 (94—96) ἥρως θόρεν πόντονδε, κατὰ λειρίων | 7 ὀμμάτων δάκρυ xéov | βαρεῖαν κ.τ.λ. It seems to me that the division of these verses in the MS. (with the exception of 95 f., on which see n. 5) is, on the whole, more probable than the new division now made by Blass. One fact especially should be observed. 118 BACCHYLIDES. As Maas has noted (see above, p. 96), the general tendency of the Alexandrian κωλιστής was to avoid, as far as possible, the division of a word between two verses. Where, therefore, the MS. so divides a word, there is a presumption that such division is authentic. But the effect of the new arrangement is to produce κάτεχε where the Ms. (28f.) has κάτεϊχε : and κατά where the Ms. (94f.) has xara. Ove XVII. Logaoedic. Strophe (15 verses). NAL AATEC Ct ee tr eng ae You yaya yn, Ig Ig I A τ δ ΤῸΝ -,πυ,ν π,υ π,ρυ-, - 5 oy my re Soe ow Sym Ὁ» uy -πῖὰ,Ἐ- Ym, πυ vv | baie Saas tance Sy Wot oe ene 10 =<, Ξ, 5} We ORGS re SED ~,-ysy »¥—-,4¥-,¥—| alee ει Soci od πυ, πὸ, πὸ, ἘΞ Notes. 1. The Ms. text shows many corruptions of metre, but they are such as can easily be removed. In v. 9, δ᾽ ἕκατι has been corrected to ἀέκατι : τό, ἦλθε to ἦλθεν : 24, Kpeuvdvos to Κρεμμυῶνος : 28, ἐξέβαλλεν to ἐξέβαλεν : 35, ὅπλοισιν to ὀπάοσιν : 40, καρτερὸν to κρατερόν : 51, κρατὸς ὕπερ to κρατὸς πέρι. Ὑ 2. In 52 ἴ. the transposition στέρνοις τε.. «χιτῶνα (instead of the MS. χιτῶνα ...oTépvos τ᾽) is required, not by metre, but by the place of re: see com- mentary. Ope XVIII. [XIX.] The metre does not conform to any well-known type, but blends certain rhythms as the poet’s fancy prompts. In the first fourteen verses of the strophe, iambic dimeters alternate with short dactylic measures. In verses 15, 16 and 18 the rhythm becomes trochaic,—v. 18 being of a logaoedic character; while v. 17 is an iambic trimeter with an anapaest for the second foot. METRES. ODES XVII, XVIII. 119 In the epode the s. has lost the ending of every verse except the first (37, ἐμοὶ μὲν οὖν). Blass, indeed, thinks that the words τίκτε Διόνυσον (50), where he writes Δῖον υἱόν, form a complete verse ; but this seems improbable. The endings of at least four verses in the epode (46—49) can, however, be restored without much difficulty. The remains of the epode suffice to show that there, as in the strophe, iambic rhythms were combined with trochaic. The tenth verse of the epode (46) was clearly a prosodiacus, ὅθεν καὶ “Ayavopidas, like the sixth verse of the strophe, φερεστέφανοι Χάριτες. In this ode the iambics are pure. The only spondee in an iambic verse is the proper name “Id in 41. Strophe (18 verses). SES Se ἃ Reh (χε Vv ray. “> Sa eg Ww Ss ey ὦ Cee | 5 ὑττυυ, --ὸ (υῦ)--, 7 πον τς Shae IS ea Ns vo ST Cg NAS a Soe A can OM το ὦ Io -v-,v-l| oe INS ι-υ-, vet Wir =e vou | RP ig ρος ὦ πῇ δ ἢ ὌΝ Daag 15 υσυξΞξ-υυ-πυπυπυ Soe ἘΞ περᾷ oe salah 9 Sak κοὐ σε © Meth ὦ Κα πα eh Ne ae Se Nae Epode (15 verses). ω-ὖυ -- υωυυ-τ-υςσ :- tt ee ἘΣ σε ὦ ἐπ ΤῸ CFI Sep Nes ὦ 8 idem oalion 120 BACCHYLIDES. Ιο υπυύυπυΐν - Pe eT νος ΚΠ SEI, oe Se ahs oa Sree 15 Ct © Al © © ee ee ee ee « . Notes. 1. In the fifth verse of the ant. (23), ἄκοιτον dimvov édv-\ra (=5 ἰοβλέφαροί τε καί), there is synizesis of eo, unless edv-|ra should be read. 2. Inv. 15 of the strophe, ἦεν seems a probable correction of the Ms. τί jv: the metre clearly indicates a trochee. Blass keeps τί ἦν, but suggests “Apyos nv ποθ᾽ ὅθ᾽ ἵππιον λιποῦσα : with some sacrifice of euphony. 3. In v. 17 εὐρυσθενέος is scanned --~~— , not -—~-, as is indicated by the antistrophic words ἢ Πιερίδες (v. 35). Ope XIX. [XX.] The first eleven verses are partly preserved. All begin with “— Jv, and all are mutilated at the end. The rhythm is the προσοδιακός, ~—-YVu-—vv-, or the ἐνόπλιος with anacrusis, “-UYuu-vuv--. Verse 8, commencing with the words ἀναξίαλος Ποσει[δάν, differs from the rest in that the initial Y-vv is followed, not by —vv-, but by —v-. This is a form of prosodiacus used by Aristophanes (Av. 1371 ff.) in the nuptial strain, Ἥρᾳ zor ᾿Ολυμπίᾳ (see Introd. to Ode xix). -“-ύυωυσπυν.-- Sede © LS Me © Ok © - --σ υύνπνω --- “σνυτπτων- -- 5 μςσυν-“ ὧυ--.- -“ττύυ-πωνπ“--- ἡ υυπυ-- ωτυυ-υ - - Stith OA © ieee ot -- το τ Ξε ees ne IRN) ὩΣ “- ον Notes. 1. Verse 1 may have ended either with —~~— (edpuvxépw), or with -~~—— (evpvayvig); but the former is more probable. Verses 2 and g presumably ended with -~~-. In 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 11, the ending seems to have been -—~~-—- ; 2. In verse 8 the werds ἀναξίαλος ἸΠοσειδάν may have been followed by vee +— (2g. ὅτε δίφρον dmrdacas). In v. το, Πλευρῶν᾽ és ἐὐκτιμέναν may have been followed by ~~ -~~-—- (e.g. ἐπόρευσε mapal). These, at least, are possibilities suggested by a consideration of the whole context. THE PAPYRUS. on” VI. THE PAPYRUS. The papyrus of Bacchylides (Brit. Mus. Pap. DCCX XXIII) was found in Egypt by natives; the place of discovery is uncertain. It was brought to the British Museum towards the end of 1896, in the condition which Dr F. G. Kenyon thus describes! :— ‘When it reached England the manuscript consisted of about 200 torn fragments. The largest of these measured 20 inches in length, and contained four and a half columns of writing; there were fourteen pieces of some considerable size, containing one or more columns; while the rest were small fragments ranging from pieces measuring a few inches in either direction to scraps containing barely one or two letters. For the most part the fractures were recent, and were probably due to the Egyptian discoverers ; but in a few places the completely different colours of adjoining fragments show that the fracture must be of old standing. If the manuscript was deposited in a tomb (as is a priori probable, though no authentic information on the point is forthcoming), this might be due to ancient plunderers in search of treasure ; but the matter is not one of great importance, except as indicating that the modern discoverers are not solely to blame for the present condition of this precious manuscript.’ That the poems were those of Bacchylides, appeared from the occurrence in the papyrus of some verses known to be his*. The patient skill of Dr Kenyon accomplished the difficult task of arranging the larger part of the frag- ments in their proper order, and thus reconstructing the body of the manuscript from its mutilated members. In this papyrus a column of writing never contains more than 36 lines, nor less than 32; the usual number is 35 or 34. The average length of a column, from the topmost line of writing to the lowest, is 7 inches, or a fraction more: the width of a column,—measured from the beginning of the text on the left to the beginning 1 Introduction to Bacchylides, p. 2 See introduction to the Frag- XV. ments in this volume. The columns. re BACCHYLIDES. The three sections of the MS. of the text in the next column on the right,—varies from about 5 to 54 inches. Only a very few verses reach (or slightly exceed) the length of 5 inches (see, e¢., Ix. 48 ἄνδρα... εἶμεν, col. 18,1. 6 from the foot): the average length ranges from about 3 to 44 inches. The reconstructed papyrus is in three parts or sections. I. The first section (9 feet in length) contains columns I—xXxXII. Column I begins in the latter portion of Ode 1, with the mutilated first verse of a strophe (πόλιν... βαθυδει-), which was perhaps the seventh strophe of the poem. Column XxII breaks off after verse 8 of Ode XI (τάν τ᾽ ἐν Νεμέᾳ γυιαλκέα μουνοπάλαν). Between the end of this first section and the beginning of the next, there has been a loss of at least one column, and probably of more. © II. The second section (2 feet 3 inches in length) contains columns XXIV—XXIX, preceded by a few minute traces of the lost column XxIII. Column XXIV begins with the eleventh verse of a strophe of Ode XII (ὕβριος ὑψινόου). If, as is probable, that strophe was the second, this verse was the 44th of the poem. Column ΧΧΙΧ breaks off after v. 23 of Ode XIII (ὃς φιλοξείνου τε καὶ ὀρθοδίκου). The scale of the exordium might suggest that Ode XIII was on a somewhat large plan; in that case, more than one other column would have been required to complete it. Nor is it at all certain that the thirteenth epinikion was the last poem of that class. It is therefore impossible to conjecture how much has been lost between the end of this section and the beginning of the next. III. The third section (3 feet 6 inches in length) consists of columns XXX—XXXIX. Column ΧΧΧ is repre- sented only by a fragment of the upper portion, belonging to the exordium of Ode XIV, the first of the ‘dithyrambs.’ The title ᾿Αντηνορίδαι ἢ “EXévns ἀπαίτησις is written at the top of the column, and not (as usual) in the margin. This circumstance, with the fact that the initial of the title is A, suggests that a new division of the volume began here. Column ΧΧΧΙΧ (of which the right-hand part is torn THE RECONSTRUCTED PAPYRUS. 123 off) ends with v. 11 of Ode ΧΙΧ, Ἴδας. It is fairly certain that, in the complete papyrus, other dithyrambs followed the /das. - After the reconstruction of the MS. in these three principal sections, there remained about 40 fragments, nearly all minute, for which no place had been found. All these have now had places assigned to them, chiefly by Prof. Blass; but with varying degrees of probability. Prof. Blass supposes that the column numbered by Kenyon as the first was originally the fifth. It was pre- ceded by four columns which contained the beginning and the middle part of Ode I. He has arranged a large number of small fragments in the places which he supposes them to have held in these four columns, and in many cases has added conjectural supplements. Even with the supplements, a continuous sense is seldom effected; but we obtain what might be called a hypothetical skeleton of the four lost columns. I give this reconstruction in an Appendix to Odel. It reflects much credit on the eminent critic’s ingenuity and industry. But the element of con- jecture involved is so extremely large as to render it questionable whether the skeleton of these four columns should be printed as part of the ascertained text. Column I of Kenyon is designated by Blass thus ν (1); and so on up to Kenyon’s twenty-ninth column, designated as XXXIII(XXIX). At this point a further difference comes in. A small fragment, giving morsels of 4 verses (XIII. 40—43), is regarded by Blass as representing a lost column, XXXIV, which he inserts between XXXIII (Kenyon’s XXIX) and XXXv (Kenyon’s Xxx). Hence, from that point to the end, the difference between the two numberings is no longer four, but five; the last column, Kenyon’s ΧΧΧΙΧ, being Blass’s XLIv. In this edition I retain Kenyon’s numbering of the columns, which is also that used in the autotype facsimile of the papyrus (1897). The lost part of Ode I. Number- ing of the columns. The thirteen epinikia are not arranged, as those of Arrange- ‘ ‘ _ ment of Simonides were, according to the class of the contest’; jjronizs. 1 See p. 37, ἢ. 4. G2 L. Epini- kia. IT. Dithy- rambs. 124 THE BACCHYLIDES PAPYRUS. nor, like those of Pindar, according to the festivals. Nor do they stand in the alphabetical sequence of the victors’ names, or of their cities. Finally, the order is not chrono- logical: the few dates which can be fixed suffice to prove that. The first two Odes, for Argeius, may, indeed, have been among the poet’s earliest compositions (see p. 60). But Ode II belongs to 468 ; Iv, to 470; V, to 476; vI and VII, to 452; XII (probably) to 481 or 479. As to Ode xIII, its place is doubtless due to the fact that it pertains to a minor festival. It may have been followed by other poems relating to local games; but not (we may presume) by any which concerned Olympia or Delphi, Nemea or the Isthmus. Perhaps we now possess the greater part of the epinikia written by Bacchylides. Among the fragments of his epinikia quoted by ancient writers, there is only one (fr. 1) which does not occur in the papyrus:—@s δ᾽ ἅπαξ εἰπεῖν, φρένα καὶ πυκινὰν | κέρδος ἀνθρώπων βιᾶται. That fragment is excluded by metre from every extant strophe and epode of the recovered epinikia: but it may possibly have stood (as Blass suggests) in one of the lost epodes of Ode xI. There is no reason to suppose that in antiquity this class of the poet’s works formed more than one book. Stobaeus quotes simply from Βακχυλίδου ᾿Ἐπινίκων. The six ‘dithyrambs,’ contained in the third section of the MS., are arranged in the alphabetical order of initials (but not of second letters also):—Avtnvopidar ἢ “Ἑλένης ἀπαίτησις, Ἡρακλῆς, Hideor ἢ Θησεύς, Θησεύς, Ie, “Idas. In the book of ‘ dithyrambs,’ when entire, some other pieces must have followed the Ἴδας in alphabetical order. There was probably a Κασσάνδρα (fr. 46), and a Λαοκόων (fr. 51). The story of Philoctetes being brought from Lemnos to Troy was told in a dithyramb of which that hero’s name was doubtless the title (fr. 39). If the poem which related Europa’s story (fr. 47) was a dithyramb, Εὐρώπη, it should have come between Odes XIV and XV: unless, indeed, the original title of XIV was simply ᾿Ελένης ἀπαίτησις, in which case Εὐρώπη might have stood before it, as ‘Iw before “Iéas. But the fact already noticed, that the title of XIV is written at the head of col. XXX, makes this improbable. ORDER OF CONTENTS.—DATE. 125 The character of the handwriting in the papyrus will Cfaracter be seen from the specimens reproduced in the plates given sans below. It is a fine uncial, firm, clear, regular, and of a fairly large size. The size is not, however, quite uniform through- out. In some places (as ¢g. in col. ΧΧΧΙ) the writing becomes slightly smaller, as if the scribe was desirous of economizing his space. On the whole, the Ms. is among the most beautiful examples of Greek writing on papyrus. As the calligraphy indicates, it was probably designed for sale, or for a public library. The only evidence as to the age of the MS. is that Age of the afforded by the handwriting. The term ‘Ptolemaic, as applied to literary papyri written in a formal book-hand, Piolewats denotes that the hand is such as prevailed in the Greek 27?” book-world at large during the period when the Ptolemies ruled in Egypt!; ze. from the beginning of the third century to about the middle of the first century B.c. This style 7%. was modified in the course of the transition to the first pines century of our era, when the ‘Roman’ period in Greek literary handwriting begins. Now the Bacchylides papyrus has some forms of letters Character- which are distinctly Ptolemaic: but it also exhibits some ae oe traits which indicate that a transition to the Roman style is deca at hand. The A is Ptolemaic; it is angular, without any trace of a curve, and is written with two strokes of the pen. The M is broad, with a shallow dip, and is, so far, Ptolemaic; but the dip is usually curved. The &, the most characteristic letter of all, is thoroughly Ptolemaic, being formed with exceptionally long strokes at top and bottom, and a mere dot in the middle. These are the three most significant letters. But some others also are noteworthy. E is thin, the central stroke projecting slightly beyond the short strokes above and below it. @ is thin. O is very small. IL is remarkably broad. The curve at the top of T is much shallower than in the Roman period. All these features occur in papyri of the Ptolemaic age. On the other hand, the form of A, in 1 Kenyon, Palacography of Greek Papyri, pp. 72 f. Probable date. Other Ἶ papyri of the same period. Condition of the text. 126 THE BACCHYLIDES PAPYRUS. which the right-hand stroke runs up a little beyond the other, shows the incipient influence of Roman style. In the narrow C, the upper part is sometimes separated from the rest, a peculiarity found also in the Harris Ms. of /iad XVIII (Brit. Mus. Pap. CVII), a papyrus of the first century’. Guided chiefly by these or like indications, Dr Kenyon assigns the Bacchylides papyrus to the first century B.C., when the Ptolemaic style was beginning to pass into the Roman. In confirmation of this approximate date, he refers to some other literary papyri of the same period. (1) Some of the Herculaneum rolls (all of which must be earlier than 79 A.D.) contain writings of the Epicurean Philodemus, a contemporary of Cicero, and may probably be referred to the middle or latter part of the first century B.C. These papyri show the Ptolemaic style in some test- letters, such as A, M, &. (2) Another papyrus contains Hypereides Jn Philippidem, and also (but in a different hand) the third Epistle of Demosthenes (Brit. Mus. Papp. CXXXIII, CXXXIV). In the work of both these hands, some letters, as A, M, and &, have Ptolemaic forms, akin to those in the Ms. of Bacchylides: and both the hands belong to the period of transition from the Ptolemaic style to the Roman’, If the approximate date thus obtained be correct, the papyrus of Bacchylides was written about four centuries after the poet’s death. In order to estimate the character 1 Kenyon, of. cit. p. 76: cp. p.85. to the first century. (2) They also 2 Messrs Grenfell and Hunt (Oxy- rhynchus Papyri τ. 53) would refer the Bacchylides papyrus to the first or second century of ourera. (1) They compare a papyrus of Demosthenes, which they would place in the early part of the second century. Dr Kenyon, however, observes (Pa/ae- ography of Greek Papyri, p. 76, n. 1) that the forms of some characteristic letters in the Bacchylides, such as M, =, YT, Q, differ from those in the Demosthenes. He would refer the Demosthenes not to the second, but compare the M and TY of the Bacchy- lides with those found in papyrus fragments of Thucydides and Aris- toxenus which belong to the Roman period. But Dr Kenyon observes that, in these fragments, M is less broad, and also more deeply indented, than in the Bacchylides; while in the case of f the resemblance is not close. ‘On the whole,’ he concludes, ‘the Oxyrhynchus papyri, which are all of the Roman period, seem to me to confirm the date here assigned to the Bacchylides.’ THE FIRST HAND. 127 of the manuscript, the following subjects must be con- sidered. I. The manner in which the scribe performed his task of transcription, and the classes of error which his work exhibits. II. The nature and extent of the corrections made by later hands. III. The condition in which the text was left by the latest corrector. IV. The signs used in the papyrus. I. The hand of the scribe, A. The first fact to be noted is the number of the instances which prove that the scribe habitually worked in a mechani- cal manner, merely transcribing the letters which he seemed to see before him, without regard for the sense. Such Zvrors_ instances are frequent throughout, and fall under two pr classes: (4) those in which the right reading is replaced by sense. a word, or words, plainly unsuitable to the context; and (4) those in which it is replaced by an unmeaning series of letters. Some of these errors also violate metre. Thus :— (4) Ill. 78 A wrote evray for εὖντα. V. 23 φοιβωι for φόβῳ: 106 és for ὅς: 117 ἄγγελον for ’AyéXaov: 170 τονκε for τὸν dé. VIII. 6 ὅτι for ὅθι: 36 τάλας for πάλας: 41 μάθε for ἦλθεν. IX. 27 Εὐβοι( ων for εὐβούλων. X. 54 ὄμμα for νόημα: 94 κατακαρδίαν for κατ᾽ ᾿Αρκαδίαν: 120 ἐπὶ for ἐπεί. XVI. 119 λᾶα for νᾶα. XVII. 6 ορει for spr’. One instance of this class is so characteristic that it deserves to be signalised. In XII. 87 (where a maiden is compared to ‘a joyous fawn’), instead of νεβρός, A wrote νεκρός. (4) 111. 15 epa for ἱερά: 48 ἁβροβαώταν for ἁβροβάταν. VIII. 12 παρμεμορωι συν for ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρχεμόρῳ τόν. IX. 14 pavoov for μανῦον: 47 βρισενομεν for βρίσει. τὸ μέν: 20. ἐσέλων for ἐσθλὸν (or ἐσθλῶν). ΧΙ]. 127 αντασανυμ- for ἀντάσ(ας) ἀνατ-. XIV. 54 δικαληθηαν for Δίκαν ἰθεῖαν. XVII. 2 αβροβικων ... ἵερωνων for ἁβροβίων ... lever. XVIII. #2 ενθενι for ἔνθα νιν. XIX. 8 πασι- for ποσίε)ι- (Ποσειδαν). Errors destructive of metre. 128 THE BACCHYLIDES PAPYRUS. Next, A made a number of errors which, though they do not always mar the sense, prove that the scribe was either ignorant or regardless of metre. Thus: III. 47 πρόσθεν δ᾽ for πρόσθε δ᾽: 48 ἔπεμψε for ἀνέπεμψε (ἀν- lost after ἀγαθέαν). V. 15 τοὺς for οὕς: 31 μοι for ἐμοί: 78 προσέειπεν for προσεῖπεν: 121 ὥὦλεσεν for ὥλεσε: 154 προλιπὼν for προλείπων: 169 θέλων for ἐθέλων. VI. 3 ᾿Αλφειοῦ for ᾿Αλφεοῦ (—-). VIII. 45 πολυζήλωτ᾽ ἄναξ for πολυζήλωτε (ρ)άναξ. X. 24 καὶ ἐπὶ ζἕαθέοις for καὶ ἐν ζαθέοις: 54 στήθεσιν for στήθεσσι. XII. 62 παύροισι for παύροις: 110 ὁπότε for ὁππότε. XIV. 56 σύνδικον for σύνοικον. XVI. ΟἹ βορεους ἐξόπιθεν for βορεὰς ἐξόπιν (or ἐξόπιθε): 118 θέλωσιν for θέωσιν (—-). XVII. 40 καρτερὸν for κρατερόν: 41 ἔχεν for ἔσχεν. It appears, then, that the scribe was habitually regard- less both of sense and of metre. The particular forms of error found in his work may be classed under the following heads. 1. (i) Case-endings of nouns. 1. 48 ἐπιμοίρων by error for -ov. V. 23 μεγάλαις for -as. VIII. 46 ἔγγονοι for -ων. ΧΙ. 118 πεδίον for -@. XII. 18 ἔρδοντι for -a. XIV, 12 τυχόντας for -es. XVII. 13 ἀλκίμου for -ων. (ii) Dialectic or poetical forms. 1. 60 νούσων by error for νόσων. V. 49 φιλοξένῳ for φιλοξείνῳ: 137 κόρα for κούρα. XVI. 42 ἀμβρότοι᾽ for ἀμβρότου : 80 εὔδενδρον for nvdevdpov. 2. (i) Moods and tenses of verbs. 1. 65 evpapet by error for εὐμαρεῖν. V. 16 αἰνεῖ for αἰνεῖν: 35 ὑμνεῖ for ὑμνεῖν. 154 προλιπὼν for προλείπων. XVI.112 ἀμφέβαλλον for ἀμφέ- βαλον. XVII. 28 ἐξέβαλλεν for ἐξέβαλεν. 41 ἔχεν for ἔσχεν. (ii) Paragogic v wrongly added: V. 121 ὥλεσεν. XVI. 3 τάμνεν. 109 ἐδ᾽ν (ἴδεν). 3. Errors in spelling’. (i) εἰ instead of « occurs in Adyeivas (XI. 6): δεινῆντο 1 From the spelling inthe papyrus ¢, or « for εἰ, is comparatively rare in Prof. Blass has drawn an inference it. Such iotacism became extremely as to its date. The iotacism of εἰ for common in the first century of our era; THE FIRST HAND. 129 (XVI. 107, δινῆντο A??): ἐκείνησεν (IX. 10): θεῖνα (XII. 149, in accordance with the view of Aristarchus, who derived θείς from Oeivw): νεῖν (Ξε νιν, XVI. 91): Φερένεικος (V. 184, though Φερένικος in 37): ὠρείνατο (XII. 112). (ii) « instead of εἰ occurs. in ἐριψυπύχαν (V. 56, made by a corrector, from épenp-: though in XII. 167 we find ἐρειψ-}): ἤριπον (= ἤρειπον, X. 68, unless this was an error of tense): στίχειν (XVII. 36). The « of Ποσειδάν is preserved in XVI. 59f. and 79; but becomes . in IX. 19, XIII. 20, VI; 36; XIX. 8. (iii) Other errors in single letters. VIII. 16 OidXevdas for ᾿Οἰκλείδας. ἠλύκταζον. XVI. τό ἀναξιβρέντας. for χαλκεοκτύπου. (iv) Non-assimilation of consonants. ν instead of γ: V. 69 ἐνχεσπάλου, VIII. 2 πεισίνβροτον, 33 μεχανφύλλου. -r instead of θ᾽: VIII. 15 ὅτ᾽ ἵππιον. V. 164 «pn for χρή. X. 93 ἠλύκταξον for XVII. 59 χαλκενκτύπου 4. Omission of letters. (i) Single letters omitted. (4) The first letter of a word. III. 68, the a of πιαίνεται: V. 22, the π᾿ of πτάσ- σοντι: IX. 39, the y of yap: VIII. 25, the y of γε. (0) A letter in the middle of a word. Χ. 66, the first « of ᾿Ακρισίῳ: XVI. 116, the « of δόλιος: XVI. 35, the « of στρατίαν: XVII. 26, the first o in Κερκυόνος : XVII. 24, one w in Κρεμ- μυῶνος: 76.56 one win ἔμμεν: X. 35 the τ of πολύπλαγκτοι: XVI. 124, the first « of γυίοις, and the second a of ἀγλαό-. (ii) In some places, a syllable, or a small group of letters, has been omitted. ΧΙ. XV. 12 ἀκλέα for ἀγακλέα. 176 ἀλαμπέσι, written ἀλαεπι. but an improvement began towards the end of that century, and was carried still further, under the influence of Herodian, in the second half of the second century. Hence Prof. Blass, in the 1st edition of his Bacchylides (pp. vit f.), was disposed to place the papyrus in the latter part of the first century, after the improvement had begun. Now, however (3rd ed. pp- vit f., as already in the 2nd), I. 73 f.: the λει of λείπει. he is content to refer the papyrus to a period defore the tendency to greater iotacism had set in; and so acquiesces in Dr Kenyon’s approximate date, viz. the first century B.c. In the Palaeography of Greek Papyri (p- 77; note) Dr Kenyon observes that, in the absence of fuller manuscript evidence, orthography cannot safely be accepted as the main guide to the date of a MS. 130 THE BACCHYLIDES PAPYRUS. 5. Words wrongly transposed. IX. 20 ταχεῖαν ὁρμὰν by error for ὁρμὰν ταχεῖαν : XIV. 47 ἦρχεν λόγων for λόγων dpyev: XVI. 100f. ἔμολέν Te .. μέγαρον, for péyapov τε.. μόλεν : 16. 102 f. ἔδεισε Νηρέος ὀλβίου for ἔδεισ᾽ ὀλβίοιο Νηρέος : XVII. 52 χιτῶνα... στέρνοις τ᾽ for στέρνοις τε.. χιτῶνα. (Other probable instances occur in XVI. 62 f. and 1o9f., where see commentary.) 6. Omission of words. ΠΙ. 63 ye after ὅσοι. V. 129 οὐ γάρ: 183 és after Pepevixos. XIV. 55 ἀκόλουθον. XVII. 39 (perhaps) τε after ὅς. 7. Errors due to confusion of similar letters. (i) Instances of an ordinary kind.—A confused with A or A: EI with H: H with M (the Ptolemaic M having a shallow curve, while the cross-stroke of H is often placed high, and slightly curved). XVII. 35 ΣΥΝΟΠΛΟΙΣΙΝ for ΣΥΝΟΠΆΟΣΙΝ (4 for a: then 1 added after 0). V. 117 arreaon for arEaaon (, dropped after a: then a second r added), VIII. 41 MAE for HAeE (m for H: a for A), X. 54 EMBAAEN OMMA for EMBAAEN NouMA (ἢ Of Nonma changed to m: then the second n dropped). XIV. 54 ΔΙΚΑΛΗΘΗΑΝ for arkan ΊΘΕΙΑΝ (νι became au, and x1 became nu). (ii) Instances of a rarer kind. IX. 47 BPIZENOMEN for ΒΡΙΣΕΙ Τὸ MEN. Here rr became Ν. XIV. 56 synarkon for σύνοικον. Here o is replaced by a. This was possible, owing to the irregular manner in which the small Ptolemaic o was sometimes formed. (iii) Instances which appear probable, but are not certain. In VIII. 13 azargronra seems to have come from aoteyonta (a passed into ca, and τ into τ). In XII. 95 maize (ΝΟΥ) may have come from marzetnoy: if so, r became 1. [In ΙΧ. 23 ame may have been a corruption of AyTE. THE FIRST HAND. 131 With the Ptolemaic forms of y and z, this is conceivable: see p. 125.] 8. Omession of verses or parts of verses. The instances fall into three classes. (i) Those in which whole verses, omitted by the scribe, have been supplied by a later hand. (a) X. 106 τοῦ δ᾽ ἔκλυ᾽ ἀριστοπάτρα. Added by the later corrector A’ at the top of col. XXII. (ὁ) XVII. 55, 56,57 στίλβειν.. ἀθυρμάτων. Added by A’ at the top of col. xxxvill. See Plate I below. (¢) XVII. 16 νέον ἦλθεν δολιχὰν ἀμείψας. This, the last line in col. XXXVI, has been added by a later hand (probably distinct from A*), but with the unmetrical ἦλθε instead of ἦλθεν. (2) XVIIl 22 χρυσόπεπλος Ἥρα. Added by A® at the fcot of col. XXXVIII. (ii) In one instance the first words of a verse were written by the scribe, and the rest supplied by a later hand. This is X. 23, κείνῳ ye σὺν ἄματι πρὸς γαίᾳ πεσόντας Only the words κείνῳ ye were written by A: the rest were added by the hand mentioned above as supplying XVII. 16. (iii) Lastly there are instances in which a verse, or part of a verse omitted by the scribe, has not been supplied by any later hand. (2) After v. 84 of XII (καί τις ὑψαυχὴς κόρα) a verse has been lost. The letters pav, which appear in the papyrus at the end of v. 84, being separated from κόρα by a space equivalent to some 7 letters, seem to have been the last letters of the lost verse. (6) In XVII. 48 only the first two words, ξίφος ἔχειν, remain; the rest of the verse (“ὦ --οὧο-- σὺ) is wanting. Here there may have been a defect, not only in the archetype of the Ms. from which our papyrus was copied, but also in that of the copy or copies used by the correctors. (A verse, the last in col. 19, has been lost after v. 30 of Ode x.: but this is due to mutilation of the papyrus.) 132 THE BACCHYLIDES PAPYRUS. 9. Incorrect division of verses. See above, pp. 95 f. It is doubtful how far the scribe is responsible, if he is responsible at all, for the errors of this kind which occur in the papyrus. They may have been due to Alexandrian κωλισταί of an earlier date. Corrections made by the scribe himself (A'). The limits of such corrections are very narrow. 1. The most frequent case is that in which the scribe corrects an error of his own in the ending of a word. Thus he deletes the incorrect final « in 11. 14 Πανθείδαι: V. 46 Βορέαι: X. I Nixau(?): 86 μέριμναι. He corrects I. 51 ἀνθρώποις to -ων: X. 69 παῖδες to -as, 83 κυανοπλόκαμος to τοι: III. 50 ἔβαλλεν to -ov: XVII. 10 cevovte to σεύοντ᾽, 18 λέγειν to λέγει. : 2. He sometimes adds (either in the text or above the line) a letter which he had omitted: as I. 39 the initial ὁ of iatopia: XVI. 1 the « adscript after ὦ in xvavorpwpa: XVII. ὃ the o of λῃσταί. Or he deletes a letter which he had wrongly added, as V. 129 the second a in ᾿Αφαρηατα. 3. Here and there he amends some graver mistake: thus in I. 56 he corrects ἘΛΑΚῈΝ tO EAAXEN: III, 12 ΓΈΝΟΣ to ΤΈΡΑΣ: 20. 13 f. mzeaan to MEAAM, and eapEIN tO ®aPEI: in V. 134 A@ANATON tO @ANATON. The scribe’s corrections of his own errors are merely sporadic and casual. They seem to have been made zxzter scribendum, at the moment when he happened to observe a mistake. On the other hand, the numerous errors of every kind, many of them gross, which he left uncorrected show that he did not attempt a systematic revision of his work by comparing it with the archetype. There are several cases in which it is doubtful whether a correction is to be attributed to the scribe or to a later hand. Two of these are cases of false correction: V. 56 where the correct ἐρειψιπύλαν was written at first, but the second ε was afterwards deleted: X. 20 where παγξένῳ was first written, and then altered (against metre) to παγξείνῳ. In XVII. 53, where στέρνοις had been rightly written, it seems to have been the scribe himself who incorrectly changed it to στέρνοισι. THE CORRECTORS. 133 » II. The correctors, A’? and A’. The hand of the earlier corrector, denoted by A?, seems to be contemporary with the papyrus, ze. of the first century B.C. It might even be asked whether this hand is not that of the scribe himself: but it is probably distinct from his. A specimen of it may be seen in col. XXXVIII. (Plate I below), where this hand has written the title of Ode XVIII in the left-hand margin, Ἰὼ ᾿Αθηναίοις. It will be noticed that the difference between this hand and the writing in the text is not merely that the former is smaller. The writing of the text suggests a professional scribe, whose calligraphy is of a formal and somewhat mechanical type. The finer hand of the marginal title is more sug- gestive of a scholar. The hand of the later corrector, denoted by A’, is a Roman cursive, probably not earlier than the second century. It is by this hand that the three verses, στίλβειν «ἀθυρμάτων, have been written at the top of col. XXXVIII (see Plate I). The work of A*®.—1. He corrected some small errors of an obvious kind. Thus he sometimes supplied letters which the scribe had omitted, as in I. 55 the first « of ὑγιείας, in 73 the λει Of λείπει, in V. 22 the π᾿ of πτάσσοντι. He also corrected a few (but very few) of the scribe’s grosser errors, as by changing εὐμαρεῖ in I. 65 to εὐμαρεῖν : ἐπὶ in X. 24 to ἐν: νεκρὸς in XII. 87 to νεβρός : πασι- in XIX. ὃ to ποσι-. In one instance, on the other hand, he seems to be responsible for a false correction,—[lop@aovida in V. 70, where A had correctly written Πορθανίδα. On the whole, his work as a corrector seems to have been very limited, and not of much moment. 2. He added, in the left-hand margin, the “¢les of Odes II, XVIII, and ΧΙΧ. The work of A*® was far more considerable than that of his predecessor. Even he, indeed, did not undertake a thorough or systematic revision. But he left the text, as 134 THE BACCHYLIDES PAPYRUS. a whole, in a much better condition than that in which he found it. . 1. He corrected a large number of small and evident errors in spelling (as when one or more letters of a word had been omitted),—wrong case-endings, such corruptions as ems for ἐπεί (X. 120), εἴς. 2. A more distinctive merit was that he restored the right word or words in a number of places where the scribe had written nonsense. Thus he restored in VIII. 2 ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρχεμόρῳ, τόν : 36 πάλας: 41 ἤλθε[ν : IX. 27 εὐβούϊλων: 38 ἐπιστᾶμαι: 47 βρίσει. τὸ μέν : XII. 127 ἀντάσας ἀνατ-: XIV. 54 Δίκαν ἰθεῖαν: 56 σύνοικον: XV. 12 ἀγακλέα : XVI. QI βορεάς : XVII. 2 ἁβροβίων... Ἰώνων. 3. He added some words which had been omitted ; as V. 129 ov yap: ΧΙν. 6 7 after Μενελάῳ : 55 ἀκόλουθον. 4. He also supplied some missing verses (five in all): see above, I. 8 (i). 5. But he was as ignorant or regardless of metre as the scribe himself, and made several false corrections, which metre refutes. Thus in Ill. 47, τὰ πρόσθε δ᾽ ἐχθρὰ φίλα, he wished to insert νῦν after ἐχθρά. In V. 179 he altered the correct Ὀλύμπιον to Ολυμπίων : in XII. 53 ὀπίσσω to ὀπίσω: and 2b. 152 ἔρευθε to ἐρεύθετο. He wished to double the v in civeyéws (V. 113): to alter the Doric θατήρων (IX. 23) to θεατήρων : and to insert p after the first o of ὀβριμοσπόρου (XVIII. 32). 6. The ¢ztles of many Odes were added in the left-hand margin by A*. To him are probably due the titles of III and IV: and certainly those of VI, VII, VIII, X, XI, XIII, XIV (this at the top of the column), XV, XVI, XVII. He neglected, however, to supply the title of Ode v. With regard to Odes I, IX, XII, and XV, the mutilations of the papyrus leave it uncertain whether the titles were given.—It may be noted that, in the title of ΧΙ, A® writes Τισίαι instead of the correct Τεισίαι. The fact that A*® could supply words and verses omitted by A proves that he had access to some copy or copies other than our papyrus. But there is nothing to show that THE CORRECTORS. 135 he possessed a MS. of which the text was better than that of the archetype from which our papyrus was copied. III. The text as left by the latest corrector. We have now seen the characteristics of the work done by the original scribe, and also the limits to the subsequent work of correction. As left by the latest of the ancient correctors (perhaps in the second century), the MS. still contained (1) many mis-spelt words, (2) many errors destructive of the sense, and (3) many flagrant breaches of metre. The following are examples: 1. Mis-spelt forms of words. ΜΝ. 71 ᾿Αλκμήϊος, 146 f. ἐξαναρίζων : X. 66 ᾿Ακρσίῳ, 93 ἠλύκταξον: XVI. 66 ἀναξι- Bpévras, 91 vew (=vev), 124 γύοις (ΞΞ: γυίοις): XVII. 36 στίχειν: XVII. 3 ΠΕειερίδων. 2. Errors destructive of the sense (with or without violations of metre also). V. 35 ὑμνεῖ (for ὑμνεῖν), 106 és (for ὅς), 117 ἄγγελον (for ᾿Αγέλαον): IX. 47 ecedwy (for ἐσθλόν or ἐσθλῶν): X. 54 ἔμβαλεν ὄμμα (for ἔμβαλεν νόημα), 94 κατακαρδίαν (for κατ᾽ ᾿Αρκαδίαν), 119 f. πρόγοϊνοι ἑσσάμενοι. 3. Where violations of metre did not evidently mar the sense, the correctors passed them over. In a few instances they happened to heal a breach of metre, as (¢.g.) by restoring ἐπ᾿ ᾿Αρχεμόρῳ in VIII. 2: Spices τὸ μέν in IX. 47: ἐν (for ἐπί) in X. 24: σύνοικον in XIV. 56: ἀγακλέα in XV. 12. But, allowing for such exceptions, it may be said that nearly all the unmetrical readings contained in the text, as written by the scribe, remained in it after A’ had done his work. Indeed, as we have seen, some new breaches of metre were introduced, or suggested, by the correctors. IV. The signs used in the papyrus. I. Accents.—The Bacchylides papyrus is the earliest extant in which accents are used; and there is no other papyrus in which the use made of them is so large’. That 1 Kenyon, Palacography of Greek Papyri, Ρ. 28. 136 THE BACCHYLIDES PAPYRUS. which comes next to the Bacchylides in this respect is a papyrus which may probably be referred to the latter part of the first century, the fragment of Alcman in the Louvre. On the other hand there are no accents in the Petrie papyri of the third century B.C., nor in the Louvre Hypereides of the second century B.C. During the period of Greek literary writing on papyrus (which goes down to about A.D. 300), accents, when used at all, were intended as aids to the reader, especially in those poetical texts which presented difficulties of dialect, vocabulary, or metre. Accents in Greek papyri of prose-writers’ are very rare. In the Bacchylides papyrus accents are given to a very large number of words, but by no means to all. The longer words, and especially compounds, are usually accented. A preposition is very seldom accented, unless for some special reason, as when it follows its case (XVII. 51 xpatos ὕπερ): and this is true also of articles, pronouns, and adverbs*. The following points should be noted. 1. In the Bacchylides papyrus an oxytone word never has the acute accent on the last syllable, but receives the grave accent on the preceding syllable or syllables: thus zravte (XII. 231), Oaarov (X. 14), Kepadveyyxes (VII. 48), πολὺκρὰτες (vill. 15). The theory was that every syllable has an accent, but that in each word only one syllable can have the acute accent; if the word is of more than one syllable, the other syllable or syllables have the grave accent. According to this theory, the strictly correct mode of accenting would be (e¢,g.) πὰντί, woAdKparés. The practice which ultimately prevailed was to write the acute accent, and to omit the grave*. ? As in Oxyrhynch. pap. 25 and 231 (Demosthenes), and 229 (Plato). 2 See the photographs facing pp. 144—146. 3 Dr Kenyon (Palacography of Greek Papyri, p. 30) notes that traces of the practice observed in the Bacchylides occur in the Harris papyrus of //ad xviit (Brit. Mus. Pap. ΟΥ̓́, probably of the first century), and in the Bankes papyrus of 7/7, xxiv (Brit. Mus. Pap. cxIv, prob. of the second century), e.g. ἔλων, φρὲσιν : also in a proparoxytone word, ἐπὲσσεύοντο. (The latter may be com- pared with the peculiar case of éva- λὶναιέται in Bacch. XVI. 97, where a further has the rough breathing.) In an oxytone word of more than three syllables, the Bacchylides papyrus usually has the grave accent only on the second and third syllables from the end. ACCENTS AND BREATHINGS. 137 2. In the case of a perispomenon word (24. one which takes the circumflex on the last syllable), the practice of the papyrus is inconstant. Sometimes such a word is treated like an oxytone: thus βλῆχρας (X. 65), ὀβριμὸδὲρκει (XV. 20): on the other hand, we find πεδοιχνεῖν (XV. 9). Even a properispomenon word can have grave accents on syllables preceding that which takes the circumflex ; as in TerevTabeica (I. 72 = 182 Blass). 3. The papyrus sometimes adds the acute accent on the last syllable of a word when an enclitic follows, as ἀεισάν ποτ᾽ (VI. 6). 4. An acute accent falling on a diphthong is always placed on the first vowel, and not (as in later usage) on the second: 6.5. μαινοιτ᾽ (XII. 119), dvAvoy (XVII. 53), γέυσαντο (vill. 46). A circumflex on a diphthong is generally so written as to cover both vowels, instead of being placed (as now) on the second. 5. Noteworthy accents on particular words.—dqoifav (XI 139), Ze. φοιβάν, instead of φοίβαν: πολεμαίγιδος (XVI. 7): τριέτει (VIL 23). I follow the papyrus in the accentuation of these three words, though with some doubt as to φοιβάν. Blass follows it in regard to the first two words; but writes rpvere? (with the Attic accent). In VIII. 32 ῥιπτῶν should be either ῥίπτων or ῥιπτέων, to judge by the practice of the papyrus itself (see above, Ρ. 83). 6. There are some false accents in the papyrus: ἐπεῖ (III. 23): μολῶν (III. 30; see Appendix): παράπληγι (X. 45); δινῆντο (XVI. 107). To these διχομηνίδος (VIII. 29) must surely be added; though Blass retains it in his text. Editors of Pindar are agreed in giving διχόμηνις (O. III. 19). ΟΠ ἢ. Breathings.—The signs + and 4 (the two halves of the letter H, originally used as an aspirate) sometimes occur in the Bacchylides papyrus to denote the rough and the smooth breathing respectively; as they do sometimes in the British Museum papyrus of the Odyssey (Pap. CCLXXI, written early in the first century). But the more usual signs, both in these two papyri and in others, are + or -, 7. B. Io 138 THE BACCHYLIDES PAPYRUS. + or — The rounded comma-like breathings are not found in papyri'. The breathings are not seldom omitted in our papyrus. But the rough breathing is added to ὁ, ἃ, etc.; ὅς, ὅν, etc.: οἱ (=avT@); Gre: ὅτι: ὧδε: ὡς: Gua: ἵνα. It is omitted in Vv. 110 θ᾽ οστις, perhaps because θ᾽ implies it, and (without that reason) in 111. 87 δ᾽ 0 ypucos. It is added to ἁμετέρας in XI. 3; but not in V. 144, V. 90, or XVII. 5. There is no breathing on the ambiguous ἡ (probably 4) in v.9. Among words to which the smooth breathing is added are, 7 in XV. 6, ἄμμι, ὄρουσε, ὄφρα. The use of breathings, like that of accents, is sporadic and inconstant. Ill. Diaeresis.—The marks of diaeresis (two dots) are usually placed in the papyrus over initial . or v as ἴσχουσι (Vv. 24), ὕδωρ (III. 86): and on . sometimes when it is not initial, as eoidovtes (XII. 139). The proper use of these marks is to show that the vowel above which they stand does not form a diphthong with the vowel before it: as in ταὔσιον (V. 81). Owing, however, to the practice with regard tox, that distinction is sometimes effaced. Thus in XVI. 38 νηρηΐδες, the marks of diaeresis serve their proper purpose, the scansion being -—v ©: but in XII. 123 the dots appear also over the ε of νηρῆϊδος, though (as the accent shows) the scansion there is -- --τοο (Νηρῇδος). Iv. Apostrophe.—The apostrophe (’), marking the place of an elided vowel, is generally added; but it is sometimes omitted, as in VIII. 47 διευρέιας (δι᾽ εὐρείας). The apostrophe is not used where crasis occurs, as in Kape (XVI. 33), κήυτυκτον (XVII. 50). ν. Marks on long and short syllables.—1. The mark -, indicating a long syllable, is placed in the papyrus: (i) on long a in the case-endings of nouns and pronouns: in the last syllable of an adverb such as παντᾶι, and in the ending of 2nd or 3rd pers. sing. of a verb (as κυβερνᾶι). (ii) On any long vowel where the grammarians deemed such guidance needful, however 1 Kenyon, Palacography of Greek Papyri, p. 30. OTHER SIGNS USED IN IT. 139 superfluous it may seem (as eg. in V. 52 ἐπιζήλωι): so θωρᾶκα, καρυξ, κῦδος, vaov, σἄπεται, etc. Yet there is no mark on the last syllable of ἀληθεία in XII. 204, nor on the first of καλῶς 76. 206, though in each case the ὦ is specially noteworthy. 2. (i) The mark v, indicating a short syllable is placed on a in the ending -a of a nominative plural, in order to distinguish it from the ending a of the dative singular. Thus: XVI. 6 Bopnia, 97 f. évadwarétar, 107 ταινίᾶι: XIX. 2 EavOde (but V. 92 EavOar dative). (ii) The same mark is very often placed on a short a, ὁ, or v, even where no doubt as to the quantity was possible ; as eg. on the « of ἁλίου and μυρίας: on the v of the penultimate in ἰσχύϊ, Δαϊπύλου, εὐφροσύναι. Conversely, this mark is absent in XVI. 92 from the penultimate syllable of "A@avaiwy, and 726. 129 from the first of παιάνιξαν, though the ai is exceptional. VI. Hyphen.—The ὑφέν, ~, is placed in the papyrus under a compound adjective, at the point of juncture between its two elements, to show that these form a single word. This is not confined to cases where a doubt is possible, such as that of ἀρηϊφίλου (ν. 166), which could be read as two words. The mark is applied to com- pound adjectives generally, as (¢g.) δαμασίππου (III. 23), εὐρυάνακτος (V. 19), λυγύφθογγοι (2b. 23), and passim. But the practice is inconstant: eg., the hyphen is added to - πολύπλαγκτον (X. 35), but not to πολυζήλωτ᾽ (VI. 45): to ἀναξιμόλπου (VI. 10), but not to ἀναξιβρόντας (XVI. 66). Among several compounds which do not receive the hyphen are evpuBia (XV. 31), διωξίπποι (VII. 44), θεό- πομπὸν (XVI. 132), θεότιμον (X. 12), Πυθιόνικον (2b. 13), τοξόκλυτος (2b. 39). A peculiar instance occurs in XII. 199 (εἰ μή Teva θερσιε- ans). A mark resembling a very small circle has been placed after the letters TIN, perhaps to indicate that the words should be read as tw’ ἀθερσιεπής. VII. Diastole.—The διαστολή, a comma, occurs once, ; 1o—2 140 THE BACCHYLIDES PAPYRUS. viz. in XVI. 102, έδεισε, vnpeos (to guard against ν being joined to ἔδεισε). . Vill. Punctuation.—The only point used in the Bac- chylides papyrus is a single dot, placed level with the tops of the letters, or slightly above them’. This point serves to mark pauses of various lengths, doing duty sometimes for a full stop, sometimes for a colon, a semi- colon, or a comma. There is no distinctive note of interrogation (such as the later ;). The punctuation is, on the whole, fairly full and regular; but it is not complete. A necessary point is sometimes omitted: as (eg.) in I. 48 (= 158 Bl.), 58, 61, 67: V. 169, 172: XVI. 129. At the end of an ode a point was not practically required; and in that place it is more often omitted. It stands, however, at the end of IV, and of x. The authority of the punctuation in the papyrus cannot be deemed great. In I. 70 (=180 Bl.), for instance, the point after λάχεν has little weight as an argument against reading τιμάν rather than τί μάν ; IX. Paragraphus and Coronis.—In lyric texts the Alexandrian practice was to place (1) the paragraphus, a straight line, below the last verse of a strophe or anti- strophe ; and (2) the coronis with paragraphus, ) , below the last verse of an epode, to mark the end of a system. The same symbol could stand at the end of an ode; but the end of an ode composed in systems was more properly marked by an asterisk, +:, with or without the addition of ) ; The use of these signs in the Bacchylides papyrus will appear from the following statement ; in which, for brevity, the word ‘coronis’ denotes ‘coronis with paragraphus., I. (1) Excluding places where mutilation leaves it doubtful whether the sign stood there, there remain 64 places where the paragraphus ought to appear as marking 1 In one place (xiv. 47, after J#trod. p. xxi). In VIII. 83 a point δικαίαν) the point is placed on alevel after τυχὸν is so placed, but that with the bottom of the letters; per- seems to be an error, as there is no haps by a slip of the pen (Kenyon, _ break in the sense. PARAGRAPHUS AND CORONIS. 141 the end of a strophe or of an antistrophe. The paragraphus (or its equivalent) is written in only 24 of these places, while it is omitted in 40. (2) Similarly there are 31 places in which the coronzs ought to appear. It (or its equivalent) is present in 30 of these, being absent only after v. 26 of Ode VIII. That is, the papyrus seldom fails to mark the end of a system or of an ode. But, far more often than not, it neglects to mark the end of a strophe or antistrophe. ul. Errors in the use of the signs. (i) Interchange of paragraphus and coronts.—A coronis stands for a paragraphus in V. 175: a paragraphus for a coronis, in 1X. 28 and XII. 99 (but not, I think, in 111. 14). (ii) Misplacement of either sign—The paragraphus which ought to follow v. 64 of Ode ΠΙ is wrongly placed after v.63. In Ode I a coronis is rightly placed after v. 51 (=161 BI.), but incorrectly repeated after 52. In Ode Ix the coronzs is wrongly placed after 55, but is repeated after 56. 1. Notes on particular points—1. At the end of Odes VI and VII, but of no other, the asterisk is added to the coronis. Ode VI is ‘monostrophic’ (written in strophes without epode), and therefore, according to Hephaestion Περὶ ποιήματος c. X, should have been followed by a coronis only}. 2. The following facts will illustrate the curiously inconstant practice of the papyrus with regard to the paragraphus. In Ode 111 the paragraphus follows vv. ὃ, 50, 60, 63 (instead of 64), 92: but not 18, 22, 32, 46, 78, 88. (Muti- lated: the places after vv. 4, 36, 74.) In V it follows 30, and (in the form of coronis) 175: but not 15, 70, 95, 110, 135, 150, 190. (Mutilated: the place after 55.) In VIII it follows 44 and 87: but not 9, 18, 35. (Mutilated: the places after 61, 70, 96.) In x it occurs nowhere: in XII, only as a substitute for the coronis after 99. In XV, XVI’, XVII it is nowhere omitted. 1 Blass, Praef. p. xiv. XVI. 1123; but a trace of it remains * Kenyon (p. 171) and Blass* (p. there. 143) do not, indeed, indicate it after τα τς ἊΣ ἘῸΝ τα eh te ah, Sharks ee ae ee a et ὺΥ δὶ αἱ ere | -ἴ ae ieee a” Seth AUTOTYPE PLATES. 143 Three autotype plates are subjoined. Plate I gives the first 29 verses of Col. XxxvilI of the papyrus (a column which contains 34 verses in all), besides three verses which have been added at the top. It is a good page for repro- duction, as showing additions made both by the earlier corrector (A*) and by the later (5). Plates I1 and III give a series of eight shorter passages. I have selected these partly on palaeographical grounds, as illustrating charac- teristic traits of the papyrus, but chiefly in view of their interest for the textual criticism. 1 The choice of this column was’ British Museum. As the plate given suggested to me by Dr Kenyon, who here is slightly wider than his, it in- has himself reproduced it in Pal/aeo- cludes IAACAAKEAAIM in its right graphy of Greek Papyri(p. 76). His margin, and in its left margin a few plate and mine were independently letters from the ends of the longer taken from the original papyrusinthe verses in Col, XXXVII. 144 AUTOTYPE PLATE J. PLATE I. Col. xxxvu1.—Ode xvil. 50—6o0, and ΧΥΠΙ. 1---21. 55 Ἴ στιλβειναπολαμνιαν φοινισσανφλογαπαιδαδ᾽ εμεν πρωθηβον" ἀαρηϊωνδ᾽ αθυρματων 50 κήυτυκτονκυνεανλακαι νανκρὰτοσύπερπυρσοχάιτου" χιτωναπορφυρεον στερνοισιτ᾽ αμφικαιόυλιον V θεσσαλανχλαμυδ᾽- ομματωνδε μεμνασθαιπολεμουτεκαι αλκεοκτυπουμαχασ 60 διζησθαιδεφιλαγλάουσαθανασ NE 2a , lw παρεστιμυρϊακελευθοσ ΔΘΗΝΔΙΟΙΟ αμβροσΐωνμελεων ὀσανπαραπειερίδωνλά χηισιδωραμουσᾶν 5 ἰοβλέφαρόιτεκαι φερεστέφανοιχαριτεσ βάλωσιναμφιτιμαν υμνοισιν" υφαινενυνεν ταισπολυηράτοιστικαινον 10 ολβϊαισαθαναισ ευάινετεκηϊαμέριμνα" πρεπεισεφερτατανΐίμεν οδονπαρακαλλιοπασλα χοισανεξοχονγερασ- [5 τιηναργοσοθ᾽ ιππιονλιπουσα φευγεχρυσέᾶβουσ laac ευρυσθενεοσφραδαισιφερτάτουδιοσ AAEM ἱναχουροδοδάκτυλοσκορα ‘ ὅτ᾽ αργονομμασιβλεποντα 20 παντοθενακαμάτοισ Y μεγιστοάνασσακελευσεν Notes.—1. The three verses at the top of the column are vv. 55—57 of Ode xviI, which had been omitted by the scribe, and were added there by the second corrector, A*, in a hand of the Roman period, perhaps of the second century.—2. Below v. 60 is seen the coronis with paragraphus, ἘΞ. marking the end of Ode xv11.—3. The title of Ode xviii, Ἰὼ ᾿Αθηναίοις, in the left- hand margin, is in a hand (?) which was probably contemporary with that of the scribe. So also is the title of Χιχ, Ἴδας Λακεδαιμ[ονίοις, written in the left- hand margin of the next column, and partly seen to the right of xv11I. 16.—4. In XVIII. 9 the scribe wrote καινόν : but e has been added (by A*) above 1, indicating κλεινόν.---5. In v. 15 οτιίππειον has been corrected (probably by A’) to ὅθ᾽ ἵππιον.---ὅ. After v. 21, μεγιστόανασσα etc., the verse xpuo bremhos” Hpa was omitted by the scribe, but added by A® in the lower margin, which does not come into the photograph. The marginal sign pepets v. 21 calls attention to this. Δ ΕΗ ‘ a > bad Ω Ζ < fo} ° ° Pe) > cad ω a ° I > cas * ba z = 5 al fe) 3) PLATE Il. 1. COL. 1—ODE |. 32-36. AUTOTYPE PLATE I. 145 PLATE II. 1. Col. 1.—Ode 1. 32—36. apyelo....... λεοντοσ Ovpo..... οποτε Ὑβέδν πένθ, οἷς BoXoipaxac: WOGGt . sss φρο. . ατριων FMS ag (hs hd Τα τῆς αλων 2. Col. 1v.—QOde ul. 71—77. ate pas '΄κωντεμερο[........ de τα αν ἐλθέμεν τὶ . vorepapepoval aki aie σκοπεισβραχί . «εσσαδ᾽ ελπισυπί . εριων΄οδ᾽ avag| igre beats ΄λοσειπεφερη Φ΄. οἴ δ᾽ Φ΄ Ges 3. Col. x1v.—Ode vu. 12—19. αθλησαν. παρχεμορωι" τονξανθοδερκησ πεφν᾽ ασαγέυονταδρακωνυπέροπλοσ σᾶμαμελλ.. ντοσφονου" ὡμοιραπολὺκρὰτεσ᾽ ὀυνιν me? οἰκλειδασπαλιν στειχεινεσευάνδρουσαγΐ ελπισανθρωπωνυφαιρί ακαιτοτ᾽ αδραστονταλ 4. Col. xvi.—Ode 1x. 6—-11. a jov-orexpu| 0... . ἰοφθαλμοι σιν π . ᾳαναπράκταν a. «Qs LKOLVUVKACLYVNTAC AKOTA a 4 γασιῷτινεκεινησενλιγύφθογγονμελισσαν ih ἐξ . εἰρεσϊν᾽ αθανατονμουσᾶναγαλμα Notes.—1. Col. 1.—Ode 1. 32—36. In v. 34 the letter A has been deleted before X.—2. Col. tv.—Ode 111. 71—77. Verse 71 was lomdé]xwv τε pépo[s ἔχοντα Μουσᾶν. (The letters a Μουσᾶν are supplied by two other fragments.) In v. 72 a corrector has wished to substitute « for πὶ (kore for ποτε). A separate fragment supplies the last letters of this v., which were ὧν, probably preceded by u.—8. Col. x1v.—Ode vill. 12—19. In v. 12 A®has written X above M, and .TO above CY. In the transcript the point after αθλησαν means that a letter (E) is lost. In v. 16 A® corrected the first ἃ of οἴλλειδασ to x. Inv. 19 45 has written ἁ καὶ above AH.—4. Col. xvi1.—Ode Ix. 6—11. In the ms. v. 6 began with ξυνόν, as words which ought to have stood before it (παντὶ. xapw?) had been wrongly added to the end of v. 5. See critical notes and commentary. 146 AUTOTYPE PLATE I1/1. PLATE III, 5. Col. xvi1.—Ode 1x, 22—28. Genesio See πνεωνάελλαν Ai Sea τοῖν δ᾽ αυτεθεατήρωνελαιωι CRE 5 8K νεμπίτνωνομιλον TETP +o oes νεπει KO cake uae μονϊσθμιονικαν δύσιν τς dacs ἄρυξανευβου ΔΜ eee ὠνπροφαται" 6. Col. xxv.—Ode xu. 84 f. καιτισυφαυχησκο...... +s pav ποδεσσιταρφέωΪ 7. Col. xxvi.—Ode xu. 124---129. wor ενκυανανθέϊθ trovt|wiBop|éacvmoKu μασι νδ᾽αἴζει νυκτ᾿ οσαντασασανατεῖ ληξενδεσυνφαεσιμ αοἱ" στορεσενδετεποί 8. Col. xxx1.-Ode “xv: r—8; A Ree a επει . ad ἐπεμψενεμοιχρυσεαν Wide... pov.. . vpavial ee ἐν ἀτωνγέμουσανυμνων Nines vat. p. πανθεμοεντιεβρωι “ioe we ee γαλλεταιήδολιχάυχενικυΐ . Seiad . ἐενατερπομενοσ Se Steele δικηιπαιηονων Notes.—5. Col. xvi11.—Ode ΙΧ. 22—28. Inv. 23 the scribe wrote AIZE. A? has changed ἴ to T, transfixed %, and written T above it, thus making αὖτε. The € above θα (indicating Gearhper) 3 is also from A’. At the end of v. 27 the scribe wrote (ε)υβοι : the I was corrected to T by A*, who also wrote A above the line at the beginning of v. 28.—6. Col. xxv.—Ode x11. 84f. Inv. 84 the I of KAI was added by acorrector (A??). Above the second A of vyavxas A’ wrote H. Between v. 84 and the verse beginning with πόδεσσι a verse has been lost. The letters pay, seen to the right of 84, were probably the last of the missing verse, remains of which had been tacked on to v. 84.—7. Col. Xxv1.— Ode XII. 124—129. In v. 127 the scribe wrote ANTACANYTM. 445 has added as above the line after AC, making ἀντάσας : has changed YT into A (dva—): and has written TE above M.—8. Col. xxx1.—Ode xv. 1—8. Inv. 1 the letter before OT was either I, N, or (though this is less probable) M. Note that the A of OAKAA’ (the first word of ν. 2), comes beneath I, and extends a little to the right of it. The number of letters which preceded I in verse 1 was probably not more than three. (If the letter before OT was not I, but N or M, there would not have been room before it for more than two letters.)—For the rest of this passage, see critical notes and commentary. Piate Ill 5. COL. XVIII—ODE ΙΧ. 22-28. THE TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 147 VII. THE TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. The following is the text as it stands when the smaller fragments, which had become detached from the continuous portions of the papyrus, have been fitted into their places. Hence this text contains, in many verses, some letters or words which appear only in the plates of fragments at the end of the Autotype Facsimile published in 1897, since, at that time, those fragments were still unplaced’. The object is to exhibit the text of the papyrus as it was left by the ancient correctors, before any modern hand had touched it. 1. A vertical line, | , denotes that the letters or words fol- lowing it are supplied by a separate fragment. See, ¢g., vv. 3—5. 2. A dot on the line denotes a lost letter. 3. A letter which has a dot under it is doubtful. 4. The sign | denotes that a lacuna precedes, and the sign [ that a lacuna follows. 5. The marks —--—-, in a verse of which some part remains, denote the loss of a considerable but uncertain number of letters (as in 111. 41). When those marks occupy a whole line, they denote that a verse is lost (as after x. 30). 6. Asterisks, * * * *, denote a loss of several verses. 7. The metrical divisions (strophe, antistrophe, epode) are shown in the margin. These indications make it easy to verify the use or omission in the Ms. of paragraphus and coronis. 1 The only fragments which do in Egypt by Mr B. P. Grenfell, and not appear at all in the Facsimile are were received just after the photo- parts of 111. 8—ro and of vill. [1x.] graphs had been taken (Kenyon, 82—84, which wereseparatelyacquired Jntrod. Ὁ. xvi). 148 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 8. Verses omitted by the scribe, and added by a corrector at the head or at the foot of a column, are printed in uncial type. See x. 106; XVII. 16, 55-57; XVIII. 22. That type is used also in x. 23, where only the first two words were written by the scribe. 9. The title printed here at the head of an Ode (as Tox avrwx at the head of Ode 11) is that which is given in the papyrus. In the papyrus, however, such a title is written in the left-hand margin; except in the case of Ode χιν, where it is written at the head of the column. ον CTPITATAIME| .. EPAIMINQCAP... |C .. YOENAIOAOTIP ... |NOIC[ 5 .AYCITTENTHKONT. |CYN . ΡΗΤΩΝΟΛΛΙΛΩΙ. στρ. «ς΄. .ἸΟΟΕΥΚΛΕΙΟΥΔΕΕ . ΑΤΙΒΑΘΥΖΩΝΟΝΚΟΡΙΑΝ . ESIQEANAAMACEN . ΑΙἸΟΙΛΙΤΤΕΝΗΛΛΙΟΥΛΑΙΩΝ το. NAPACAPHI@IAOYC . CINTTIOAYKPHMNON|XOONA . EIMACATTOTTIAEDND .. |T EC KNOXLCCONIMEPTAN ... AIN ἀντ. ς΄. . ACIAEYCEYPQOTIIAL 15... AEKATQIA’ EYE... |ON PS eo Κ᾿ EYTTAOK[ ἐπ. ς΄. > * od * στρ. ζ΄. Coll TIOA.....-. NBAOY 30 AEIEAOI!.... CMENTENOC ETTAE....... POXEIP APTEIO....... AEONTOC 35 avr. ζ΄. 40 στρ. η΄. 55 ἀντ. η. 60 Col. 2 65 70 @YMO...... OTTOTE XPEl..... BOAOIMAXAC: voce! ....: PO... ATPION TOV... Αἰ έσοι ΑΛΩΝ ΤΟΟΑΤΤΑΙΝΙ TO=OCAITIO......... N ΑΛΛΦΙΤ᾽ ΙΑΤΙΟΓ ΞΕΙΝΩΝΤΕ -. ΛΑΝΟΡΙ .-. ΑἹ" .«ὙΔΕΛΑΧΩΝ.. APITON ΠΟΛΛΟΙΟΤΕΘ .. ΛΑΑΟΘΕΙΟΒΡΟΤΩΝ AIO.N’ EAYCEN. ΕΝΤΕΙ͂ΤΑΙ AACMETAINH . OYCAITTON: . QNENAOIK.. NIAAC YYIZYFOCIC..1ONIKON OHKENANT... PFECIANAITIAPONT? AA AQNCTE®AN .. ETTIMOIPON ΦΑΛΛΙΚΑΙΦΑΘΩ .. FICTON ΚΥΔΟΟΘΕΧΕΙΝΑΡΕΤΑΝΊΠΛΟΥ TOCAEKAIAEIAOICINANOPATONOMIAE! EQEAEIA’ AYE=EIN®PENAC ANAPOC‘OA’ EYEPAQNOEOYC EATTIAIKYAPOTEPAI CAINEIKEAP‘EIA’ YTIEIAC ONATOCEQNEAAXEN ΖΩΕΙΝΤ᾽ ATTOIKEIONEXE! TIPATOICEPIZEITIANTITO! TEPYICANOPOTIONBINI ETTETAINOCOINFENOY οὐ NITENIACT? AMAXANOY ICONOT’ ΑΦΝΕΟΟΙ MEIPEIMEFAAQN-‘OTEMEIQL TTAY POTEPOQNTOAETIAN TONEYMAPEINOYAENFAYKY ONATOICIN‘AAN’ AIEITAPEY FONTAAIZHNTAIKIXEIN ONTINAKOY®@OTATAI OYMONAONEOYCIMEPIMNAI OCCONANZQHIXPONONTONAEAAXEN'TI 150 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. MAN‘APETAA’ ETTIMOXOOC ΕΣ ΛΕΥΤΑΘΕΙΟΑΔ᾽ OPONC a a ΤῊ AIEYTEOANHIAEI ee ZHAQTONEYKAEIACA... MA ΤΙ: Τωι αυτωι στρ. Are CEMNOAOTEIPA®HMAT EGK ste ΕΡΑΝΧΑΡΙΤΩ ΝΥΛΛ.. ¢EPOYC’ ΑΓγγΓΕέλιαν OTIM.. ACOPACYXEIPAP 5 ΓΕΙΟ.. PATONIKAN ΣΝ, KAAQNA’ ANEMNACENOC’ ENKA... NQI AYXENIICOMOYZAQEAN AITIONTECEY=ANTIAANA CONETTEAEIZAMENEBAOMH 10 KONTA.. NCTE®ANOIC. N° ἐπ. KAAEIAEMOYC’ AYOIFENHC TAYKEIANAYAQNKANAXAN CEPAIPOYC’ ETTINIKIOIC TTANOEIAAPIAONYION j)—— itt. Ιερωνι συραάκοσιωι ὑπποις. .. -πια στρ. α΄. ΑΡΙΟΙΤΟΚΑΡΙΤΟΥΟΙΚΕΛΙΑΟΚΡΕΟΥΟΑΝ Δ. ΙΛΛΑΤΙΡΑΙΟΟΤΕΦΑΝΟΝΤΕΚΟΥΡΑΝ ΥἹΛΑΝΙΕΙΓΛΥΚΥΔΩΡΕΚΛΕΙΟΙΘΟΑΟΤΟ ..- TIOAPOMOYCIEPQONOCITITT . YC: ἀντ. α΄. 5 .... TOTAPCYNYTTEPOXQITENIKAI ἌΣ ΛΑΙΑΙΤΕΙΤΑΡΕΥΡΥΔΙΝΑΝ ~~ ere ret EINOMENEOCEOHKAN . ABION.........--- NKYPHCAI° ἐπ. α΄. ΘΡΟΗΟΘΕΔΕΛΙ 10 ATPICEYAAIM[ Col. 3 OCTTAPAZHNOCAAXQN TIAEICTAPXONEAAANOD. NI EPAC ODES 7 -͵ 7. 151 OIAETTYPPFQOENTATIA . ὙΤΟΝΛΛΗΛΛΕΛΑΛΛ PAPEIKPYTITEINCKOTQOI: naib i otp. 8. 15 BPYEIMENIEPABOYOYTOICEOPTAIC: BPYOYCIP®IAO=ENIACATYIAI’ AAMTTEIA’ YTTIOMAPMAPYTFAICOXPYCOC YYVIAAIAAATONTPITTOAQNCTAOENTON ἀντ. β΄. ΤΑΡΟΙΘΕΝΑΟΥΤΟΘΙΛΛΕΓΙ .. ONAACOC 20 Φ.. BOYTTAPAKACTAAIA... EQPOIC Δ. ΛΦΟΙΔΙΕΤΤΟΥΟΙΘΕΟΝΘ.. NTIC ΑΓΛΑΙΖΕΘΩΓΑΡΑΡΙΟΤΟΟ. ΛΒΩΝ: én. β΄. ΕΠΕΙΠΟΤΕΚΑΙΔΑΛΛΑΟΙΙΤ. OY AYAIACAPXATETAN _ 25 EYTETANTIETI[ ZHNOCTEAE......... CIN CAPAIECTIEPCA............5. ΑΤΩΙ ΚΡΟΙΟΟΝΟΧΡΥΟΑΙ στρ. γ΄. ®YAA=’ ATTOAAQN....-. EATTTONAMAP 30 M.AQN-TIOAYA...... OYKEMEAAE MIMNEINETIA...... NAN-‘TT.. ANAE XAA.. TEIXEOCTI...... OENAY[ ἀντ. γ΄. NAH . AT’ ENOACY...... TEKEA[ CY . EYTTAOKAMOI! . ETTEBAIN’ AAAL 35 ΟΥὔἈ- TPACIAYPO . ENAIC*XEPACA[ .. TYNAIQEPAC . ETEPACAEIPA[ ἐπ. γ΄. .... ΝΕΝ ὝΠΕΡ.. EAAIMON ον YOEQNECTI. ΧΑΡΙΟ’ -- YAEAATOIA.. ANA=" τ ΕΣ Ἐν INAAYA - TAAOMO! -- -- -- — — — --- MY PION ae Rae Me Pay oe τὸν. ἐὸν Ν᾿ π᾿ τ ran, ap NACTY fa Ser ae τὰς AINAC Col. 4.45 ΠΑΚΤΩΛΟΟ Α. IKEAIOCFYNAIKEC E=EYKTIT . NMEFAPQNATONTAT 152 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. ἀντ. δ΄. ΤΑΠΡΟΟΘΕΝΔ.. ΘΡΑΝΥΝΦΙΛΑΘΑΝΕΙΝΓΛΥΚΙΟΤΟΝ: TOC’ EITTEKAIAB.. BATANK... YCEN ATTTEIN=YAINONAOMON'E!... ONAE 50 TTAPOENOI'PIAACTANAMATPIXEIPAC ἐπ. δ΄. ΕΒΑΛΛΟΝ ὉΓΑΡΠΡΟΦΑΝΗΟΘΝΑ ΤΟΙΟΙΝΕΧΘΙΟΤΟΟΦΟΝΩΝ: AAA’ ETTEIAEINO.. YPOC AAMTIPONAIAI.....- NOC 55 ZEYCETTICTACA......... @ECNE*0C CBENNYEN=ANOA| στρ. ε΄. ΑἸΤΙΟΤΟΝΟΥΔΕΝΟΤΙΘ ..... PIMNA TEYXE!I-TOTEAAAOTENH .... ΛΩΝ mEPONECYTIEPBOPEO...|EPON|TA 60 CYNTANIC®YPOICKAT .. |ACCE|KOYPAIC ἀντ. ε΄. AIEYCEBEIAN‘OTIME..... ΙΝΑΙΤΩΝ ECA. ΑΘΕΑΝΕΤΙΤΕΛΛΥΕΙ͂Ι.. |)" OCO . MENEAAAA’ EXOYCIIN| . YTIL OM . FAINHTEIEPQ|NOEA|HCE|I ἐπ. ΄. 65 ... EN. EOTTAEIONA|XPYCION - AITTEMYAIBPOTON . TEINTTAPECTINOC ον HPOONDITTIAINETAI . AHPIAITITIONANAPA| . HIO|N 70 .... LOYCKATITP. NAIO. στρ. 5’. ....'KQNTEMEPO[...... JAMOY|CAN: .... MAAEAITIOTL....- ος ‘JON ... NOCEPAMEPONAT . ACKOTTEICBPAX[ ἀντ ©’. 75 ....' ECCAA’ EATTICYTIL . ΕΡΙΩΝ ὍΔ᾽ ANA=[ aes at ‘AOCEITTE®EPH[ Col. 5 ONATONEYNTAXPHAIAYMOYCAEE=EIN ἐπ. ς΄. -NOQMACOTIT’ AYPIONOYEAI 80 MOYNONAAIOY@A0C XOTITTENTHKONT’ ETEA orp. ¢. 85 95 στρ. a. 10 ODES LIT, IV. 153 ZQNANBAOYTTAOYTONTEAEIC’ OCIAAPON EYSPAINEOYMONTOYTOFAP shack pile elles a PPONEONT . CYNETATAPY2D BAOYCMEN AIOHPAMIANTOC'YAQPAETIONTOY OYCATTETA . "EYPPOCY NAA’ OXPYCOC: ANAPIA’ O.. EMICTTOAIONTT .. ENTA FHPACOAA ... NAYTICATKOMICAI HBAN’APETA.... ENOYMINYOEI BPOTOQNAMAC... ΤΙΦΕΓΓΟΟΆΛΛΑ MOYCANINTP .... IEPONCYA’ OABOY KAAAICT’ ETTEA... AOONATOIC ANOEA‘TIPA=A... A’ EY OY¢EPEIKOCM....2 TTA‘CYNA’ AAAO.... KAAQ.N KAIMEAITAQCCOYTICYMNHCEIXAPIN KHIACAHAONOC ἘΞ ἘΞΌΔΕΣ Ἐὶ IV. Tw. avtw. πυθια ETICYPAKOCIAN®@IAEI TTOAINOXPYCOKO . ACATTOAAQN ACTYOEMINO’ IE.. NATEPAIPEI" TPITONFAPTI..... AONYYIAEIPOYXOONOC FIONIK τυ τ νος ΤΑΙ SPMOA.. 655 ἐτον CYNITITTION: i ea ee) a "ACAAEKTOP Beg των oe ΤΙΝΟΩΙ Fak eh ay ares YMNOYC ee ὡςτςς ICOP +e a a IACTAAAN[ AEINOMENEOCK’ ETEPA.. MENYION TTAPECTIANAPXIAAOICI . .. . ACMYXOIC MOYNONETTIXOONI‘.. ΤΑΔΕ MHCAMENONCTE®ANOICEPETITEIN II 154 στρ. α΄. > , avT.a. Col. 7 20 15 20 25 30 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. AYOT’ OAYMTTIONIKAC AEIAEIN'TI®. PTEPONH. EOI. IN PIAGNEONTATIANTO.. ΠΩΝ AATXANEINATTOMOIPA ... ΘΛΩΝ’ »--- V. EYMOIPE. YPAK...N ITTTTOAINHTQ.NCTPATA. E° ΓΝΩΘΗΙΛΛΕΝ. OCTE®AN .N MOICANTAYK . AQPONATAAMATONTENYN AITICETTIXOONION OPONC'SPENAA’ EYOYAIK.N ATPEM’ AMTTIAYCACMEPIMNAN AEYP’ AOPHCONNOQ[.] ~ HCYNXAPITECCIBAOYZQNOICYPANAC YMNONATIOZAQEAC NACOYZ=ENOCYMETEPANTIEM TIEIKAEENNANECTIOAIN ~ XPYCAMTTYKOCOYPANIAC KAEINOCOEPATIQN ἜΘΕΛΕΙΔΕ rFAPYNEKCTHOEQNXEQN ΑΙΝΕΙΝΙΕΡΩΝΑ ΒΑΘΥΝ A’ ΑἸΘΕΡΑΞΟΥΘΑΙΟΙΤΑΛΛΝΩΝ ΥΥΟΥΠΤΕΡΥΓΕΟΟΙΤΆΧΕΙ ΑΙΟΑΙΕΤΟΟΕΥΡΥΑΝΑΚΤΟΟΑΓΓΕΛΟΟ ΖΗΝΟΟΘΕΡΙΟΦΑΡΑΓΟΥ OAPCEIKPATEPAITTICY NOC ICXYLTTTACCONTIA’ OPNI XECAITYPOOTTOIPOIBOT OYNINKOPY®AIMELFAAACICXOYCIFAIAC . YA’ AAOCAKAMATAC 2 AY CTTAITTAAAKYMATA‘NOMA TAIA’ ΕΝΑΤΡΥΤΩΙΧΑΕΙ AETITOTPIXACY NZE®Y POYTINO ΑἸΙΟΙΝΕΘΕΙΡΑΝΑΡΙΓΝΩ TOCMETANOPQOTIOICIAEIN: TOCNYNKAIMOIMY PIATTIANTAIKEAEYOOC YMETEPANAPETAN YMNEIKYANOTTAOKAMOY®O’ EKATINIKAC XAAKEOCTEPNOYT’ APHOC 35 40 στρ. β΄. 45 50 55 65 79 ODES IV, V. AEINOMENEYCATEPQXOI TTAIAEC’'EYEPAQNAEMHKAMOIOEOC: =ANOOTPIXAMEN®EPENIKON AAPEONTTAPEY PYAINAN TT QAO NAEAAOAPOMAN EIAENIKACANTAXPYCOTTAXYCAN.C pees TTYOQNIT’ ENATAOEAI: FAIA’ ETTICKHTTTONTTIPAYCKD. OYTTQNINYTTIOTTPOTE..N ITTIONENATONIKATEXPANENKONIC TTPOCT EAOCOPNYMENON: PITTAIFAPICOCBOPEA ONKYBEPNHTAN®YAACCON IETAINEOKPOTON NIKANIEPQNI@IAOZENQITITYCKON: OABIOCQITINIOEOC MOIPANTEKAAQNETIOPEN CYNT? ETTIZHAQITYXAI AdNEIONBIOTANAIATEIN ΟΥ TA.... ETTIXOONION ΤΠ... ΑΓ’ ΕΥ̓ΔΑΙΛΛΩΝΕΦΥ.: ΡῈ Ὁ. OT’ EPIVITTYAAN ese nelane's ATONAETOYCIN ES ae gras APTIKEPAY NOYAQMATA®EPCE®ONACTANIC®Y POY KAPXAPOAONTAKYN’ A =ONT’ ECbAOCE=AIAA YIONATTAATOV EXIANAC: ENOAAYCTANONBPOTIIN YY XACEAAHTTIAPAKXKY TOY PEEOPOIC OIATE®Y AA’? ANEMOC IAACANAMHAOBOTOYC TIPO.NACAPFHCTACAONE!: TAICINAEMETETIPETTENEIAQ AONOPACYMEMNONOCETr XECTIAAOYTIOPQAONIAA: TONA’ ACIAENAAKMHIOCOAYMACTOCHP2LC .. YXECIAAMTTOMENON NEY PANETTEBACEAITYKAATTHKOPQINAC: XAAKEOKPANONAETIEIT’ ΕΞ (2 “555 155 156 > , ἄντ. y+ 75 80 85 95 100 105 110 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS, EIAETOIONANATITY =ACPAPETPACTIOMA'TOIA’ ENANTIA YYXATTP . PANHMEAEAT POY’ KAININEYEIAQCTIPOCEEITIEN: YIEAIOCMETAAOY CTAOIT? ENXXQL.PAIFEAANQ.CACTEOYMON eS, MHTAYCIONTTPOIE! TPAXYNEKXEIPQNOICTON YYXAICINETTIPOIMENDN: OYTOIAEOCO.C&ATO-OAMBHCENA’ ANA= ΑΛΛΦΙΤΡΥΩΝΙΑΔΑΟ: EITTENTE ΤΙΟΑΘΑΝΑΤΩΝ HBPOTQNTOIOYTONEPNOC OPEYENENTTOIAIXOONI- TICA’®’ EKTANEN*HTAXAKAAAIZQ.INOCHPA KEINONE®AMETEPAI TTIEMY EIKE®@AAAI‘TAAETIOY ΤΑΛΛΑΔΙΞΑΝΘΑΙΛΛΕΛΕΙ" ΤΟΝΔΕΙΤΡΟΟΕΦΑΛΛΕΛΕΑΓΡΟΟ ΔΑΚΡΥΟΕΙΟΧΑΛΕΙΤΟΝ OEQNTIAPATPEYAINOON ANAPECCINETTIXOONIOIC: KAITAPANTTAA=ITITTIOCOINEYC TTAY CENKAAY KOCTE®ANOY CEMNACXOAONAPTEMIAOCAEY KQAENOY AICCOMENOCTTIOAED.N Τ᾽ AIFQNOYCIAICITTATHP KAIBOQN®OINIKONOTON: me AAAANIKATONOEA ECXENXOAON'EYPYBIANA’ ECCEYEKOYPA KATTPONANAIAOMAXAN’* OCKAAAIXOPONKAAYAQ Ν᾽ ENOATTAHMY PONCOENE! OPXOYCETTEKEIPENOAONTI CbAZETEMHABPOTON Θ᾽ OCTICEICANTANMOAOI: TOIAECTYTEPANAHPINEAAANQX.NAPICTOL CTACAMEO’ ENAYKED.C E=AMATACYNNEXEDXC'ETTEIAEAAIMD.N KAPTOCAITQAOICOPE=ZEN στρ. δ΄. Col. 10 avr, δ΄. €7. δ΄. 115 120 125 [30 135 140 145 150 155 ODE V. 157 OATTTOMENTOYCKATETIE®NE CYCEPIBPYXACETTAICCONBIAI el es ne A..AIONEMO.NT’ ΑΓΓΕΛΟΝ ® ... ΑΤΟΝΚΕΔΝΩΝΑΔΕΛΦΕΩΝ ene: KENENMETAPOIC Ree CAAOAIATTEPIKAEITOICINOINEOC: Byintlinze AECEMOIP’ OAOA Bates ares ΟΟΥ̓ΓΑΡΙΤΩΔΑΙΦΡΩΝ πον Ot XOAONATPOTEPA AATOYCOYTATHP'TITEPIA’ AIOQNOCAOPAC MAPNAMEO’ ENAYKEDC KOYPHCIMENETTTOAEMOIC: ENO’ EF QITOAAOICCY NAAAOIC IPIKAONKATEKTANON ECOAONT’ APAPHTAOOOYCMATPQACOYTAP KAPTEPOOYMOCAPHC KPINEIPIAONENTIOAEMQ I: TYPAAA’ EKXEIPO.NBEAH YYXAICETT . AYCMENEQ.N®O! TAIOANATONTE®@EPE! TOICINANAAIMQ.NOEAHI: TAYT’ OYKETTIAEZ=AMENA ΘΕΟΤΙΟΥΚΟΡΑΔΑΙΦΡΩΝ MATHPKAKOTTIOTMOCEMO! BOYAEYCENOAEOPONATAPBAKTOCTYNA‘ KAIETEAAIAAAEAC EKAAPNAKOCO.KYMOPON @ITPONEIKAAYCACA‘TONAH MOIP? ETTEKAQCENTOTE ZOACOPONAMETEPACEMMEN ‘TYXONMEN AAITTYAOY KAYMENON ΤΑΙ Δ᾽ AAKIMONE=ANAPI ΖΩΝΑΛΛΩΛΛΗΤΟΝΔΕΛΛΑΟ ΤΥΡΓΩΝΙΤΡΟΤΤΑΡΟΙΘΕΚΙΧΗΟΘΑΟ' TOIAETTPOCEYKTIMENAN PEYTONAPXAIANTIOAIN TTAEY PONA-‘MINYNOAAEMOIYYXATAYKEIA* -TNONA’ OAITOCOENEDXIN’ AIALTTYMATONAETINEQNAAKPYCATAL ATAAANHBANTITPOAITTQN: PACINAAEICIBOAN 158 Col, 11 160 στρ. €. 165 170 175 > , avT.€. 180 185 195 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS, AM®PITPYOX.NOCTTAIAAMOY NONAHTOTE TEF=AIBAEPAPONTAAATIENOEOC TTIOTMONOIKTEIPONTA®2 TOC: KAININAMEIBOMENOC TOA’ EPA‘ONATOICIMH®Y NAIPEPICTON naeterlones : MHT’ AEAIOYTTPOCIAEIN ΦΕΓΓΟΟ ΑΛΛΟΥΓΑΡΤΙΟΕΟΤΙΝ TTPA=ICTAAEMY POMENOIC: XPHKEINOAETEINOTIKAIMEAAEITEAEIN’ HPATICENMETAPOIC OINHOCAPHIPIAOY ECTINAAMHTAOYIFATPOIN ΟΟΙΦΥΑΝΑΛΙΓΚΙΑ᾿ ΤΑΝΚΕΝΛΙΤΤΑΡΑΝΘΕΛΩΝΘΕΙΛΛΑΝΑΚΟΙΤΙΝ: ΤΟΝΔΕΛΛΕΝΕΠΤΟΛΕΛΛΟΥ ὙΥΧΑΤΤΡΟΟΕΦΑΛΛΕΛΕΑ ΓΡΟΥΛΙΠΟΝΧΛΩΡΑΥΧΕΝΑ ENAQMACIAAIANEIPAN NHINETIXPYCEAC KYTTPIAOCOEA=IMBPOTOY': Netscce τεῦς AEYKQAENEKAAAIOTIA CTACONEYTTOIHTONAPMA AYTOY ‘AIATEKPONIAAN YMNHCONOAYMTTIONAPXATONOEQN: TONT’ AKAMANTOPOAN AA®EONTIEAOTIOCTEBIAN KAITTICAN'EN@’ OKAEENNOC ον CCINIKACACAPOMQI _.. ENbEPENEIKOCEYTTYPFOYCCYPAKOYC CACIEPONIGEPON ... AIMONIACTTETAAON: ... A? AAH@EIACXAPIN ΑΙΝΕΙΝΦΘΟΝΟΝΑΛΛΦΙ XEPCINATTOCAMENON EITICEYTTPACCOIBPOTO[ BOIQNTOCANHPTAAE@ON[ HCIOAOCTTPOTTOAOC MOY CANONAOANATOITIL KAIBPOTXIN@HMANETI[ TTEIOOMAIEYMAPE2LC 200 στρ. α΄. στρ. β΄. 10 Col, 13 1. AP. IT 5 .. ITOCAIIM[ KPINEIN|TA|...... ΛΑΙΨΗΡΩΝΠΟΔΙΩΝ /AMACIK|AITY| .... PICTAAKECCOEN|OC™ ODES V—VI7. EYKAEAKEAEYO9OYTAQ.CCANO[ TTEMTTEINIEPONI‘TOOENTA[ TTYOMENECOAAAOYCINECOAL TOYCOMETFICTOTIATOP ZEYCAKINHTOYCENEIPHN[ » WY: Λαχωνι κειωι σταδιε: ολυμῖ AAXQ.NAIOCMETICTOY AAXE®EPTATONTTIOAECCI KY AOCETTAA®PEIOYTTPOXOAIC[ AIOCCATTAPOIOEN AMTTEAOTPOPON KEON AEICANTTOT’ OAYMITTIAI TTY=TEKAICTAAIONKPATEY[ CTEPANOICEOEIPAC NEANIAIBPYONTEC: CEAENYNANA=IMOATTIOY ad OYPANIACYMNOCEKATINIK[ APICTOMENEION OQTTOAANEMONTEKOC FEPAIPEITTPOAOMOICAOI AAICOTICTAAIONKPATHCAC KEONEYKAEI=AC “Yes amr VII. Taw. avTwe QAITTAPAOYFATEPXPONOYTEK[ NYKTOCCETTENTHKONTAM[L EKKAIAEKATANENOAYMTIL OIAECYTIPEC|BY|.... NNEIMHICTEP|AC NIKACE|ITANIOP .. OICINEYAOZOCK|EKAH το TAIKAITT|OAY|ZH ... OC’AP|... 59 160 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. »++' EKO|CMH)...... PAN) .....45.- ΝΑ * * * * Col.14 TIYOMQNATEMHAOOYTAN 40 YMNEQNNEMEANTEKAIIC®. ON: PAIAETTICKHTTTQNXEPA KOMTTACOMAI‘CY NAAA (5) OEIAIAETTANAAMTTEIXPEO.: OYTICANOPOTIONK[L 45 NACENAAIKIXPONQ[ TIAICEQNANHPTETIL NACEAE=ATONIKAC: (10) QZEYK.PAYNEIXECKA[.... .. JPOAINAT OXOAICINAAGEIOYTEAECC[...... JAAOKAEAIC 50 QEOAOTO. CIEYXAC‘TIEPIK[....... JTAL.. JC ΓΛΑΥΚΟΝΑΙΤΩΛΙΔΟΙ ANAHM’ EAAIAC (15) ENTTEAOTTOC4PYTFIOY KAEINOICAEOAOIC:- ns Si «ama ea VIII. [1X.] Αὐτομηδει φλιασιωι πενταθλωι νεμεα στρ. α΄. ΔΟΞΑΝΩΧΡΥΟΑΛΑΚΑΤΟΙΧΑΡΙ. EC TTEICIMBPOTONAOIHTETIE! MOY CANTEIOBAE*APO.NOEIOCTIPO® . . AC EYTYKOC@AEIOYNTATEKAINEMEAIOY 5 ZHNOCEYOAAECTIEAON ; YMNEIN-‘OTIMHAOAAIKTAN OPEYENAAEYKQAE 6 HPATTEPI.... TONAEOAQN ΠΡΩΤΟΝ... KAEIBAPY®OOTT . NAEONTA’ at. αἷς τὸ “KE ences NIKACTTIAECHMIOEOI pe Lt ere erie: NAPFEIQNKPITOI AO AHCAN . TTAPXEMOP2I-TONZEANOOAEPKHC 15 > ’ επ.α. Col. 15 20 25 στρ. β΄. 30 35 ἀντ. β΄. 40 ODES VII, VIII [1Χ} 161 TTE®N’ ACATEYONTAAPAKONYTI|EPOTTAOC CAMAMEAA . NTOC®ONOY: OQMOIPATTOAY KPATEC: OYNIN TTEIO’ OIKAEIAACTTAAIN CTEIXEINECEYANAPOYSAT{[ EATTICANOPOTTIQNY®AIPL AKAITOT’? AAPACTONTAAL TTEMTTENECOHBACTIOAYNEIKEITTAAL ! KEINQNATTEYAOZSONATONON ENNEMEAIKAEINO ςς POTO.N ΟΙΤΡΙΕΤΕΙΟΤΕΦΑΝΩΙ ΞΑΝΘΑΝΕΡΕΥΩΝΤΑΙΚΟΛΛΑΝ ΑὙΥΤΟΛΛΗΔΕΙΝΥΝΓΕΝΙΚΑ ΟΑΝΤΙΝΙΝΔΑΙΛΛΩΝΕ. ΩΚΕΝ: ΤΠΤΕΝΤΑΕΘΛΟΙΟΙΝΓΑΡΕΝΕΤΤΡΕΠΤΕΝΩΟΘ ΑΟΤΡΩΝΔΙΑΚΡΙΝΕΙΦΑΗ ΝΥΚΤΟΟΔΙΧΟΛΛΗΝΙΔΟ.. YPEFTHCCEAANA: ΤΟΙΟΟΕΛΛΑΝΩΝΔΙΑ... PONAKYKAON ΦΑΙΝ. ΘΑΥΛΛ. CTONAE. AC AICKONTPOXOEIAEAPITITON KAIMEAAM®Y AAOY KAAAON AKTEACECAITTEINANTIPOTTEMTTQ.N AIOEP’ EKXEIPOCBOAND.TPYNEAAQ.IN HTE.. YTAIACAMAPYIMATIAAAC TOW. τοὶ YMQIC...- | a eee MATA... AIAITTEAACCA. IKET...... NTTAPATTOP®Y POAINAL ΤΟΝ Slee ACANXOONA HAOE..... ETTECXATANEIAOY: TAITETTE . . ΑΕΙΠΟΡΩΙ OIKEYCIOEPMQAON .... FXEQN ICTOPECKOPAIAINEITITT... PHOC ΟΩΝΩΤΤΟΛΥΖΗΛΩΤ᾽ ANAETIOTAMON EFTONOITEYCANTOKAIYY®Y . TTYAOYTPOIACEAOC: CTEIXEIAIEYPEIACKEAE . OOY MY PIATTANTAI®ATIC CACTENEACAITTAPO 1 At the end of v. 20 Blass places fragment 35 (Kenyon, p. 210) ITPOZEN. 162 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 50 ΖΩΝΩΝΘΥΓΑΤΡΩΝΊΑΟΘ..! CYNTYXAICQ.KICCANAPXA FOYCATTOPOHTQINATYIAN: —_—-__ στρ. γ΄. TICTAPOYKOI... KYANOTTAOKAMOY OHBACEYAM........ N Col. 16 55 — — — — MONAITIN|AN: MEI[—]\OY — — — — ΕΧΕΙΤΕΚΕΙΝΗΡΩ ᾿ — BECO) πρὶ τῶν — ACBACA| — — AIQ.N --- Al) -- -- A Al Ξ Aran YT . TAON[ ἀντ. γ΄. H| — -- -- ἈΝΕΛΙΚΟΟΤΕΦΑΙ Κι -- — — ΟΑἸΤ’ ΑΛΛΑΙΘΕΩΝΙ Οἱ — — ΑΛΛΙΗΘΑΝΑΡΙΓΝΩΤ. |ICITT. AAI 65 — — — AOJ|AITIOTAMOYKE}- AAO|NTOC: — — — ANTIOAIN — — — CITENIKAT — — — AQNBOAI[ — = NOAM EAE 70 ----- - — — ΙΝ: ἐπ. Ὁ. --- - - -- ΪΝΕΟΟΙ .. YCEA|—OENTAIOTTIAOKON/EYEITIEIN[ .. AT] — NAM. TONEPOTION —— INANBPOTOL γ5 -- Ἀ -- ΛΕΩΝ στρ. 8. -- -- -- ΚΑΙΑΠΟΦΘΙΛΛΕΝΙΩΙ 8ο -- — — PYTONXPONO|N — — — INOMENOICAIEI|TTIGAYCKO! ΤΕ |IMEANI|KAN: ΤΟ -. ΤΟΙΚΑΛΟΙΝΕΡΓΟΝ ΓΝΗΟΙΩΙΝΥΛΛΙΝΩΝΤΎΧΟΝ. YYOYTTA|PAAAIIMOCIKEITAI: 85 CYNA’ Αἰ. AQEIAI|BPOTON KAAAIC|TONEI[ Ass TIETAIMOYVC.. 61 dE rae rch ἐς PMA: ἀντ. δ΄. EICIA ΑΝΙΘΡΙ ODES VIII [IX], 1X [X]. Col.17 = TIOAAAI-Al|. KPIN . |AEOEQN 90. OYAA[— —|MENONNY|KTOC[ — — — — TEK\AITONAPEIO[ - ---..--.--. ITTOY: 9g --------- - — AYPOIC -- AP} — — — TOMEAAON: ἐπ. δ΄. ΕΚ MIA) — — — ΔΩΚΕΧΑΡΙΝ - AIAION| — — OEOTIMATO. ΠΌΛΙΝ - AIEINATIO| — — EYNTAC 100. PYCEOCKATITP[ οὐ TIKAAONE[ AINEOITIMO=[ TIAIAICYNKQ[ ον OITETTENT[ EX: ΤΣ στρ. α΄. -» MA‘CYT .|PA) -- — OIXNEIC εν AA*KA\ITTA — — 5 +--+» NONTAIL- — —.01 = ..|ON-OTIXPY[ O .... |OPOAAMOIICIN[ TT.... ANATTPAKTAN[ A εν ASIKAINYNKACITNHTACAKOITAC to NACISTINEKEINHCENAITY®OOrFFONMEAICCAN i ῬΈΣΑ α ἀντ. α΄. - EIPECIN’ AOANATONMOYCANATAAMA =YNONANOPOTIOICINEIHI XAPMATEANAPETAN MANYONETTIXOONIOICIN 15 OCCANIKACEKATIANOECIN=AN ΘΙ... ANAAHCAMENOCKE®@AAAN K\YAOCEYPEIAICAOANAIC O|HKACOINEIAAICTEAO=AN Ε E|NTTOCIAANOCTTEPIKAEITOICAEOAOIC ἘΠΕ. A 20 Ἐν γον ACEAAACINTTOAQNTAXEIANOPMAN 163 164 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. decals ot one ee τς POICINETTIICTAAIOY @EPM...... TINEQNAEAAAN BCTA sins NA’ AYTEQEATHPONEAAIOL PAPE GS. NEMTTITNQNOMIAON a5 TETP sick: NETTE! AWA cde MONICOMIONIKAN AICGN «./c%c. APY=ANEYBOY AGING Vers ONTIPO®ATAI: στρ. β΄. AICA’ E...... ΑἸΚΡΟΝΙΔΑΖΗΝΟΟΠΆΡΑΓΝΟΝ 30 BOMO...... NATE@HBA AEKF ρε: YPYXOPON T APIO..... NTEKATAICAN: CITE ca ANNEMONTAI‘AM@IT’ EYBO! ANTIO..... N-O1OIEPAN 35 NACO...... AN ‘MATEYE! A’ AAA....-- ANKEAEYOON ANTI acc ONAPIFNOTOIOAOZ=ACTEYEETAI: MY PIAIAL’ ANAPO.NETTICTAMAITTEAONTAI:: ἀντ. β΄. ΗΓΑΡΟ. POCHXAPITQNTIMANAEAOLPX2C 40 EATTIAIXPYCEAITEOAAEN: HTINAOEYTTPOTTIAN EIAQCETEPOCAETIITIAICI TIOIKIAONTOZONTITAINE! OIA’ ΕΠΈΕΡΓΟΙ CINTEKAIAM@IBOONA . EAAIC 45 OYMONAY=OYCIN:‘TOMEAAON Δ᾽ AKPITOYCTIKTEITEAEYTAC TTAITY XABPICEI*TOMENKAAAICTONECEAQN ANAPATTIOAAQNYTIANOPOTTQNTTOAYZHADQTON! EIMEN: ἐς. fi. OIAAKAITTAOYTOYMELAAANAYNACIN: so AKAIT. NAXPEIONTI...1 XPHCTON TIMAKPANT-. Ω. CANIOYCACEAAYNQ)? E . TOCOAOY: TIEPATAIONATOICINIKAC . PONEY®POCYNA Col. 19 AYAQN 55 MITT. a XPHTIN{ —— 1 So A wrote: for A®’s obscure correction, see’crit. n., p. 320. στρ. α΄. ODES IX'[X], X [X7}. > so aoe Αλεξιδαμωι μεταποντινωΐι παιδι παλαιστηι πυθια ΝΙΚΑΓΓῚ COITTAT[ YYIZY[ ΕΠ ΟΝ cee. ΤῊΝ ΤΩΙ ZHNI[ Io 20 25 30 Col. 20 35 KPINE....A.CAOANATOI CINTE .... NATOICAPETAC: ΕΛΛΑΘΙ.... TTAOKAMOY ΚΟΥΡΆ τως OOAIKOY ‘CEOENA ΕΚΑΤΙ KAINY.... ATTONTIONEY ΓΥΩΝ τς OYCINEQN KQ.MOI|TEKAI| . YPPOCYNAIOEOTIMONACTY YMNE\YCIAETT|\YOIONIKON TTAIAA\OAHT . |NPAICKOY: IAEQI. |INOA|.. OTENHCYI OCBAOY|ZON|... AATOYC AEKT . |BAE®)... |-TOAEEC A’ AM®AAE= ... MONANOEQ.N ENTTEAIQICTE®ANOI KIPPACETTECONKPATEPAC HPATTANNIKOITTIAAAC: OYK.. AENINAEAIOC KE .. QIPEcyNamatitpocraiaitreconta’ PACQAEKAIENZAOQEOIC AF NOYTTEAOTTOCAATTEAOIC AA®EONTTAPAKAAAIPOANAIKACKEAEYOON EIMHTICATTETPATTENOPOAC TTAF=EEINQIXAITANEAAIAI TAAY KAICTE®ANQ.CAMENON TIOPTITPO®O........... PANO’ IKECOAI- TTAIA’ ΕΝΧΘΟΝΙΚΑΛΛΙΧΟΡΩΙ TIOIKIAAICTEXNAICTTEAACCEN: - AN HOEOCAITIOCH . NOMAITTOAYTTAAT KOIBPOTIIN . MEPCANYTIEPTATONEKXEIPONIEPAC: . YNA’ APTEMICAFPOTEPA . PYCAAAKATOCAI . APAN .. /PATOZOKAYTOCNIKANEAQKE ° 1 As to the doubtful [, see crit. n. on p. 320. 165 166 στρ. β΄. ἄντ. β΄. Col, 21 45 50 55 60 65 70 75 80 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. .. ΠΠΟΤ᾽ ABANTIAAAC - QMONKATENACCETTIOAYA .. CTONEYTTETTAOITEKOYPAI-: TACE=EPATSLNE®OBHCE TIATKPATHCHPAMEAAOQPON TIPOITOYTTAPATIAHrFI®PENAC KAPTEPAIZEY=AC’ ANALKAI. TTIAPOENIAIFAPETI : YYXAIKIONECTEMENOC TIOP*Y POZONOIOOEAC: PACKONAETIOAYC@ETEPON TIAOY TQITTPOPEPEINTIATEPA=ANOACTIAPEAPOY CEMNOYAIOCEYPYBIAI: TAICINAEXOAQCAMENA CTHOECINTTAAINT POTTONEMBAAENOMMA‘: PEYTONA’ OPOCECTANI®YAAON CME PAAAEAN®Q.NANIEICAI TIPYNOIONACTYAITTOYCAI KAIOEOAMATOYCATYIAC: HAHTAPETOCAEKATON OEOPIAECAITIONTECAPL OC NAIONAAEICIBOAI XAAKACTTIAECHMIOEOI CY NTTOAYZHAQLIBACIAEI: NEIKOCTAPAMAIMAKETON BAHXPACANETTAATOKACIF NHTOICATTAPXAC TTPOITQITEKAIAKPCIQI: AAOYCTEAIXOCTACIAIC HPITTONAMET POAIKOICMAXAICTEAYTPAIC: AICCONTOAETTAIAACABANTOC FANTTOAY KPIOONAAXONTAC TIPY NOATONOTTIAOTEPON KTIZEINTTPINECAPFAAEANTIECEINANAT KAN: ZEYCT’ EQEAENKPONIAAC TIMQ.NAANAOYTENEAN KAIAIQE /TITTIOIOAYFKEOC TTAYCAICTYTEPQNAXEQN: TEIXOCAEKY KAQTTECKAMON EAOONTECYTIEP#IAAOIKAEINAITT... El KAAAICTONIN’ ΑΝΤΙΘΕΟΙ NAIONKAYTONITITIOBOTON APFOCHPQOECTIEPIKAEITOIAITIONT[ ENOENATTECCYMENAI TTPOITOY KYANOTTAOKAMOI στρ. γ΄. > , avT. y- Col. 22 85 go 95 106 100 105 IIo 115 120 125 * ODE X [X/}. 167 PEYTONAAMATOIOYFATPEC: —_— TONA’ EIAENAXOCKPAAIAN‘=El NATENINTTAAZENMEPIMNA: AOIAZEAE®ACTANONAM PAKECENCTEPNOICITIA=AI: AAAANINAIXMO®OPOI MYOOICITEMEIAIXIOIC KAIBIAIXEIPQ.NKATEXON: TPICKAIA . KAMENTEA\EOYC MHNAC .. [TAAACKIONHAYKTA=!ONYAAN bEYFONTE|/KATAKAPAIAN MHAOTPO|PON: AAA’?OTEAH AOY CONTTO|TIKAAAIPOANTIATHPIKANEN ENOENXPOA|NIYAMENOC®OI ἡ NIKOK........ OAATOYC ἦν ἤ ον ΠΡ ΑΕ ΔΎΟ ὍΝ BOQTTIN *toyA’ εκλγ᾽ APICTOTTATPA XEIPACANTEINQ.NTTPOCAYIFAC ITITTTXKEOCAEAIOY TEKNAAYCTANOIOAYCCAC TTAP®PONOCE=ATATEIN: OYCOAETOIEIKOCIBOYC AZYTAC®OINIKOTPIXAC - OHPOCKOTTIOCEY XOMENOY: TTIOOYCAA’ HPAN TTIAY CENKAAY KOCTE®ANOYC KOY PACMANIANAOEON: TAIN AY TIKAOITEMENOCBOMONTETEYXON XPAINONTEMINAIMATIMHAQ.N KAIXOPOYCICTANTYNAIKON: ENOENKAIAPHI®IAOIC ANAPECCINITITTIOTPO®ONTTIOAINAXAIOIC ECTTEO: CYNAETYXAI NAIEICMETATIONTIOND. XPYCEAAECTIOINAAAQN: AACOCTETOIIMEPOEN KACANTIAPEYYAPONTIPOTLO NOIECCAMENOITIPIAMOP ETTEIXPOND | BOYAAICIOEQNMAKAPOIN TTEPCANTIOAINEY KTIMENAN XAAKOOQPAKQ.NMETATPEIAAN: AIKAIAC OCTICEXEI®PENACEY PHCEICYNATIANTIXPONQ! MY PIACAAKACAXAIQIN: Ne ee 1 Kenyon now thinks that the apparent = is only an abraded Z. 168 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. XE tXILY Τισιαι αιυγινητηὴν παλαιστηι νεμεα erp. ACEIKYBEPNHTACCO®OCYMNOANAC Ο᾽ EYOYNEKAEIO! NY N@PENACAMETEPAC EIAHTIOTEKAITIAPOC: ECFAPOABIAN 5 =EINOICIMETIOTNIANIKA NACONAIFEINACATIAPXEI EAQONTAKOCMHCAIQEOAMATONTIOAIN: TANT? ENNEMEAIFYAAKEAMOYNOTTAAAL Here there has been a loss of at least one column, and probably of more than one. XII. [XIL] orp. a’. * * * Col. 23 ee = — — AEM 10) --- τεϑϑος οὖς ΘΟΕ ΒῚ -- --- -- -- -- -- ΔΑΝ στρ. β΄. A lacuna of thirty-one verses. Col. 24 YBPIOCYYINOOY 45 TIAYCEIAIKACONATOICIKPAINOD.N avr. f. OIANTINAAYCAO®ON2 MHCTAIAEONTI (15) TIEPCEIAACE®IHCI XEIPATTANTOIAICITEXNAIC: so... AAMACIMBPOTOCAIOON ..» KOCATTAATOYOEAEI .... INAIACOMATOC:E (oo) Fite OHA’ OTTICA. oF Pad NON: HTTOTE®AMI ἐφ ΘΟ ΠΕΡΙΟΤΕΦΑΝΟΙΟΙ a ATIOYTTONONEA Seas NIAPQENT’ ECECOAI: ἐπ B. (25) «+--+: ABQ MONAPICTAPXOYAIOC ODES XI [XII], XII [XIIZ}. 169 ....1CINA.|OEA ited ANAOZANTIOAYPANTONENAI ...- TPE®EITTAYPOICIBPOTON . IEIKAIOTANOANATOIO KYANEONNE®OCKAAYYHIAEITIETAI AOANATONKAEOCEYEP XOENT . CACPAAEICYNAICAI: ee 60 (30) 65 στρ. γ΄. (35) 70 (40) 75 (45) Col. 25 avr. γ΄. 80 (50) 84 f. (55) go ἐπ. γ΄. (6ο) 95 (65) ΤΩΝΚΑ.. YTYXO.NNEMEAI ΛΑΛΛΙΤΩΝΟΟΥΙΕ ΤΑΝΘΑΛΕΩΝΟΤΕΦΑΝΟΙΟΙ͂Ν Ree ΤῊ XAITAN .. |E®OEIC satan as TIOAINY|WIATYIAN recast ee PYIM.. OTO.N piew sats Ae. OOLN KQ....TATP..N NACO. YTTEPBI..ICXYN TIAMMAXIANANA®AINQ.N: OQITOTAMOY OYTATEP AINANTOCAITIN’ HTTIOPPON HTOIMETAAAN[ EAQKETIMAN[ ENTTANTECCIN[ TTY PCONQCEAAL AINQN: TOFECOL.....--- ἽΝΕΙ KAITICYPAYXHCKO[.....-- ]PAN TIOAECCITAPSENCL HYTENEBPOCATIEN[ ANOEMOENTACETIL ΚΟΥΦΑΟΥΝΑΓΧΙΔΟΙ @PACKOYC’ AFAKAEITAL...---- jic- TAIAECTE®ANQCAME ....---+--- JEQN ANQEQNAONAKOCT E[ PIANAOYPCIN TTIAPOENOIMEATIOYCIT ...---->- co. A . CTIOINATTAIZEL .. AALAATEPOAOL το τ Δ ΑΝΕΤΙΓ ΚΑ. TEAA... AL AIAKQIMIX|QEIC’ ENE 12 17° στρ. δ΄. 100 (70) 105 (75) 110 ἄντ. δ΄. (δο) Col. 26 116 (85) 120 (90) 125 (95) 130 στρ. ε΄. (100) 135 (105) 140 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. TANYIEAC|AEPCIMAX[L TAXYNT’ AX/IAAEA ~ EYEIAEOCT’| EPIBOIAC ΤΑΙ Δ᾽ YTTEPO!Y MONBOAT[ AIANTACAK\|EC®OPONH[ OCT’ ETTITIPYM|NAICTAOL ECXENOPACY|KAPAION[ MAINONTAN[ ΘΕΟΠΕΟΙΩΙΠῪΓ ΕΚΤΟΡΑΧΑΛΙ ὁ JN ΟΠΟΤΕΠΙ TPA. EIAN[ JANIN ΩΡΕΙΝΑΤΙ Τ᾽ EAYCENA[L ΟΙΠΡΙΝΛΛΕΝΙ JN . lOYOAHTONACTY OYAEITION- ATYZOMENOI[ TT. ACCONO=EIANMAXAL EYT’ ENTIEAIO! KAONEQ[ MAINOIT’ AXIAAEYC AAO®ONONAOPYCEIQN AAN’ OTEAHTIOAEMOI[ AHEENIOCTEPANOL NHPHIAOCAT POMHTO[ ACT’ ENKYANANOEIO[ TIONT|QIBOP|EACYTTOKY MACI|NAJAIZE! NYKT|O|CANTACACANATI[ AH=ENAECYN®AECIM, AOI: CTOPECENAETETIOL OY PIAINOTOYAEKOATIL ICTIONAPTIAAEQCAL EATITONE=. . ONTOXE[ ΩΟΤΡΩΕΟΕΤΤ.. KAYON XMATANAXIAAEA MIMNO . . ENKAICIHICIN El. EK. NEANOACTYNAIKOC | P . CHIAOCIMEPOFYIOY @EOICINANTEINANXEPAC bOIBANECIAONTECYTIAL XEIMQ.NOCAITAAN- ἀντ. ς΄. (145) 180 (150) ODE XII [Χ1177]. 171 ΤΤΑΟΟΥΔΙΑΟΔΕΛΙΤΤΟΝΤΕΟ TEIXEAAAOMEAONTOC . CTTIEAIONKPATEPAN AI=ANY . MINAN®EPONTEC: ΩΡΟΑΝΤ. POBONAANAOIC: QTPY NEA’ APHC - YETXHCAYKIONTE . OZIACANAZATIOAAQN: ΙΞΟΝΤ᾽ E . |OEINAOAAACCAC- . AYCI\A’ EYTTPYMNOICTTAPIA MAPNIANT’: ENAPIZ.....| ON ον EYOETO@NTON εὐ ++ TIFAIAMEAAL cen EACYTIOXEI[ εἰν ξηξε Er” ΗΛΛΙΘΕΟΙΟΙ ἀφ τ ἐς IC . ΘΕΩΝΔ᾿ Ι-Ξ-εξ ορΡλλΑΝ: ΣΤΟΝ ΟΙΝΕΟ’: ΗΛΛΙΕΓΙΑΛΑΙΟΙΝΕΛΤΙΟΙΝ ..-- ONTECYTTEP(|9|.. AON — — — CITITIEYTAIKYANOTIIAACEK = aa MAC — — — TTINACT’ EN ent |P . ICEZEINO|... MATONTIOAIN: . |EAAONAPATIPOT| ... NAI . |ANTA®OINIZE]| . .. AMANAPL . |NACKONTECYTT].. . KIAAIC | EPEIY[|.-/ — | TANEIKAIL | HBAOY=YAL OYFAPAAA .. E. INY[? TIACIANHCAPET[ KPYdOQEIC’ AMAYPOL AAAEMTTEAONAK[ BPYOYCAAOZ=AI CTPAPATAIKATATAN[ KAITTOAY TIAA KTONOL KAIMAN®EPEKYAEAN[ AIAKOYTIMAI-CYNEY 1 See crit. n., p. 350. Ἐπ 172 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. ΚΛΕΙΑΙΔΕΦΙΛΟΟΤΕΦΙ Col. 28 ΠΙΟΛΙΝΚΎΒΕΡΝΑΙ ι86 ΕΥ̓ΝΟΛΛΙΑΤΕΟΑΟΦΡΙΩΝ ἈΘΑΛΙΑΟΤΕΛΕΛΟΓΧΟΙΝ (155) ACTEAT’ ΕΥΟΕΒΕΩΙΝ ANAPONENEL. HNIAI®YAACC. {I° ἐπ. ς΄. 190 NIKANT? EPIK....|MEATIET’ ΩΙΝΕΟΙ . YOEAMEAETA .. . ΒΡΟΤΩ . AEAMENANAP . |Y- (160) ΤΑΝΕΙΤΑΛΦΕΙΟΥΤΕΡΟ ... @AMAAH TIMACENAXPYCAPMATOC 195 CEMNAMEFAOYMOCAOANA: MY PIONT? HAHMITPAICINANEPON ECTE®ANQ.CENEOEIPAC (165) ENTTANEAAANQNAE®A\OIC- --- PE . IMHTINA@EPCI ἡ TTH|C 200 . QONOCBIATAI AINEITQ.CO@ONA|NAPA . YNAIKAI* BPOTIQNAEMQMOC (170) TTANTECCIMENE|CTINETIEPTOI[ . Δ᾽ AAAQEIAPIAEL 2ος. NIKANOTETIANA|. ΛΛΑΤΩΓ XPONOCTOKAANC : . ΡΓΛΛΕΝΟΝΑΙΕΝΑΙ (175). Y. MENE. NAEMAT A lacuna of ten verses. Col. 29 ἀντ. ζ΄. EATIIAIOYMONIAI|N[ 221 TAIKAIETOTTICYNIOL POINIKOKPAAEMNO|!0[ ἐπ. ζ΄. (190) YMNOQNTINATAN|AEN[ PAINQEENIANITEL | 225 ΓΛΑΟΝΓΕΡΑΙΡΩ TANEMOIAAMTTQ\NE BAHXPANETIAOPHICAICIT[ (195) TANEIK’ ΕΤΥΛΛΩΟΘΑΙΡΑΚΛΙΕΙΩΓ TTANOAAHCEMAIC\ENEC|TA=[ 230 TEPYIETTEICNIN|.. IAAII TTANTIKAPY =|ONTIAAL στρ. a’. στρ. β΄. ODES XI [XIII], ΧΙ (XIV). XIII. [XIV.] Κλεοπτολεμί. .| θεσσαλωι ἱπποις πετρα!.] ΕΥ̓ΛΑΕΝΕΙΛΛΑΡΘΙΑΙΠΑΡΑΔΑΙΙ OPLITTOICAPICT|ON: - YMPOPAA’ ECO|AONAMAAAY itis APYTA .- (OCMOAOYCA: 5 «..-. ONKAI... |YVYI@ANHTEL ον ATOPONOJEICA: TIMAN .»» AOCAAAOIA|NEXEI: - AIA? ANAPO.NAPE ... |MIAA’ Εἰ .... NITPOKEITAI 10 .... TTAPXEIPOCKYBEPN\A .. KAIAICI@PPENECCI|N: - NBAPYTTENOECIN|APMO . AXAICPOPMIFTOCO|MPA - FYKAATTEICXOPOI: 15 .... NOAAIAICKANAXA - +++ OKTYTTOC: ΑΛΛΕΦΕΚΑΟΤΩΙ OAs τ πρν ΝΔΡΩΝΕΡΓΛΛΑΤΙΚΑΛ ΛΙΟΤΟΟ. YEPAONTAAEKAIOEOCO[ KAEOTTTOAEMQIAEXAPIN 20 NYNXPHTTOCIAANOCTETIETPL OYTEMENOCKEAAAHCAI TTY PPIXOYT’ EYAO=ONITITION[ »--- ΟΟΦΙΛΟΞΕΙΝΟΥΤΕΚΑΙΟΡΘΟΔΙ . A lacuna of sixteen verses. 4o — — ΥΩΔΕΑΘΕΟΟΑΙ͂ — — ENTFYAAOIC: — — NTEAHCK[ — — EA.. ANN The rest of the ode is lost. 173 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. XIV. [XV.] Ἰτηνοριδαι |s απαιτησις -- — — ANTIOEOY -- — QITICAOANACTTPOCTTOAOC —_ — — TTAAAAAOCOPCIMAXOY — — — PYCEAC — — — NAPFEIQNOAYCCE! — — — AQIT ATPEIAAIBACIAEI — — — ZOANOCOEAND εὐ πον a -- — — NTTPOCHNETIEN: — — — YKTIMENAN — = = -ΞΟΛΌΝΤΥΧΟΝΤΕΟ — = — ΞΕΟΎΝΘΕΙΙΟ -- -- ----- - AOYC A lacuna of eight verses. --, -- -- -- -- | KTIOCKEAP | A lacuna of thirteen verses. Col. 31 ἐπ. 8’. ATON TIATHPA’ EYBOYAOCHP2L.C TIANTACAMAINENTIPIAMQIBACIAE! TTAIAECCITEMYOONAXAIQIN: ENOAKAPYKECAIEY PEIANTTOAINOPNYMENOI ΤΡΩΩΝΑΟΛΛΙΖΟΝΦΑΛΑΓΓΑΟ Se AE=ICTPATONEICATLOPAN: TIANTAIAEAIEAPAMENAYAAEICAOLOC: OEOICA’ ANICKONTECXEPACAOANATOIC EYXONTOTTAYCACOAIAYAN: MOYCA:‘TICTTPQTOCAPXENAOLFONAIKAION. TTIAEICOENIAACMENEAAOCTAPYIOEAEIETTEI ΦΘΕΓΞΑΤ᾽ EYTTETIAOICIKOINOCACXAPICCI|N: QTPOQECAPHIPIAO!: ZENOVS «cus C . ΠΑΝ. AAEPKETAI OY KAITIOCONATOICMETAAQ.NAXEQN AAAEN ..... KEITAIKIXEIN ODES XIV [XV], XV [XVZ}. TTACINANOP2TTOICAIKANIOEIANALTNAGC 55 EYNOMIACAKOAOYOONKAITTINYTACOEMITOC OABIONTI..A.. NINAIPEYNTAICYNOIKON ἐπ. γ΄. AANAIOAO! . KEPAECCIKAIA®POCY NAIC E=AICIOICOAAAOYC’ AGAMBHC YBPICATIAOYT . . AYNAMINTEQ@ONC 60 AAAOTPIONDTTACENAYTIC Δ᾽ ECBAOYNTTEMTTEIPOOPON: -» INAKAIYTTEP®IAAOYC .. + TAIAACOAECENTITANTAC XV. [XVI] στρ. -++-1OY..... ETTE|! .... AA’ ETTEMYENEMOIXPYCEAN IAQE..... PONOC. YPANIA[ ἐν ες ATONTEMOYCANYMNON ἌΣ ΝΕΙΤΑΡΕΙΤΑΝΘΕΛΛΟΕΝΤΙΕΒΡΩΙ ἃ -ἰτ «TAAAETAIHAOAIXAYXENIKY[ 225, «ΔΕΙΑΝΦ. ENATEPTTOMENOC oes AIKHITTAIHONOQN Col, 32 ANOEATTEAOIXNEI|N 10 ΠΎΘΙ᾽ ATTOAAON TOCCAXOPOIAEA®2.N CONKEAAAHCANTIAPA|FAKAEANAON ἀντ. ΤΡΙΝΓΕΚΛΕΟΛΛΕΝΛΙΠΊΕΙΙΝ ΟΙΧΑΛΙΑΝΤΤΥΡΙΔΑΤΤΤΟΛΛΈΝΑΝ 15 AM@®ITPXYONIAAANOPACYM| . ΔΕΑΦΩ Θ᾽ - IKETOA’ AMPIKYMON’ AKT\AN: ENO’ ΑἸΤΟΛΑΙΔΟΟΕΥΡΥΝΕΦΕΙΚΉΝΑΙΩΙ ZHNIOYENBAPYAXEACENNEATIAY POYC AYOT’ OPCIAAQIAAMACIXOONIME[ 20 AEKOPAIT OBPIMOAEPKEIAZYTAL ΤΑΡΘΕΝΩΙΑΘΑΝΑΙ YYIKEPANBOYN: 175 176 2 επ. στρ. α΄. Col, 33 25 30 35 Io “45 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. TOT’ AMAXOCAAIMO.N AAIANEIPAITTOAYAAKPYNY PAL MHTINETTIPPON’ ETTE! TTYOET’ ATFEAIANTAAATTIENOEA[ IOAANOTIAEYKQAENON AIOCYIOCATAPBOMAXAC See, AAOXONAITTIAPO . . |OTIAOMONTIE! . - |Ol- AAYCMOPOCATAA.. Ν᾽ OIONEMHCAT[ ΦΘΟΝΟΟΕΥΡΥΒΙΑ.. INATTQAECEN ANOEONTEKAIAY|MMATON YCTEPONEPXOMIENQIN: OT’ ETTITIOTAMQ. . |POAJOENTIAYKOPMAIL AE=ATONECCOY|TTA|PAAAIMONIONTEP[ )-— XVI. [XVII.] Ἰίθεοι Ἰθησευς ΚΥΑΝΟΤΠΤΡΩΙΡΑΛΛ. |NINAYCMENEKTY[ OHCEAAICETIT . |T ΙΑΓΛΑΟΥΘΑΓΟΥΟΘΑ KOYPOYCIAONQ. ] KPHTIKONTAMNI|ENTTEAAT OC: THAAYTEIPAP... APE! BOPHIAITTITNO. |A\YPAI KAYTACEKATITT . |AE|MAITIAOCA@AN[ KNICENTEMINOK|EAP IMEPAMTI . KOCOEA| KYTTPIAOC.. NAAQ.. |A- XEIPAA’ OY .... TTAPO. |NIKAC ATEPOEPA. YEN: ΘΙΓΕΙ͂Ν AEAEY KANTIAPHI|AQN: BOA.. [Τ᾿ EP\|IBOIAXAAKO ONPA..... NAIONOC ΕΚΓ. NON'IAENAEO|HCEYC: MEAANL’ YTTOPPYDN Col. 34 25 30 35 40 45 5° 55 ODES XV [XVI], XVI [XVIZ}. AINA. ENOMMAKA\PAIANTEOI! CXETAIONAMY ZENIAATOC: EIPENTE-AIOCYIE®EP|TATOY OCIONOYKETITEAN ECO KYBEPNAICOPEN|QN . | |CXEMETAAOY XO|NHPOCBIAN OTIM| . NEKOEQNMOIPA\TIATKPATHC AMMIKATENEYCEKAIAI|KACPETIEITA AAN|TONTIETTPOQMEN . |N AICAN| . KTTAHCOMENOT . |N EAOH-|.. AEBAPEIANKATE XEM . |TINEIKAICEKEANA TEKEN|AEXEIAIOCYTIOKPOTA|PONIAAC MITEIC|A®OINIKOCEPA TANY|MOCKOPABPOTON EPT|. . ON-AAAAKAME TIIT@| . OCOYTATHPA®NEOY TIAAQ|EICATIONTIQITEKEN TIOCIA|ANI-XPYCEON TEOIA|OCANIOTTAOKOI KAAYM|MANHPHIAEC: TA.CETTIOAEMAPXEKNOCCION KEAOM\JAITTOAYCTONON EPYKE|NYBPIN: OYTAPANOEAOI MW’ AMBPOTOI’ EPANNONAOL |AEINPAOCETIEITIN’ HIQE[ CYAAMACEIACAEKON TATTPOCOEXEIPQ.NBIAN ΔΕ. =|OMEN‘TAA’ ETTIONTAAA ... |NKPIN(EI* Ais TTENAPETAIXMOCH PO. ] - PONAENAYBATAI .T.. YTEPAPANON ΘΑ. coc: ΑΛΙΟΥΤΕΓΑΛΛΒΡΩΙΧΟΛΩΓ YAINETETT . TAINIAN MHTIN: EITTIENTEMELAAOCOL ZEYTIATEPAKOYCON’ EITTEPM....- A OINICCAAEY KQAENOCCOITEK[ NYNTIPOTTEMTT’ ATTOY PANOYOL TTY PIEOEIPANACTPATIAN CAM? APIFNQTON EI! 177 στρ. β΄. Col. 35 ἀντ. β΄. 65 7O 75 80 85 go 95 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. AEKAICETPOIZHNIACEIC...|ONI &YTEYCENAIOPATIOCE! AANITONAEXPYCEON XEIPOCATAAON AIKQNOPACEICOQMATIATPOC . |CAQOMOYC ENEFKEKOCMONBAOEIACA|AOC- EICEAIA’ AIK’ EMACKAYHI KPONIOCEYXAC ΑΝΑΞΙΒΡΕΝΤΑΟΌΤΠΑΝΤΩ.... . “. N° ΓΈΞΕΞΙΣΙΣ Ξ “- 5 KAYEA’ ΑΛΛΕΙΤΤΟΝΕΥΧΑΝΛΛΕΓΑΟΘΕΝΗ͂Ι.] ΖΕΥΟΎΠΕΡΟΧΟΝΤΕΛΛΙΝΩΙΦΥΤΕΥΘΕ ΤΙΛΛΑΝΦΙΛΩΙΘΕΛΩΝ ΤΑΙ ΔΙΤΑΝΔΕΡΚΕΑΘΕΛΛΕΝ: ΑΟΤΡΑΨΕΘ᾽ ΟΔΕΘΥΛΛΆΡΛΛΕΝΟΝ ΙΔΩΝΤΕΡΑΟΧΕΙΡΑΟΠΕΤΑΘΟΘΕ ΚΛΥΤΑΝΕΟΑΙΘΕΡΑΛΛΕΝΕΠΤΟΛΕΛΛΟΟΗΡΩΘΟ ΕἸΡΕΝΤΕ ΘΗΟΘΕΥΤΑΔΕ MENBAETTIEICCA@HAIOC ἢ AQPA‘CYA’ OPNY’ ECBA PYBPOMONTI. AAFOC:KPONI[ AETOITTATHPANA=TEAEI TTOCEIAANYTIEPTATON KAEOCX@ONAKATEYAENAPON: OCEITIE:TOQIA’ OYTTAAIN OY MOCANEKAMTITET’ AAAEY TIAKTQ.NETTIKPIQUN CTAQEICOPOYCE:TIONTIONTENIN AE=ATOOEAHMONAACOC: TA®ENAEAIOCYIOCENAOOEN KEAP-KEAEYCETEKATOY PONICXEINEYAAIAAAON NAA‘MOIPA ὁ ETEPANTTOPCYN’ OAON IETOA’® QKYTTOMTTONAOPY COE! NEINBOPEACE=OTTIOENTINEOYC’ AHTA: TPECCANA’ AOANAIQN HIOEQNIENOCETIE! HPQXYCOOPENTIONTONAE’KA TAAEIPIQNT’ OMMATOLNAAKPY XEONBAPEIANETTIAETMENOIANAT KAN: bEPONAEAEA®INECENAAI NAIETAIMEFAN@ONC 100 IIo ἐπ. β΄. Col. 36 115 120 125 130 ODE XVI (XVII). 179 ΘΗ. EATTATPOCITITTI OYAOMON-EMOAENTEOEQN ME .. PON-TOOIKAYTACIAQN EAEICE,NHPEOCOA BIOYKOPAC-ATTOrAPATAA ΩΝΛΑΛΛΙΤΕΓΥΙΩΝΟΕΛΑΟ QITETTY POC-AM@IXAITAIC AEXPYCEOTTAOKOI AINHNTOTAINIAILXOPQOIAETEP TTIONKEAPYT POICINENTTOCIN: EIAENTETTATPOCAAOXON®IAAN CEMNANBODOTTINEPATOI CINAM®@ITPITANAOMOIC: ANINAM®EBAAAENAIONATIOPYPEAN: KOMAICIT’ ETTEOHKENOYAAIC AMEM®@EATTIAOKON: TONTIOTEOIENFAMOQI AQ KEAOAIOCASPOAITAPOAOICEPEMNON: ATTICTONOTIAAIMONEC OEANCINOYAENSPENOAPAICBPOTOIC: NAATTAPAAETITOTIPYMNON®ANH ‘EY OIAICINEN®PONTICIKNOCION ECXACENCTPATATETANETIE]I MOA’ AAIANTOCE=AAOC OAYMATTIANTECCI‘AAM TIEA’ AM@IFYOICOEQNNANP’ AFAO @PONOITEKOYPAICYNEY OY MIAINEOKTITOL QAOAY=AN‘E KAATENAETIONTOC:HIQEOIA’ EFFYOEN NEOITTAIANIZANEPATAIOTII AAAIEXOPOICIKHIQN @PENAIANOEIC OTTAZEQEOTIOMTIONECOADNTYXAN - 180 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. XVII. [XVIIL.] Onoevs στρ. α΄. ΒΑΟΙΛΕΥΤΑΝΙΕΡΑΝΑΘΑΝΑΝ ΤΩΝΑΒΡΟΒΙΩΝΑΝΑΞΙΏΝΩΝ ΤΙΟΝΕΟΝΕΚΛΑΓΕΧΑΛΚΟΚΩΔΩΝ ΟΑΛΙΤΙΓΞΙΤΟΛΕΛΛΗΙΑΝΑΟΙΔΑΝ: 5 HTICAMETEPACXOONOC AYCMENHCOPI’ ΑΛΛΦΙΒΑΛΛΕΙ CTPATAFETACANHP: HAHCTAIKAKOMAXANOI TIOIMEND.NA’ EKATIMHAQNN 10 CEYONT’ ATEAACBIAI - HTITOIKPAAIANAMYCCEI: ΦΘΕΓΓΟΥΔΟΚΕΩΓΑΡΕΙΤΙΝΙΒΡΟΤΩΝ ΑΛΚΙΛΛΩΝΕΤΤΙΚΟΥΡΙΑΝ ΚΑΙΤΙΝΕΛΛΛΛΕΝΑΙΝΕΩΝ I5 QTIANAIONOCYIEKAIKPEOYCAC στρ. β΄. .«« ΟΝηλθεδλολιχὰνδλλειψὰο Col. 37 KAPY =TTOCINICOMIANKEAEYOON: APATAA’ EPFAAETEIKPATAIOY POTOC'TONYTTEPBIONT ETTE®NEN 20 CININOCICXYI@EPTATOC ONATQNHNKPONIAAAYTAIOY CEICIXOONOCTEKOC: CYNT’ ANAPOKTONONENNATIAIC KPEMYQ.NOCATACOAAONTE 25 ΟΚΙΡΩΝΑΚΑΤΕΚΤΑΝΕΝ: TANTEKEPKYONOCTITAAAICT PAN ECXEN: TIOAYTTHMONOCTEKAPTEPAN CbY PANE=EBAAAENTIPOKO TTTACAPE!ONOCTYXQX.N 30 POTOC: TAYTAAEAOIX OTTAITEAEITAI: στρ. γ΄. TINAA’ EMMENTIOOENANAPATOYTON AETEI* TINATECTOAANEXONTA: TTIOTEPACY NTTOAEMHIOICO TTIAOICICTPATIANAFONTATTIOAAAN: 35 HMOYNONCYNOTTAOICIN CTIXEINEMTTOPONOP AAATAN ETTAAAOAAMIAN στρ. δ΄. Col. 38 στρ. 40 45 5οὋὈἨ 60 Io ODES XVII (XVIII), XVIII (XX). ICXYPONTEKAIAAKIMON OQAEKAIOPACY NOCTOYTON ANAPONKAPTEPONCOENOC ECXEN: HOEOCAYTONOPMAI AIKACAAIKOICINO®PAMHCETAI OYTAPPAIAIONAIENEP AONTAMHNTYXEINKAKQI: TTIANT’ ENTQUAOAIXOIXPONDITEAEITAI: AYOOIPQATEMONOYCAMAPTEIN AETEI: TTEPI®AIAIMOICIA’ QMOIC =IPOCEXEIN: =ECTOYCAEAY’ ENXEPECC’ AKONTAC 55 * CTIABEINATTOAAQMNIAN POINICCANGAOLaTTAIAdA’ EMEN TTPWOHBON * APHIWNA’ ABYPMATWN KHYTYKTONKY NEANAAKAI NANKPATOCYTTEPTTY PCOXAITOY: XITOANATTOP®Y PEON CTEPNOICIT’ AM@®IKAIOYAION OECCAAANXAAMY A’: OMMATO.NAE *MEMNACOAITTOAEMOYTEKAI XAAKEOKTYTTOYMAXAC AIZHCOAIAE®IAATAAOY CAOANAC ——————_ XVHL XTX) Iw αθηναιοις TTIAPECTIMY PIAKEAEY9OOC ΑΛΛΒΡΟΟΙΩΝΛΛΕΛΕΩΝ OCANTIAPATIEIEPIAQNAA XHICIAQPAMOYCAN ΙΟΒΛΕΦΑΡΟΙΤΕΚΑΙ ΦΕΡΕΟΤΕΦΑΝΟΙΧΑΡΙΤΕΟ ΒΑΛΩΟΘΙΝΑΛΛΦΙΤΙΛΛΑΝ YMNOICIN: ΥΦΑΙΝΕΈΝΥΝΕΝ TAICTTOAYHPATOICTIKAINON? OABIAICAOANAIC EYAINETEKHIAMEPIMNA: TIPETTEICE®EPTATANIMEN OAONTTAPAKAAAIOTTACAA 1 See crit. n. on p. 398. 181 182 Col. 39 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. XOICANE=OXONFEPAC: TIHNAPFOCO®’ ITITIIONAITIOYCA mEYTEXPYCEABOYC EYPYCOENEOCPAAAICIGEPTATOYAIOC INAXOY POAOAAKTYAOCKOPA: OT APTONOMMACIBAETIONTA TTANTO@ENAKAMATOIC MEFICTOANACCAKEAEYCEN AKOITONAYTTNONEON TAKAAAIKEPANAAMAAIN -PY AACCEN: OYAEMAIAC YIOCAY NAT’ OYTEKATEY PETTEACAMEPACAAOEINNIN 22 * χργοοττεττλοοηρὰ OYTENYKTACATN[ EIT’ OYNFENET’ Εἰ TTOAAPKE’ ΑΓΓΕΛΟΙ KTANEINTOT[ OMBPIMOCTTOPOYAL APTON: HPAKAI[ ACTIETOIMEPIMN[ HITEIEPIAECYTEY[ KAAEQNANATIAYCL EMOIMENOYN ACOAAECTATONATIP[ ETTEITTAPANOEMQL, NEIAONA®IKET’ Of ILQPEPOYCATTAIAL ETTAPON: ENOANI[ Al NOCTOAQNTIPYT[ YTTEPOXQLIBPYONT[ METICTANTEONAT OOENKAIATANOPI[ ENETITATTIYAOICL KAAMOCCEMEAL ATONOPCIBAKXA[ TIKTEAIONYCON[ KAIXOPQNCTE®AL ee Io ODES XVIII [XIX], XIX [XX]. Rie ERX) Idas λακεδαιμονιοις CTTAPTAITTOTENE[ =ANOAIAAKEAA[ TOIONAEMEAOCK[ OT’ ATETOKAAAITIAL KOPANOPACY KAP[ ~~ MAPTTHCCANIOT[ ΦΥΓΩΝΘΑΝΑΤΟΥΤΙ ANA=IAAOCTTOCI ITITIOYCTEOIICAN[ TTAEY PON’ ECEYKT[ XPYCACTTIAOCYIOL The rest of the ode is lost. INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. A. EPINIKIA. THE CYCLE OF THE FOUR GREAT FESTIVALS. The Olympian games were held towards the end of summer, at the time of a full moon (Pind. O. 111. 19), and lasted five days (O. v. 6). The incidence of the festival was regulated by a cycle of 99 lunar months, in such a manner that the interval between two celebrations was alternately one of 49 lunar months and one of 50. In the former case the festival seems to have coincided with the second full moon after the summer solstice, and in the latter with the third (Schréder, Prolegomena to Pindar, p. 48). According to scholia on Pind. O. 111. 35, the celebration was.alternately in the month Apollonius and in the month Parthenius (2d. p. 46); but it is not known to what Attic months these corresponded. The Nemean games were held in summer, probably in July, at the beginning of the second and fourth years of each Olympiad. The Isthmian games were held in spring, probably in April (cp. Thuc. vit. 7—r0), in the latter half of the second and fourth years of each Olympiad. The Pythian games were held in August (the Delphian month Bucatius, the Attic Metageitnion), early in the third year of each Olympiad. To exemplify this cycle, we will take the 74th and 75th Olympiads. ODE I. 185 Olympiad, B.C. 74.1. 484/3 | 484. Late summer. Olympia | Pind. O. x, ΧΙ 74. 2. 483/2 483. Summer. Vemea 482. Spring. Jsthmia 74s 3. 482/1 482. August. Pythia "4. 4. 481/o (481. Summer. δίεψισα Pind. NV. v, Bacch. XII? (480. Spring. Zsthmia Pind. Z. v [v1]? 75-1. | 480/79 | 480. Late summer. Olympia 75.2. 479/8 (479. Summer. Memea (478. Spring. Jsthmia Pind. Z, Iv [v]? 11 [1v]? 75/3: 478/7 478. August. Pythia 8:2. 477/6 | (477. Summer. Memea 1476. Spring. Zsthmia _DATES OF SOME EPINIKIA. Olympiad. | B.c. Olympiad. B.C. 70.3. | 498 | Pind. Px 78.1. | 468 | Bacch. III 72.3. 490 | Pind. 2. vi, x1 73-3- | 486 | Pind. Ρ vir 78.2. | 467 | Pind. Δ΄. vir? 75.2 478 | Pind. Z. vir [vir]? 79.1. 464 | Pind. O. vil, ΙΧ, ΧΠῚ 76.1 476 | Pind. O. 1, τι, 11, x1v. || 79-3- | 462 | Pind. P. Iv, v Bacch. V 80. I. 460 | Pind. O. vir 76. 2. 475 | Pind. [P.] 1 80. 4. 456 | Pind. Z. vi [v1]? 76.3- | 474 | Pind. P. 11? ΙΧ, ΧΙ | 81.1. | 456 | Pind. O.1v,v? N.1v? 76. 4. 473 | Pind. V.1? |} 82.1. 452 | Bacch. VI, VII γῆς Te 472 | Pind. O. v1? γῆ. 3: 47° | Pind. }. 1, Bacch. IV|| 83. 3. 446 | Pind. ?. vir ODE I. For Argeius of Ceos, victor in the boys boxing-match [or pancration?| at the Isthmia—Date unknown. δι. The title is lost, and the occasion of the ode is known only from imternal evidence, which, however, happens to be confirmed by an inscription found in Ceos. The name of the victor was ᾿Αργεῖος (I. 32, 11. 4 f.). His father was Πανθείδης (Iv. 14: only the letters ΠΑΝ remain in I. 37), a man skilled in medicine, ‘well-dowered by the Graces, and famed for hospi- tality (I. 39—41), though, as may be inferred from vv. 49—67, of modest fortune. Argeius was one of five brothers, all of good repute (43f.). The family belonged to Ceos (II. 2). That the festival was the Isthmian appears from I. 46 and 11. 6f. The nature of the contest is indicated only by καρτερόχειρ, the epithet of Argeius in I. 31, and μ[άχ]ας Opa- σύχειρος in II. 4. These words suggest the boxing-match, 7.3; 13 186 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. though they would also suit the pancration (boxing and wrestling). § 2. The inscription above-mentioned is on a marble slab which was found at [015 in Ceos, and is now in the Museum at Athens. It is of interest as a specimen of the form taken by a local record of victories at the national festivals. The slab seems originally to have formed the lower left-hand portion of a large stele: in its present state, it measures about 19. inches in length and 114 in breadth. It has been broken across, but the two pieces have been cemented together, so as practically to restore the unity of the stone, and no writing has been destroyed in the fracture. The inscription is in 29 lines, 27 of which record victories’. Each entry of a victory occupies one line. Each entry, when entire, gave (1) the victor’s name, with his father’s ; (2) the class, with respect to age, in which he competed,— ἀνδρῶν, ἀγενείων or παίδων : and (3) the nature of the contest: e.g. Lins ᾿Αξίλεω παίδων παγκράτιον. But the left-hand edge of the stone has been injured, so that the initial letter of several names is lost. And the right-hand edge has been cut away, to the extent of at least four inches, judging by the number of letters which are certainly missing at the end of some lines. This was done, no doubt, by 1 Tam indebted to Mr R.C. Bosanquet, Director of the British School at Athens, for kindly sending me an impression of the inscription, with some valuable notes. 2 The names of four of the victors are illegible. The remaining twenty-three victories were won by thirteen persons, one of whom gained 4, another 3, and five (including Argeius) gained 2 apiece. Of the seven who gained more than one victory each, six were victorious both at the Isthmus and at Nemea ; the seventh, at the Isthmus only. The rule followed in the arrangement of the names was (I conceive) as follows. In each section (the Isthmian and the Nemean) the victories were entered in chronological order. When, in the same year, there had been Cean victors in more than one class of age, the order was ‘men,’ ‘ youths,’ masons who adapted the slab ‘boys.’ Where, then, the name of a youth precedes that of a man (as in lines 9 and 21), this means that the man’s victory belongs to a later year. In one instance the record notes that a man and a youth whose name follows his were ‘brothers who won on the same day’ (line to), but their relationship was not the only reason for so placing them. The same remark applies when the name of a boy precedes that of a youth (I. 13). The name of ‘ Leon son of Leomedon,’ a victor in the κηρύκων ἀγών, stands last both in the Isthmian and in the Nemean section, in each case following the name of a boy. That order would be the natural one even if they won in the same year, as the herald’s victory belonged to a different category, and was not declared until the end of the games. ODE ἢ 187 to serve as a rude capital or impost in a Byzantine church’. Hence the last word, specifying the contest, is wholly lost in all the lines except three; viz. lines 13 and 24, where way and πα respectively remain from παγκράτιον, and line 29, where κῆρυξ remains. Above the last twelve entries is the heading or title (forming line 17), οἵδε Νέμεια ἐνίκων. The Nemean games ranked last among the four great festivals; hence it may safely be inferred that the immediately preceding section of the record contained the victories in the Isthmian games, though the heading of this section has been lost, along with the earlier entries under it. In the fifteenth extant line of the Isthmian section we read :— APFEIOS TTANOL JAED TIAIAQ[N This entry presumably refers to the victory commemorated in the first and second odes of Bacchylides. The word lost after παίδων may have been either ΠῪΞ or TTATKPATION, The name of Argeius recurs in the Nemean section (I. 26): ΑΡΓΕΙΟΣ TIANOL JAED ATE[NEION where again the specification of the contest is lost. Nothing else is known as to the Nemean victory of Argeius. Nor do we know precisely at what point the limit of age between παῖδες and ἀγένειοι was drawn for the purposes of these games. The term ἀγένειος may have denoted the age from 17 to 19 inclusive, and παῖς that from 14 to 16% In that case the interval separating the victory of a παῖς from one gained by the same person as an ἀγένειος might vary from one year to five. The name of Argeius stands last but one in the Isthmian section of the record, and last but three in the Nemean. Neither Argeius nor any one of five other persons named as victors among the ‘boys’ or the ‘youths’ recurs as a victor among ‘men.’ The record, as we have it, clearly breaks off at or soon after the date of the Nemean victory won by Argeius. The inscription itself is of a date much later than the latest that could be assigned to any poem of Bacchylides. It has been referred to the period from circa 400 to 350 B.C*. If that view 1 Mr Bosanquet observes that the 2 See Introd. to Ode ΧΗ, § 2. back and sides of the stone have been 3 This was the opinion of Halbherr, treated in a manner which suggests such by whom the inscription was first edited a purpose. (in 1885): and it is shared, as Mr 13—2 188 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. be correct, the list must have been copied from some older record, such as certainly existed in the poet’s day’. The register of Cean victors had doubtless been continued from the time of Argeius down to the date of the inscription, and the existing slab can be but a small fragment of a record which filled more than one stele. § 3. The ode, so far as it is preserved in the MS., practically begins with the fragment which stands first in the text of this edition, describing the arrival of Minos in Crete (vv. I—19). This is followed by a lacuna of nine verses; and then comes the last part of the poem, virtually complete, which is concerned with the victor Argeius and his father Pantheides (vv. 29—74). There are also, however, several smaller fragments, which belonged to the earlier portion of the ode. From these it appears that the poet commenced with a reference to the Isthmian festival, and proceeded to relate the heroic saga of his native island. The myth was in outline as follows. Dexithea (‘she who entertains a god’) was one of several sisters, daughters of Damon, chief of the Telchines. Those volcanic daemons, connected with Poseidon and his realm, figured in legend as the earliest craftsmen in metal, but also as spiteful enchanters (τελχίν = θελγίν, from θέλω), who had blighted the fruits of the earth in Rhodes, their first home. Their malignity provoked the wrath of Zeus, who slew them with his thunderbolts. - But Bosanquet informs me, by Dr Wilhelm, who is now Keeper of the Inscriptions in the Museum at Athens. Ω is used in the inscription, and sigma has the form Σ, not the older $. In Attica = had supplanted $ in ordinary epigraphic use as early as Ol. 83. 3 =446 B.c. (E. S. Roberts, Greek Epi- graphy, p. 102): the earliest appearance of Q2 in an Attic inscription which can be dated seems to be in CIA 338, which Kirchhoff has fixed to Ol. 93. 1=408 B.c. (26. p. 104). But, with regard to the usage of Ceos, there does not appear to be any definite evidence as to approxi- mately the time at which those forms began to be used; and the presumption (at least as regards Q) is probably in favour of a date later than cz7ca 410 B.C. One point may be noted. If the Cean stone is merely a copy made ¢. 400-350 B.C. from an older document, one of its characteristics is the more curious. The size of the letters, and the spacing, vary much in different lines. £.g., the first entry of AEQN AEQME- ΔΟΝΤῸΣ in 1. 16 is so spaced out as to fill the whole width of the existing slab, and hence KHPTYZ has been lost after it. But the second entry of the same name in 1. 29 is so much more compressed that KHPTZ comes in. Such variations would be more natural if the successive entries had been made from time to time, than if the stone-cutter was simply copying an older record which stood complete before him. 1 See Appendix on Ode Il. gf., ἑβδομήκοντα σὺν στεφάνοισιν. ODES I, Il, I1I—V. : 189 he spared Dexithea and her sisters, who had shown hospitality to him and Apollo. Minos, coming from Crete to Ceos, there wedded Dexithea. Their son was Euxantius, who became lord of Ceos, father of the hero Miletus, and ancestor of a Milesian clan, the Euxantidae. It is impossible, with our data, to say exactly how much of the ode has been lost, or how the earlier part of the myth was told. A discussion of these questions will be found in the Appendix. ODE II. For the same. The title in the MS. (attributable to the hand of the first corrector) attests that this short song is in honour of the same person ; and the Isthmian victory to which it refers is doubtless the same. The last four verses suggest that the ode may have been sung, to an accompaniment of flutes, as a welcome to Argeius when he landed in Ceos on his return. Ode I, the regular epinikion, was presumably written later, for the formal celebration of the victory at the young athlete’s home. ODEs III, IV, V. For Hieron. Before dealing separately with each of these three poems, it will be useful to give a synopsis of the chief events in the history of Hieron and his dynasty, with the chronology of the © odes written for him by Bacchylides and by Pindar. Deinomenes was a citizen of Gela, hereditary ἱεροφάντης of Demeter and Persephone. The origin of his sacred office is related by Herodotus (vil. 153). One of the ancestors of Deinomenes was Τηλίνης, himself descended from one of the first settlers at Gela, who came with its founders, Antiphemus of Rhodes and Entimus of Crete [civc. 690 B.c.: Thuc. vi. 4 §3]. This Telines possessed, says Herodotus, certain mysterious ipa τῶν χθονίων θεῶν : ze. the secret of certain rites (probably associated with visible symbols) of the two goddesses. Some citizens of Gela, vanquished in a party struggle, had seceded to a place called Μακτώριον : Telines undertook to bring them back by means of his ἱρά, on condition that, if he did so, he and his descendants should be ἱροφάνται τῶν χθονίων θεῶν. He succeeded,—how, we are not told ; and the priesthood remained thenceforth in his house. 190 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. Deinomenes had four sons, Gelon, Hieron, Thrasybulus, and Polyzelus. Gelon, the eldest, had been commander of cavalry under Hippocrates, tyrant of Gela. On the death of Hippocrates, the city of Gela refused to acknowledge his sons. Gelon took up their cause, reduced Gela, and then seized the supreme power for himself. OLyYmP. B.C. 72. 2--73.4 491-485 Gelon, eldest of the four sons of Deino- menes, succeeds Hippocrates as tyrant of Gela, where he reigns for about six years. 73. 1 488 Gelon dedicates a bronze chariot at Olympia as a thank-offering for victory in the chariot-race (Paus. 6. 9. ὃ 4). 73" 4 485 The oligarchic land-owners (γαμόροι) of Syracuse, having been banished by the Syra- cusan democracy and retired to Casmenae, invoke Gelon’s aid. He leads them against Syracuse. At his approach the democracy submits, and he becomes master of the city. Syracuse is thenceforth the seat of his rule. Hieron, the second son of Deinomenes, becomes ruler of Gela, as vice-gerent of Gelon. Gelon enlarges and strengthens Syracuse by carrying the wall of Achradina down to the Great Harbour, thus bringing Achradina and Ortygia within a single fortified enclosure. The greatness of Syracuse as a city, and its naval power, date from his reign. 74.3 482 Hieron wins a victory in the horse-race (κέλητι) at Delphi, in the 26th Pythiad. This is the first of the three Pythian victories to which Bacchylides refers (Iv. 4). 75-1 480 The Carthaginians, under Hamilcar, are defeated at Himera by the Syracusans and other Siceliots, στρατηγοῦντος TéAwvos airo- κράτορος (Diod. xi. 94). As a thank-offering for this victory, Gelon dedicated at Delphi a golden tripod surmounted by a Nike. Hieron afterwards placed a like offering at the side of his brother’s. (See Appendix on Ode 111. 17 ff.) OLyYmp. 75. 3 75-76 75. 4 76.1 B.C. 478 478-476 477 476 ODES ITI—V. ΙΟΙ Death of Gelon. Hieron succeeds him as ruler of Syracuse. Second Pythian victory of Hieron (cp. 482 B.C.) He wins the horse-race in the 27th Pythiad. The κέλης on this occasion was certainly Pherenicus (Pind. P. 1. 73 f.), who possibly was the winner also in 482. At this period there was war between Hieron and Theron, the tyrant of Acragas. According to one account, this war was connected with the protection afforded by Theron to Polyzelus, the youngest brother of Hieron, with whom he was at enmity. Theron had invaded Hieron’s territories, and advanced as far as the river Gelas, when the poet Simonides ‘fell in with them, and reconciled them to each other’ (περιτυχόντα διαλῦσαι). Hieron then took Polyzelus into favour again. (Diod. x1. 48.) The words of Bacchylides (v. 35 f.) suggest that he then (in 476) supposed Hieron to be on good terms with both his surviving brothers, Thrasybulus and Polyzelus. Anaxilas, tyrant of Rhegium, aims at sub- jugating the Epizephyrian Locri. Hieron sends his brother-in-law Chromius as an envoy to . Anaxilas, and secures the continued indepen- dence of the Locrians. Hieron’s first victory at Olympia, gained with the κέλης Pherenicus. First Olympian of Pindar: who seems to have been at Syracuse when the ode was written, or at least when it was sung (v. 10). Fifth ode of Bacchylides: who sends the poem from Ceos, but may have already visited Syracuse, as he calls himself Hieron’s ξένος (το f.). Hieron transports the citizens οἵ Catana and Naxos to Leontini. On the vacant site of OLyYmpP. 76. 2 76. 3 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. B.C. 475 474 Catana he founds a new city, with 5000 settlers from Syracuse and as many more from Pelopon- nesus, and calls it Aetna, placing it under the protection of Ζεὺς Airvatos. A great eruption of Mount Aetna, which Pindar describes in 2. 1. 21 ff. (470 B.c.), and to which Aeschylus alludes (P. V. 367 ff.), is fixed to this year, if the words πεντηκοστῷ ἔτει in Thuc. 11. 116 ὃ 2 are to be taken strictly. But the Parian Chronicle (Miiller 1. 550, 68) puts the eruption in 479 8.C.: and it is possible that Thuc: gave merely a ‘round number.’ Or the volcano may have been active at intervals for several years. Second ‘Pythian’ of Pindar. This ode, incorrectly classed as Pythian, celebrated a vic- tory of Hieron in the chariot-race at some Theban festival (perhaps the “HpaxAea or “IoAaa). The poet alludes to Hieron’s recent intervention on behalf of the Italian Locri (vv. 18—20). The Etruscans, coming by sea, attack Cumae, the ancient Chalcidic settlement in *Omxia (Campania). Hieron sends a Syracusan fleet, which, with the Cumaean, utterly over- throws the Etruscan armada (Diod. x1. 51). [There is a trophy of this victory in the British Museum; viz., an Etruscan helmet which Hieron dedicated at Olympia, with the inscription HIA- PONOAEINOMENEOSKAITOISYPAKOSIOI- TOIAITYPAN|= Tuppava AILOKYMAS. ] The Third Pythian of Pindar may belong to this year: this is, at any rate, its ap- proximate date. The poet calls Hieron Airvatov éévov (v. 69), Showing that the ode is later than 476: and there is no reference to Hieron’s Pythian victory with the chariot (470). The poem is not an ἐπινίκιον of the ordinary kind: Ζ2.6., it does not celebrate a victory which had OLymp. 76. 4 77-1 77-3 B.C, 473 472 470 ODES 711--, 193 just been gained. It refers to the former success of the horse Pherenicus at Delphi (in 478, per- haps also in 482): vv. 73 f. But it is largely an ode of comfort and exhortation: Hieron was suffering from a painful disease (λιθιών). The probable date of Pindar’s first Nemean, for Hieron’s brother-in-law Chro- mius, who was now guardian (or ‘ Mayor of the Palace’) to Hieron’s son, Deinomenes, | who had been appointed to rule the newly- founded Aetna (Airvas βασιλεῖ, Pind. P. 1. 60). Chromius was proclaimed at Nemea as Airvaios. Pindar seems to have been in Sicily then (&. 1. 19 ff.). [The ninth ‘Nemean’ ode, wrongly so classed, concerns a victory of Chromius in the Pythian games at Sicyon, and seems to be earlier than the first Nemean: it calls Aetna τὰν νεοκτίσταν (v. 2), and may belong to 472 B.C.| Hieron’s second victory at Olympia, in the horse-race. [The fragment of the Olympic register contained among the Oxyrhynchus papyri proves that Hieron won with the κέλης at Olympia both in ΟἹ. 76 and in Ol. 77.] Hieron’s third Pythian victory. He wins the four-horse chariot-race, in the 29th Pythiad. First Pythian of Pindar, Ἱέρωνι Αἰτναίῳ: a title indicating that, at this Pythian festival, he was proclaimed as Airvatos. Pindar alludes to the victory at Himera in 480 (75 84), and to that at Cumae in 474 (71 f.). Fourth ode of Bacchylides: which speaks of Hieron as having now won three victories at Delphi (26., in 482, 478, 470), and two at Olympia (ze, in 476 and 472): vv. 4 and 17. 194 OLyYmMpP. 78.1 78. 3 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. B.C. 468 467 466 Hieron’s victory at Olympia with the four- horse chariot. Third ode of Bacchylides: who probably was at Syracuse when the ode was written, or when it was sung (vv. 15 ff.). The tone of vv. 85—92 indicates that Hieron was not expected to live long. Hieron dies at Aetna (Diod. x1. 66). He receives τιμαὶ ἡρωϊκαί, as κτίστης of that city. After his death, his son Deinomenes dedicates thank-offerings in his name at Olympia, viz. (1) a bronze chariot and charioteer, (2) two bronze κέλητες, with boy-riders; one being placed on each side of the chariot (Paus. 6. 12 ὃ 1). The inscription (id. 8. 42 ὃ 9) re- corded that Hieron had won τεθρίππῳ μὲν ἅπαξ, μουνοκέλητι δὲ δίς. Thrasybulus, the younger brother of Hieron, succeeds him as ruler of Syracuse. Having reigned about eleven months, Thra- sybulus, a cruel tyrant, is expelled by the Syracusans, and withdraws to the Epizephyrian Locri; after which nothing more is heard of him. The dynasty of the Deinomenidae then comes to an end, and the Syracusan democracy is restored. ODE III. For Hieron of Syracuse, victor in the chariot-race at Olympia. $1. Ol. 78, 468 B.C. This ode, the latest in date of the three, is placed first, because the victory which it concerns is the most important. It falls into three main sections, (4) an exordium, vv. I—22; (6) the myth of Croesus, 23—62 ; (c) the conclusion, 63—97. (a) The Muse is bidden to sing of Demeter and Persephone, whose priest Hieron is: then comes a reference to the chariot- race itself, and to the applause which greeted the victory. From a notice of the festivities at Syracuse, where he may have been present (vv. 15 f.), the poet passes to a mention of the golden tripods dedicated at Delphi by Gelon and Hieron. The proem concludes with a sentiment which is the key-note of the ode: Let a man bring choice gifts to the god; that is the surest pledge of prosperity. To this sentiment he knits on, as an illustration, the story of Croesus. It is interesting to remember that in an ode, then recent, for Hieron, Pindar had pointed to the Lydian king as an example of generosity rewarded by lasting fame: οὐ φθίνει Kpoioou φιλόφρων ἀρετά (Pyth I. 94, 470 B.C.). §2. (6) The story of Croesus is told in a form which occurs nowhere else in ancient literature. According to our other authorities, Cyrus dooms Croesus to the pyre’. Here it is Croesus who voluntarily resolves to burn himself and_ his family, in order to escape enslavement to the Persian conqueror. The Croesus of Herodotus appeals on the pyre to Apollo (I. c. 87), though he afterwards taunts the god with ingratitude (c. 90); the Croesus of Bacchylides seems rather to invoke Zeus (v. 37). The quenching of the pyre by rain is common to both versions; but here Zeus is expressly named as the agent (v. 55). The Croesus of Herodotus, after his deliverance from the pyre, figures as the friend and counsellor of Cyrus, and lives to admonish Cambyses (III. 36); when or how he died, we are not told. Here Apollo transports Croesus, with his wife and daughters, to the happy land of the Hyperboreans. Ancient art comes to our aid where literature fails, and proves that the version of the Croesus-myth followed by Bacchylides was a current one before his time. An early red-figured amphora in the Louvre, dating from the close of the sixth century B.C. or the opening years of the fifth, shows Croesus enthroned on a great pyre, which is beginning to burn. He is clad in royal robes, and crowned with laurel ; his left hand bears a sceptre, while with his right he pours a 1 Herod. 1. 86ff.,and 111. 16: Ctesias have been indebted to the Λυδιακά of ap. Phot. cod. 72: Nicolaus of Damascus Xanthus, cérc. 470 B.C. (Miiller 1. 36). (in the Augustan age), frag. 61 (Miiller, Lucian, Gadl/us c. 23. Frag. Hist. 111. p. 406). Nicolaus may 196 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. libation. An attendant, who has the significant name of ET@OTMOSX, is bending in front of the pyre, and applying to it, with both hands, objects which some critics explain as the ‘whisks’ (περιρραντήρια, aspergilla) used in sprinkling lustral water, while others suppose them to be fans, or torches. The act of Croesus is manifestly conceived as voluntary. A majestic serenity, or even gladness, is the sentiment indicated by the picture?. What were the sources of this version? It is one which dignifies Croesus by an intrepid resolve; and that resolve is of an oriental cast. These features point to a native Lydian origin. It is also honourable to Apollo, who promptly recompenses his faithful votary with a supreme reward. But it is improbable that this account of Apollo’s action came from Delphi. The Delphian legend is rather to be recognised in the answer of the Pythia to the complaint of Croesus, as reported by Herodotus (I. 91). At the central shrine of Loxias it was the interest of the priests to keep up the tradition that a great Lydian king had been guided from Delphi, even though they had only a lame defence for the ambiguous responses which lured him to his ruin. But the Aegean seat of the god had no such responsibility for oracles given to Croesus. Another trait of the story should also be noted. Here, and here alone, the Hyperborean land appears as a place to which pious mortals are translated without dying ; and the Hyperborean legends had a very special place in the Apollo-cult of Delos. It is ‘Delos-born’ Apollo, says Bacchylides (v. 58), who carries Croesus to that elysium. The Ionian poet of Ceos would know the Delian temple-legend. He wrote for Delian festivals, and was no stranger to the sacred lore of the island*. 1 should conjecture, then, that the form of the Croesus-myth given in his ode (468 B.C.), and attested by the somewhat earlier vase, was one which originally came from Lydia, and was worked up at Delos. 1 They are, however, quite unlike has been published in Monumenti dell’ torches as usually represented: see (¢.g.) Jstituto, 1. pl. XLIv.: Baumeister, the torches applied to Alemena’s pyre by Denkmiler, p. 796. See also A. H. the attendant in Python’s vase-painting Smith in Journ. Hellen. Stud. XVII. (Journ. Hellen. Stud. X1. pl. 6). (1898) pp. 267 f. 2 The amphora (no. 194 in the Louvre) 3 See Introd. to Ode ΧΥῚ, ad init. ODES IIT, IV. 197 Later in the fifth century, this version gave way to that found in Herodotus, which represented the Asiatic Greek conception of the manner in which a Persian conqueror would act, while it also suited the interests of Delphi. Herodotus makes Croesus survive in Persia during many years after the capture of Sardis. For that account he presumably had some data furnished by traditions current in Asia Minor: but such evidence would at once dissolve the Delian myth, the free creation of Ionian fancy, as to Apollo’s prompt removal of Croesus to the seats of the blest. § 3. (ὦ From the Croesus-myth the poet returns to the praises of Hieron—a benefactor of Delphi unsurpassed by any Greek ; ‘lover of horses,’ warrior, just ruler, and disciple of the Muses. After some verses in a different strain, which suggest that Hieron’s end was believed to be near (75—-92), the ode closes with a forecast of renown for him,—and for ‘the nightin- gale of Ceos.’ ODE IV. For Hieron of Syracuse, victor in the chariot-race at Delphi. Cl, 29-3, £70: 8.0," This short song, in two strophes of ten verses each, con- gratulates Hieron on the growing series of his victories. After winning the horse-race at Delphi in 482 and in 478 B.c., he has now, won the chariot-race ; a Pythian record which the poet declares to be unequalled. At Olympia he has also won two horse-races (viz. in 476 and 472). Hieron’s brilliant fortunes show the favour of heaven (18 ff.). Hieron’s new victory (celebrated by Pindar in his first Pythian) was one of high importance. This song is exceedingly slight: it resembles the brief greeting to Argeius (Ode 11), and to Lachon (Ode VI). 1 According to the Pindaric scholia (Argum. ad Pyth.) the date of the first Pythiad was 582 B.c., and this victory was won in the 29th Pythiad, =470 B.c. Pausanias (xX. 7 ὃ 3) places the first Pythiad in 5868.c., so that the date of this victory would be 474; a view which Boeckh accepted. Bergk, on the other hand, prefers the authority of the Pindaric scholia, and recent criticism has confirmed his conclusion. 198 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. ODE V. For Hieron of Syracuse, victor in the horse-race at Olympia. Ol. 76, 476 B.C. § 1. A fragment from a copy of the Olympic register, written in the second or third century, and found at Oxy- rhynchus by Messrs Grenfell and Hunt, proves that Hieron won with the κέλης at Olympia both in Ol. 76 (476 B.c.) and in Ol. 77 (472); thus confirming the statement in the Pindaric scholiat. The victory celebrated in this ode is the same which Pindar commemorates in his first Olympian. As both odes clearly indicate, this was the first race won at Olympia by the horse Pherenicus. But Pherenicus had already won the Pythian race at least once’, viz. in 478 B.c. These facts make 1 Schol. on Olymp.1, where oy (Ol. 73=488 B.c., obviously too early) was rightly corrected by Bergk to os’ (76). 3 Whether Pherenicus was the winner at Delphi in 482 B.c., as well as in 478, depends on the interpretation of Pind. P. Ill. 73 f., στεφάνοις Ϊ τοὺς ἀριστεύων Φερένικος EX ἐν Κίρρᾳ ποτέ. Does the plural στεφάνοις denote more than one victory? If so, the victories are those of 482 and 478: if not, the reference is to 478 only. The plural of στέφανος could, apparently, be used with reference to a single victory; see e.g. Pind. Zsthm. 111. 11 ἐν βάσσαισιν ᾿Ισθμοῦ δεξαμένῳ στεφά- vous, where the reference is to Melissus, who is not said to have won any Isthmian victory other than that (in the pancration) which the ode commemorates. But, ina general reference, such as we find in Pyth. Wt. 73 f., to the horse’s record, στεφάνοις would more naturally denote a plurality of victories. On the other hand the allusion of Bacchylides to the success of Pherenicus at Delphi does not imply *more than a single victory (III. 41). Bacchylides in III. 39 calls Pherenicus πῶλον. But if he won his first race, let us say as a three-year-old, in 478, he would in 476 have been already five years old, a ἵππος τέλειος, no longer properly πῶλος. The use of the latter word, which in poetry is sometimes a mere synonym for ἵππος, cannot be pressed, then, as an argument against supposing that Pherenicus won his first race in 482. If he did so, he would have been nine years old (at least) in 476. But modern horses of that age, or even of an age considerably higher, have success- fully borne the severest tests of endurance and speed. Mr Kenyon quotes the case of a celebrated steeple-chaser, the Lamb, who won the Grand National (over a course of 43 miles) twice, viz. in 1868 and 1871, being six years old on the first occasion, and nine on the second. The same race in 1904 furnished some facts not less noteworthy from this point of view (see the 7Zimes of March 26). Twenty-six horses started: the age of four among these was g; of one, 10; of one, 13; and of one (Manifesto), not less than 16. The last-named was one of nine who alone completed the arduous course. Herodotus (VI. 103) mentions that Cimon, the father of Miltiades, won the four-horse chariot-race at Olympia with the same team of mares on three succes- it probable that his Olympian victory belongs to 476 B.c., rather than to 472: for it is not likely that, while Pherenicus was still in full vigour, another κέλης of Hieron’s should have been the winner in 476. The date 476 is confirmed by the circumstance that neither in Pindar’s first Olympian, nor in this ode of Bacchylides, is there any reference to Hieron’s foundation of Aetna in 476, or to his victory at Cumae in 474. Pindar, at least, would scarcely have omitted some allusion to one or both of these events. His third Pythian, written for Hieron in or about 473, refers to Aetna (v. 69), and his first Pythian (470 B.C.) to Cumae. Bacchylides sent this ode from Ceos to Syracuse. From the tone of the opening verses, we may infer that it was the first which he had written for. Hieron; and πείθομαι in v. 195 seems to imply that it was written by invitation. In verse 11 the poet calls himself Hieron’s ξένος. Simonides had been in Sicily during some part at least of the years 478—476, and Bacchylides may then have been introduced to the ruler of Syracuse. §2. Verses 1—55 form the first principal division of the ode. Addressing Hieron as otpatayos of the Syracusans, the poet declares that no one can better estimate a gift of the Muses. The exploits of Hieron and his brothers offer a wide range to the singer,—wide as the realms of air to a soaring eagle (16—36). The running of Pherenicus at Olympia is then described (17—49). Happy indeed is the man to whom heaven has granted such a fortune as Hieron’s [even though, like Hieron, he suffers from disease]: for no mortal ts blest in all things. This sentiment serves to introduce the beautiful myth which occupies the largest part of the poem (56—175). Heracles, going down to Hades for Cerberus, meets the shade of Meleager. sive occasions (viz., in Ol. 62=532 B.C., Ol. 63=528, and Ol. 64=524, as appears from the context). He adds that the same feat had been accomplished by a team belonging to a Spartan named Evagoras, but that (as we can easily believe) it had never been surpassed. Pelagonius (εἴγε. 410 A.D.) velerin. Ὁ. 32 (quoted by W. Christ and Blass) makes the following statement:—‘It is main-, tained (adseverant) that horses are gene- rally fit for the circus and the contests at festivals from their fifth to their twentieth year.’ 200 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. Both those heroes, so victorious, and so great, illustrate the truth that ‘no mortal is blest in all things.’ Just when the name of Deianeira has been uttered by the spirit of her brother, and the fatal resolve of Heracles to wed her is being taken, the poet leaves his myth with a Pindaric abruptness, and returns to his theme. The concluding portion of the ode (176—200) touches once more on the victory, and claims praise for Hieron as a debt of candour (ἀλάθεια), which only envy could withhold. When a man’s fortunes have once struck root, just praise is as the dew which brings leaf and flower. May Zeus grant that Hieron’s fortunes shall be stedfast and untroubled. § 3. It is not without interest to compare the general attitude of Bacchylides towards Hieron, as seen in these three odes, with that of Pindar in the four poems which he wrote for the same ruler (ΟΣ 1, Pyth. 1, τι, U1) From other accounts it would seem that Hieron, in his government of Syracuse, presented many of the characteristics of the typical tvpavvos,—guarded by foreign mercenaries'; suspicious of the citizens, to the point of setting spies? on their private conversation ; greedy of money, which he raised by laying heavy burdens on his people; and not incapable of cruel acts*. Gelon had been a τύραννος only in his way of seizing power, not in his way of using it: Hieron exemplified the usual tendency of the Greek τυραννίς to de- teriorate in the hands of the inheritor+ Yet it would be unjust to the poets who praise him to regard them merely as professional flatterers. They saw in him, not merely the brilliant and munificent victor in the games, but a man who fostered the cult of the Muses, and made his home a centre of attraction to the foremost men of letters. A new age of Greek literature was dawning: and just then there was no one man in all Hellas who was doing so much as this ruler of Syracuse to encourage and to honour poets. This was the aspect of Hieron’s reign which naturally appealed most forcibly ‘to his laureates: he was to them, in some measure, what 1 Diod. ΧΙ. 48 (cp. Xen. Hier. vi. 5). ® Diod. ΧΙ. 67 φιλάργυρος καὶ βίαιος. 2 Arist. Pol. ν. g § 3 mentions his * See Freeman, Sicély 11. 232 ff. moraywyldes and ὠτακουσταί. ODE V. 201 Augustus was to Virgil and Horace, what Lorenzo de’ Medici was to the members of the Florentine Academy. As guests at his court, they would not necessarily see much of what was amiss with his system of government. Pindar and Bacchylides may reasonably be acquitted, then, of any gross or deliberate per- version of the truth about Hieron as they knew or felt it. But let us now observe some points of difference between them. It may be noted that Pindar speaks more strongly than Bacchylides of Hieron’s virtues, especially his gentler virtues - there is nothing in Bacchylides so explicit or so comprehensive as Pindar’s πραὺς ἀστοῖς, ob φθονέων ἀγαθοῖς, ξείνοις δὲ θαυμαστὸς πατήρ (P. Ill. 71), or as his δρέπων... κορυφὰς ἀρετᾶν ἄπο πασᾶν (Οὐ 1. 13). Bacchylides is less emphatic; though he describes Hieron as a just ruler, of fine gifts, who owes: his high fortunes to the favour of heaven (III. 67—71: Iv. I—3, 18—20: v. 1—8, I9I—193). But the main difference is of a broader kind. Pindar, whose range of view is Panhellenic, does ample justice to Hieron as the champion of Western Hellas against Phoenician and Etruscan (Pyth. 1.72—80). Alluding to his intervention (in 477) on behalf of the Epizephyrian Locrians, Pindar renders this tribute, honourable and beautiful above any that Hieron is known to have received :—‘ Son of Deinomenes, the maiden of Locri in the West sings of thee before her door; because, after the bewildering troubles of war, thy power hath taken fear away from her eyes’ (Pyth. τι. 18—20.) Bacchylides once, indeed, alludes to the victory of Himera, but only in a vague and colourless phrase (v. 34, χαλκεοστέρνου τ᾽ "Αρηος). Hieron is, among his other qualities, a ‘ warrior’ (III. 69): but Bacchylides has no word of recognition for that aspect of his activity in which he appears as the defender of Hellene against barbarian. For Bacchylides he is only the ruler of Syracuse, upright and wise, bountiful to gods and men, a warrior who is no stranger to the Muses, a man fortunate in much, though there be one drop of bitterness in his cup. It is to Pindar alone that Hieron’s memory is indebted for the larger and more splendid picture of his place in Hellas. There is also a marked difference of tone between the two poets when they address Hieron. Pindar, the descendant of the JB. 14 202 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. Aegeidae, the honoured guest of Delphi, is wont to speak in lofty accents. Splendid as are his praises of Hieron, they seldom have the note of deference, while occasionally they imply something like equality : as at the close of the first Olympian,— ‘Be it ¢hime to walk on high throughout thy mortal life, and mine to consort with victors all my days, pre-eminent for my art among Hellenes in every land.’ Contrast with this haughty utterance the gentle fashion in which Bacchylides intimates his poetical claim at the close of his third ode,—in which, it may be noted, there is at least one distinct imitation of Pindar (vv. 85—87), so that Pindar's example may have prompted him here also:—‘ And along with (Hieron’s) genuine glories, men will praise also the charm of the melodious nightingale of Ceos.’ But it is in the admonitory passages that this contrast of tone is most marked. Take, for instance, the last twenty verses of Pindar’s first Pythian. Their character has been well described by Mr Freeman’. ‘The whole latter part of the first Pythian ode is a sermon of advice to a ruler, which might have been professedly meant rather for the young Deinomenes than his father, but in which one cannot but feel throughout that the father is glanced at. Elementary precepts of truth and justice, warnings not to listen to deceivers, all winding up the famous exhortation to make Croesus and not Phalaris the model, certainly suggest that Pindar knew that there was something not as it should be in Hieron’s rule” Hieron, who unless he has been much belied, was far from admiring freedom of speech, can scarcely have found it agreeable to be the object of such a discourse. Even in the third Pythzan, where Pindar wishes that he could bring Cheiron to heal his ‘ Aetnaean guest- friend,’ the real solicitude which the poet evidently feels, and which finds such noble expression, lacks the sympathetic note of tenderness. But that is precisely the note which Bacchylides touches in the passage of veiled consolation to Hieron which closes the third ode (vv. 75—-end). The tone is quiet, medita- tive, soothing. Again, the opening of the fifth ode, the first, probably, which Bacchylides addressed to Hieron, has a felicity of its own; the homage is simply rendered, and the tone 1 Sicily, τ. p. 540. ODES V, VI. 203 (marked by the word £évos) is that of one who trusts that his great critic will be friendly. An Ionian ease and grace belong to Bacchylides, as the pride and the fire of an Aeolic temperament can be recognised in Pindar. The poet of Thebes soars im- measurably above the poet of Ceos. But, when they are considered in their relations to the lord of Syracuse, it seems not inconceivable that there should have been some ground for the tradition preserved by the Pindaric scholiast', rapa Ἱέρωνι προκρίνεσθαι τὰ Βακχυλίδου ποιήματα. ODE VI. for Lachon of Ceos, victor in the foot-race for boys at Olympia. Ol. 82, 452 B.C. The Oxyrhynchus fragment of the Olympic register, already mentioned (p. 198), contains lists of victors from Ol. 75 (480 B.C.) to Ol. 83 (448 B.C.) inclusive. Under πβ (Ol. 82) is the entry: Λακὼων Ke[tos} παίδων σταδιον. There can be no doubt that it refers to the victory which is the subject of this Ode. In the agonistic inscription of Ceos (see Introd. to Ode 1; § 2), ΔΛΊαχων Apiotopeveos παιδω[ν occurs in two successive lines among the Nemean victors,—the mention of the contest in each case being lost in the fracture of the stone. The name Adyov (further attested by the play on λάχε in verse 2) occurs nowhere else, whereas Λάκων as a proper name is frequent. Hence the mis-spelling in the fragment of the Olympic register is easily explained. This short ode was sung before the house of Aristomenes, Lachon’s father, in Ceos (v. 14). Like the little song to Argeius (Ode I1),—a similar greeting to the victor on his return,—it alludes to previous Cean successes at the same festival. That trait would have a special point if we might suppose that, on each occasion, former victors in the games were among those who welcomed the young athlete. 1 On Pyth. τι. 166. 14—2 204 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. ODE VII. For the same. The ode begins with an invocation of ‘Day, daughter of Time and Night’: but the personified Hemera is identified with a particular date, viz. the prize-day at Olympia, which has set the wreath on the brows of Lachon. There is a mention of ‘pre-eminence in speed of foot’; and clearly the victory is that which was more briefly announced in Ode vi. This is the regular epinikion, analogous to Ode I in the case of Argeius. The first three verses are the last in column XII of the papyrus. Column XIII has perished ; but the final syllables of some rather long verses in the upper third of it have run on into the left margin of column xIv. With the help of these, and of some small fragments, verses 4—11 of the ode have been partly restored. Column XIV begins with 16 verses, which formed the end of Ode vil. The first verse is Πυθῶνά τε μηλοθύταν.. The poet is enumerating the places where Lachon had been a winner before his success at Olympia,—viz. Delphi, Nemea, and the Isthmus. No one, ‘boy or man,’ had won so many victories in an equal space of time» The poem closes with a reference to his crowning triumph at Olympia. The Cean inscription indicates (see Introd. to Ode νι) that Lachon’s two Nemean victories were gained either at the same festival or at two successive festivals. 455 and 453 B.C. were Nemean years. His Pythian victory must have been in 454. For his Isthmian prize, the choice seems to be between 454 and 1 In the editio princeps Dr Kenyon supposed that a new ode (his ν 111) began in the lost column ΧΙ. Both that ode odes for Lachon’s victory (v1 and vi!) should have been on such a diminutive scale. In v. 49 (=11 K.) TEAED> and Ode VII must then have been ex- tremely short. If the verse Πυθώνά τε μηλοθύταν was preceded by (say) ro verses —and that is a moderate estimate—in the poem to which it belonged, then only some 28 verses would be left for Ode vit. But it is very improbable that both the can be supplied as τέλεσσας not less well than as τέλεσσον : and there is therefore no ground for assuming that the athlete to whom these verses refer had not yet been victorious at Olympia. 2 See note on verses 46 f. ODES VII, VIII. 205 452: 456 would probably be too early. Thus his five victories as a boy would have been gained in the years from 455 (or 454) to 452. In respect to metrical composition, Ode VII must have formed a single system (strophe, antistrophe, and epode). If the lost column XIII contained 35 verses (the most frequent number), the ode consisted of 54 verses (3 + 35 +16). If, then, there had been two systems, part of the second antistrophe must have come into column XIV; but no metrical correspondence is traceable between verses in that column and the first eleven verses of the poem. As in the case of Ode Ix, the scale of the poem was too small for the introduction of a myth. The analogy of passages in Ode VIII (27—39) and Ode Ix (19—26) might suggest that the lost portion in column XIII was occupied, at least in part, with the circumstances of the victory at Olympia. OvE VIII. [IX. ed. Kenyon.] For Automedes of Phlius, victor in the pentathlon at Nemea— Date unknown. § 1. Phlius, a Dorian state, was situated in a hill-girt valley, some nine-hundred feet above sea-level. To the north of it was. Sicyonia; to the south, Argolis: on the west, its territory touched the Arcadian highlands; to the east lay the vale of Nemea, and beyond that, the broader vale of Cleonae. Phliasia was a land of vineyards and cornfields; Dionysus and Demeter held the foremost place among its deities. At Phlius, as at Sicyon, a Dionysiac cult with satyr-choruses had existed from olden time. The poet Pratinas, who won Athenian applause by his satyr-plays in the earlier years of Aeschylus, was a native of Phlius ; and his son Aristias, who excelled in the same kind of drama, had a monument in the agora. The river Asopus (now the iagids Georgios), rising in a mountain-range, the ancient Carneates, S. Ε. 8. of the town, flows northwards through Phliasia and Sicyonia into the 206 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. Corinthian Gulf!. The lesser streams and springs of that whole region were regarded by folk-poetry as ‘daughters of Asopus,’ and were personified as nymphs who became the brides of heroes or gods. Some of these, as Nemea and Cleone, dwelt near their father. Others were the guardian heroines of cities far away; as Aegina, carried off from him by Zeus,—Thebe, Tanagra, Thespia (names transferred from the Boeotian to the Phliasian Asopus),—Salamis,—Peirene, the fountain- nymph of Corinth,—Corcyra, Sinope, and many more. The wide geographical range of the list is partly to be explained by the fact that Asopus is one of those general river-names, like Achelous and Alpheus, which occur in various parts of the Hellenic lands. The people of Phlius, intent on the vintage and the harvest, and on the worship of the gods who gave them, found their chief link with the heroic age of Greece in the renown of the river whose upper course lay through their secluded valley. Bacchy- lides has made an artistic use of this motive. Indeed it is the charm of his ode that it takes us into the heart of these Peloponnesian uplands. § 2. Announcing that he will sing of Phlius and of Nemea (vv. I—9), the poet tells the story of the Nemean games being founded by Argive warriors in memory of Archemorus (10—24). Simonides had already touched upon this theme (fr. 52). Three feats of Automedes in the pentathlon are next described (25—39). His return in triumph ‘to the Asopus’ gives the cue for an elaborate passage on the daughters of the river-god (40—65)%, This is the chief mythic embellishment of the ode. 1 The character of the flute-musicused to those ‘descendants’ of Asopus whose at Dionysiac or other festivals in the valley of the Asopus gave rise to a quaint piece of folk-lore concerning the river itself. According to a local myth of Phlius and Sicyon, the Maeander, passing beneath the sea from Asia Minor to Peloponnesus, had ‘ generated’ (ποιεῖν) the Asopus (Paus. Il. 5 § 3). The flutes of Marsyas, floating down the Maeander, were transmitted to the Asopus, which carried them to Sicyon (id. 11. 7 § 9). 2 Special reference is made (vv. 42—46) valour had been felt by the Amazons and by Troy. The mythical stemma was as follows:— Zeus + Aegina (daughter of Asopus) Aeacus + Endeis a} Telamon Peleus Ajax Achilles Neoptolemus ODES VIII, IX, 207 The poet then turns to the rejoicings at Phlius (vv. 68 ff.), with some mention of the chief deities worshipped there; but the text is much mutilated. In the closing part, some general reflections are interwoven with a further reference to the athlete’s victory. ODE IX. [X.] For [| Aglaos ?| of Athens, victor in running at the Isthmus. § 1. The athlete’s name must have stood at the beginning of verse 9 or of verse 11, and in both places, unfortunately, the MS. is defective. In v.9 Blass supplies ᾿Αγλαῷ, and nothing more likely has been suggested. This Athenian belonged to the tribe Oeneis (v. 18): his father’s name does not occur’. The ode begins with an invocation of Φήμα, who makes tidings known ‘even in the depths of the nether world’ (v. 4). The poet then says that he has been moved by the victor’s brother-in-law to compose this tribute, a memorial of prowess for ‘all men living’ (ἐπιχθονίοισιν). These traits might suggest that the athlete was dead. But the words at the end (v. 52f.), ‘ After victory, festal joy is appointed for mortals,’ seem to cast some doubt on that view. Do they mean merely that the friends of the deceased victor held a banquet when this com- memorative ode was sung? All that appears certain is that some interval of time had separated the athlete’s victories from the date of the ode. According to the most probable interpretation of a passage in which some words have been lost (vv. 12—26), the athlete had achieved a signal feat at 1 The mention of the φυλή, without the father’s name, is regarded by Wilamo- witz as indicating that the athlete’s family was an obscure one. (From vv. 40 ff. it may perhaps be inferred, at least, that he was not wealthy.) Blass further refers to the rule made by Cleisthenes, when he introduced many foreigners and resident aliens into the new Attic tribes, that the addition to a citizen’s name, used in the Isthmus by winning two addressing him, should be the name of his deme, and not of his father (Arist. Athen. Polit. c.21 ὃ 4). This athlete, he suggests, may have been of foreign extrac- tion. That is possible. But a simpler possibility also remains open,—viz. that the father’s name did not suit the metre. It seems less likely that this name has been lost after μειγνύμεν in v. 55: 208 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. consecutive foot-races. The first may have been the simple stadion, or possibly the diaulos. The second was one in which he traversed the length of the stadion four times,—a race technically known as the ἵππιος δρόμος (v. 25, n.). He had also won two wreaths at Nemea, to say nothing of successes at six minor festivals (vv. 29—35). §2. The moderate compass of this ode (56 verses) renders it instructive in regard to the manner of treatment adopted by Bacchylides for his minor epinikia,—z.e., for those of which the scale was too small to allow the effective use of a myth. We find that, after a proem of 18 verses,—somewhat long in pro- portion to the rest,—he relies on two resources ;—first, an account of the athlete’s feats (vv. 19—35),—and secondly, a ‘gnomic’ element,—general reflections on life and conduct. Here, a part of the gnomic passage (vv. 39—45) is abridged from Solon. The ode ends somewhat abruptly, with an apology for digression, and a brief reference to the rejoicings which should follow a victory. It leaves with us a sense that he has executed his commission with sympathy and good taste, but without much spirit or zest. ODE X. ΧΙ For Alexidamus of Metapontion, winner of the boys wrestling match at Delpht—Date unknown. §1. With the exception of Pindar’s two odes’ for Agesidamus, the boy pugilist from the Epizephyrian Locri, this is the only extant epinikion for a native of Magna Graecia; though it is known that Simonides wrote for Anaxilas of Rhegium and for Astylus of Croton. Nowhere were the different branches of the Greek race more conscious of their difference than in the Italiote colonies; and it is perhaps more than a mere coincidence that, while the young victor from the Aeolic Locri was celebrated by Pindar, Ionian poets sang of feats belonging to Rhegium, a foundation of the Chalcidians, and to the Achaean settlements of Croton and Metapontion. The Ionian cities of the Aegean EOL Sy SM ODES IX, X. $69 in many instances claimed Achaean heroes as their founders’; and we can feel that Bacchylides was proud of the legendary tie which connected his own folk with the home of Alexidamus. Metapontion (the Latin Metapontum),—best known in Greek tradition as the place where Pythagoras ended his days,—was situated on the Tarentine gulf, at a distance (measured by the coast-line) of some twenty-eight miles south-west of Tarentum. The period from about 740 to 680 B.C. was roughly that during which most of the Greek cities in south-eastern Italy originated. Rhegium, Sybaris, and Croton had already been planted before Dorian colonists from Laconia, about 708 B.C., arrived at Tarentum. Not many years later, it would seem, Achaean settlers from the shores of the Corinthian gulf came to Meta- pontion. Coins of that city bear the image of the oekist, Leucippus, and, on the reverse, an ear of corn. For, while Tarentum was the chief commercial centre in those regions, Metapontion depended on agriculture, stock-raising, and horse- breeding. ‘A golden harvest’—perhaps a sheaf of corn wrought in gold—was, according to Strabo’, the thank-offering which its prosperous citizens sent to the Delphian Apollo. Metapontion was indeed most favourably placed for such pursuits. The country behind it, sloping up gently from the flat coast to the Lucanian highlands, is irrigated by two nearly parallel rivers. That which Bacchylides calls the Casas,—Pliny’s Casuentus, now the Basiento,—flows into the gulf at a point which was near the south side of the ancient town. On the banks of this stream stood a famous temple and grove of Artemis. The other river, the Bradanus,—still called the Bradano,—enters the sea a few miles to the north of the site. Well-watered, fertile, and enjoying a good climate, these lands were suited alike for corn- growing and for pasturage. In the true spirit of an Achaean colony, the Metapontines cherished a legend which carried back the first settlement on that spot to the heroic age of Greece. Achaeans from Pylos, it was said, had come thither after the fall of Troy, under the leadership of Nestor. Had not the citizens, from time 1 See Appendix on Ode x. 119 f. 2 Strabo 6, p. 264. 210 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. immemorial, offered sacrifice to the spirits of the Neleidae?’ Bacchylides does due honour to this venerable tradition, which was in accord with all the feelings and beliefs of Magna Graecia. There was no corner of Hellas where the memory of the Homeric heroes was kept more fully alive. Achaeans, Chal- cidians and Dorians alike had local cults and festivals of those heroes. Stesichorus of Himera describes his epic hymns as ‘gifts of the Graces to the people?,’ to be sung ‘as spring comes on’; and at such festivals he would have found zealous audiences. Even alleged relics were not wanting. Near Meta- pontion, for instance, there was a temple of Athena Hellenia, which boasted possession of the tools with which Epeius had made the wooden horse’. § 2. Our poet begins his ode with an invocation of Victory (1—14), and then briefly describes the triumph of Alexidamus in the wrestling-match at the Pythian games (15—23). If there had not been a miscarriage of justice, he adds, the boy would have been a victor also at Olympia. (As the Pythian festival fell in the third year of each Olympiad, it would appear that Alexidamus had visited Olympia two years before.) But now his disappointment has been healed, and success has been given to him, by Artemis, the soothing goddess ( Ἡμέρα, v. 39). This is the link between the immediate subject of the ode and the myth with which the poet adorns it. He proceeds to relate how the cult of Artemis Hemera was established at Lusi in Arcadia by Proetus, king of Argos, when the goddess had cured the dis- temper of his daughters (vv. 40—112). From Arcadia (ἔνθεν, v. 113) Artemis came to Metapontion with the Achaean warriors, who founded it after the capture of Troy (113—123). The ode closes with a brief tribute to the old renown of the Achaeans. §3. The prominence of Artemis in the religion of Metapontion would be sufficiently explained by her attributes as a goddess of rural life, who blesses the produce of the earth and claims the first-fruits, while she is also a protectress of flocks and 1 Strabo 6, p. 264. 3 See the Aristotelian treatise περὶ 2 Χαρίτων δαμώματα : Stesich. fr. 37. θαυμασίων ἀκουσμάτων, p. 840, ὃ 108. ODE X. 211 herds. But it is the specific cult of Artemis Hemera at Lusi that provides the poet with a cue for the myth. His words (in vv. 113 ff.) might naturally imply that this particular cult had been carried from Arcadia to Metapontion. Whether that was the case or not, we do not know. If not, then the appro- priateness of the myth is reduced to this,—that, by consoling Alexidamus for his mischance at Olympia, Artemis has mani- fested towards him the same quality which she had shown to the Proetides at Lusi. The link, if it was only that, would be rather slight and artificial; but some latitude might be allowed to the author of an epinikion in search of such embellishment. As to the treatment of the myth, we note, in the first place, that it isan example of the leisurely epic manner. After relating how the Proetides had angered the Argive Hera, and how she drove them in madness from Tiryns, the poet pauses to explain why Proetus was living there. Twenty-two verses are then occupied with the feud between Proetus and Acrisius, and its results, before the story returns to the frenzied maidens. Another noteworthy feature is the absence of Melampus. In the best- known form of the legend, Proetus, when his daughters become insane, applies for aid to that priest and seer, son of Amythaon, at Pylos. Melampus bargains for a portion of the king’s realm, and Proetus refuses: but things grow worse,—other Argive women go mad,—and the monarch again turns to the priest. This time Melampus demands a share for his brother Bias as well as for himself; and Proetus yields. Melampus then collects a band of youths, and chases the Proetides from the hills to Lusi, where he propitiates Hera, and heals them by mystic rites2. Whether Bacchylides had or had not mythological warrant for ignoring Melampus, he certainly had a poetical 1 See-n. on verses 115f. The epithet ἀγροτέρα, which Bacchylides gives to Artemis when he first mentions her in this poem (v. 37), seems usually to denote her as the huntress (as if it were taken from ἄγρα). But it may well be that in its original usage it had a larger sense, as though taken from ἀγρός, denoting the goddess of the fields and of rural life. (Cf. Schreiber on Artemis in Roscher I. p. 566.) 2 This story, which went back in sub- stance to Hesiod, occurs with variations of detail in Her. 1X. 34, Apollod. I. 9. 12, Diod. Iv. 68, Aelian ΚΙ. 3. 42, etc. Themythographer Pherecydes, with whom Bacchylides agrees in at least one detail (see n. on vv. 50—52), brought in Melampus (schol. Od. 15. 235)- 212 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. motive. His aim is to magnify the beneficence of Artemis. No priest is interposed between the goddess and the afflicted father. It is directly to her that Proetus makes his prayer; and she promptly grants it. Ope XI. [XII] For Teisias of Aegina, victor in the wrestling-match at Nemea—vDate unknown. The eight verses which remain from the beginning of this ode are the last in column xxi. After that, there is a break in the papyrus. The rest of Ode xI and the beginning of Ode ΧΙ were contained in that part which has been lost between column XXII and the column numbered xxXIv. It is scarcely doubtful that the part so lost consisted of more than one column; but there is no other clue to its extent. The original length of Ode XI is therefore wholly uncertain. As the poet indicates (Ode xml, vv. 75f.), wrestling and ~ boxing were exercises in which Aegina was pre-eminent. Of the ten Aeginetans, men or boys, for whom Pindar wrote, no fewer than eight had won their wreaths either by wrestling alone, or in the pancration. OvE XII. [XIII.] For Pytheas of Aegina, victor in the boys pancration at Nemea. Date, perhaps 481 B.C.: in any case, probably not later than 479. §1. This is the victory commemorated in the fifth Nemean of Pindar, who has also celebrated, in his fourth and fifth Isthmian odes, two victories in the pancration won by Phylacidas, a younger brother of Pytheas. Both Pindar and Bacchylides signalise the hospitality of Lampon, the father of these youths ; a man who is described as encouraging his sons, by example and by precept, to excel in athletics. To this purpose he applied Hesiod’s maxim, ‘study prospers work!’; and he spared no cost 1 Pind. 7. v. 66 ff. Λάμπων δὲ wedérav| ἔπος, | υἱοῖσί τε φράζων παραινεῖ. (Hes. ἔργοις ὀπάζων ᾿Ησιόδου μάλα τιμᾷ τοῦτ᾽ Of. 410 μελέτη δέ τοι ἔργον ὀφέλλει.) ODES X—XI. 213 in engaging the best trainers, such as Menander of Athens. From the three Pindaric poems we glean some further facts concerning ‘the family of Cleonicus,—for so Lampon’s father was named. It belonged to the clan (zatpa) of the Psalychidae, —not mentioned elsewhere, but evidently of local distinction. Lampon’s brother-in-law, Euthymenes, had won the pancration at the Isthmus. And when Lampon’s sons entered the Aiakeion in Aegina, they saw in the vestibule a statue of their maternal grandfather Themistius, still decked with the garlands woven of grass and flowers which recalled his victories, as boxer and pancratiast, in the games of Asclepius at Epidaurus'. § 2. The chronology of the odes for Pytheas and his brother cannot be precisely determined; but there are some general data which assist conjecture. Pindar’s fourth Isthmian refers to the later of the two victories gained by Phylacidas, and his fifth Isthmian to the earlier. Both the successes of Phylacidas were subsequent to that victory of Pytheas which is the theme of Pindar in his fifth Nemean, and of Bacchylides in this poem. Now the fourth Isthmian was certainly written not very long after the battle of Salamis. Having alluded to the ancient glories of Aegina, Pindar adds (Vem. v. 48 ff.) :— ‘ And now Salamis, city of Ajax, could bear witness that she was saved from shipwreck in war by Aegina’s seamen,—in that destroying storm of Zeus when death came thick as hail on hosts unnumbered.’ The words καὶ νῦν, with which the passage begins, could scarcely have been used, if this addition to the achievements of Aegina had not then been comparatively recent. The date of the battle being September, 480, the second victory of Phylacidas, to which the ode relates, may have been gained at the Isthmia of 478. In any case, the festival of 476 seems to be the latest that can be assumed, consistently with the tone of the reference just cited. The first Isthmian victory of Phylacidas might then be placed in 480; or, at latest, in 478. Pytheas, whose victory preceded both those of his brother, is thus described in the fifth Nemean (vv. 4—6): Λάμπωνος υἱὸς... εὐρυσθενής...οὔπω γένυσι φαίνων τέρειναν ματέρ᾽ οἰνάνθας ὀπώραν, 1 Pind. MW. v. 52 ff. 214 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. ‘as yet showing no sign on cheek or chin of the down that comes with the delicate bloom of ripening youth.’ It is clear, then, that he did not compete among the adults,—a fact which is confirmed by the mention of his trainer, Menander. But Pindar’s words, though not incompatible with the supposition that Pytheas was still a παῖς, distinctly suggest an ἀγένειος. There was an ἀγενείων as well as a παίδων παγκράτιον at Nemea and at the Isthmus’. Unfortunately we do not know where precisely the limits between the three ages, παῖς, ἀγένειος and ἀνήρ, were drawn for the purposes of those games. It would be natural to suppose that the age of the παῖς was from fourteen to sixteen,— as the sixteenth year marked the attainment of physical ἥβη (puberty). It seems improbable that, where these three classes of competitors were recognised, the ἀνήρ can have been less than twenty years old. The period from seventeen to nineteen years of age would then be left for the ἀγένειος. (It is possible that where, as at Olympia and at Delphi in the fifth century B.C., there was no separate class of ἀγένειοι, the limit for παῖδες may have been placed somewhat higher, and that for ἄνδρες somewhat lower.) The hypothesis that the limit for the ἀγένειος extended up to nineteen agrees well enough with the passage in Plato’s Laws (p. 833 6), where he proposes that, in certain foot-races, the course for the ἀγένειος should be two-thirds of the course for the ἀνήρ, while that for the παῖς should be only one-third. In view of all the data, the following chronology seems possible, though it cannot claim to be anything more :— Ol. 74. 4. 481 B.c. Victory of Pytheas as an ἀγένειος at Nemea, at the age (say) of 18. (Pindar, Vem. v.: Bacchylides X11.) See the table on p. 185. 1 This is shown by the agonistic in- scription of Ceos, cited in the Introduction to Ode 1; which Dr W. Christ seems to overlook, when he says (Pindar, p. Ixxv, 1896) that there is no evidence for a παίδων (or ἀγενείων) παγκράτιον at Nemea or at the Isthmus. —The title of Vem. v., as usually printed by editors, is Πυθέᾳ Αἰγινήτῃ παιδὶ παγκρατιαστῇ. W. Christ (Ρ. 270) cites B (Vaticanus) as having Πυθέᾳ παιδὶ Αἰγινήτῃ gdh ἐ, where he suggests that Λάμπωνος may have dropped out before παιδί. D (Mediceus) has Πυθέᾳ vig Λάμπωνος παγκρατιαστῇ. But the word παιδὲ in the title may have been merely a grammarian’s inference from vv. 4—6. W. Christ omits it, in con- formity with his view stated on p. Ixxv. Blass does so, because he supposes (rightly, as I think) that Pytheas was not a παῖς, but an ἀγένειος. ODE ΧΙ. o¥s Ol. 74. 4. 480 B.c. First victory of Phylacidas, the younger brother of Pytheas, at the Isthmus. (Pindar, /sthm. v.[v1].) If he was then (say) 17, he would compete among the ἀγένειοι. The traditional title of /sthm. Vv. is simply Φυλακίδᾳ Αἰγινήτῃ παγκρατίῳ. But that is not inconsistent with his having been ἀγένειος. And on the other hand, the words in v. 62, where Phylacidas and his brother, in contradistinction to their uncle Euthymenes, are called ἀγλαοὶ παῖδες, indicate that Phylacidas was not yet ἀνήρ. (παῖδες, used in a general and not a technical sense, would of course include ἀγένειοι.) Ol. 75. 2. 478 B.c. Second victory of Phylacidas at the Isthmus. (Pindar, /sthm. Iv.) He would then be (say) 20, and would compete among the ἄνδρες. It remains to consider an objection raised by Professor Blass to placing the victory of Pytheas as early as 481 B.c. There had been hostilities between Athens and Aegina, which began apparently about 488 or 487 B.C., and lasted for some time. It was only in 481 B.c., on the eve of the Persian invasion, that the two states were definitely and formally reconciled’. But Menander, the trainer of Pytheas, was an Athenian. Would an Aeginetan boy have been sent for training to Athens in 482 or 481? Would Pindar and Bacchylides in 481 have praised an Athenian to Aeginetans? We may reply, in the first place, that we do not know whether, in 482/1, Athens and Aegina were still actually at war, though it is probable that a hostile feeling still existed. But it is not necessary to suppose that the boy Pytheas was sent to Athens. It is more likely that his father Lampon, a wealthy man, would engage the Athenian trainer to visit Aegina. That this indeed was the case would be a legitimate inference from Pindar’s phrase,—Xp7 δ᾽ ἀπ᾽ ᾿Αθανᾶν τέκτον᾽ ἀεθληταῖσιν ἔμμεν (Nem. V. 49). Even if, in 482/1, the relations between Athens and Aegina were still unfriendly, a professional trainer, who had his livelihood to make, would surely not be precluded from accepting such an engagement. Nor would it be just to the Aeginetans,—so often extolled for their hospitality and fair-dealing,—to suppose that they would have felt resentment when the Athenian’s services to the 1 Her. vil. 145; Grote c. xxxix, vol. Vv. p. 65. 216 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. Aeginetan youth were commended by the poets of Thebes and Ceos?. § 3. The ode is mutilated at the beginning. The verses with which column XXIV commences are the last two of a strophe. In this ode the strophe consists of 12 verses, and the epode of 9; the system, therefore, of 33. The question is: Was the strophe, of which the last two verses stand at the top of col. XXIV, the first strophe of the poem; or was it preceded by (at least) one whole system? The answer is clear from the nature of the subject-matter. At the words ὕβριος ὑψινόου, the first in col. XXIV, we are already in the middle of a mythical narrative. More than 10 verses must have preceded; and therefore not less than 43. It seems unnecessary to suppose the loss of more than one system before the strophe of which two verses remain; and the first of those. verses may therefore be numbered 44. In verses 44——57 a speaker, who is watching the struggle of Heracles with the Nemean lion, predicts his future, and pro- phesies that in days to come Greeks shall strive on that spot in the pancration. In a note on these verses I have given reasons for conjecturing that the prophecy is uttered by Athena, the guardian goddess of Heracles, in presence of the nymph Nemea. The poet next describes (vv. 58—76) how Pytheas has returned in triumph from the Nemean games. He then ad- dresses the nymph Aegina (77—99). Her praises are chanted by the maidens of the island, who link them with those of Endeis, bride of Aeacus, mother of Peleus and of Telamon. They sing also of Achilles and of Ajax.—It is told how Ajax bore himself in the fight at the ships—-when Achilles had withdrawn from the field, and had fired the Trojans with vain hopes. The bodies of the Aeacidae have perished, but their fame lives evermore. (I100—1I74.) Arete, whose light cannot be hidden, honours Aegina, in company with Eucleia and Eunomia (175—189).—Let due praise be given to Pytheas and to his trainer Menander. Truth upholds genuine merit against envy. (190—209.)—The poet, 1 Blass (Praef. 1,Χ1Ν} thinks that the Isthmian victory of Phylacidas would victory of Pytheas at Nemea may have _ then fall in 478 or 476, and the second been gained in 479 or 477- The first in 476 or 474. ODES XII, XIII. bas trusting in the Muse, offers this song to Lampon, the victor’s hospitable father. (220—231.) § 4. It is interesting to compare Bacchylides with Pindar in regard to his manner of rendering the indispensable tribute to the Aeacidae. In each of Pindar’s eleven odes for Aegina such a reference occurs; and his variety of resource is notable. As a rule, he takes some one moment or incident in the story of an Aeacid hero, and, with a few touches, paints a vivid picture, . often instinct with dramatic life: but he seldom insists or enlarges on the theme. The fifth Nemean, written for this same victory, supplies an example. Peleus and Telamon, with their half-brother Phocus,—whom they were destined to slay,—are standing in Aegina at the altar of their grandsire, Zeus Hellanios: with hands uplifted to him they pray that the island may be blest in her sons and famous on the sea’. It is all given in five verses. More than sixty are here devoted by Bacchylides to an episode, with Achilles and Ajax for its central figures, in which he is on familiar Homeric ground. It is an epic narrative, forming, indeed, a distinct section of the poem. ODE XIII. [XIV.] For Cleoptolemus of Thessaly, victor in the chartot-race at the Petraia.—Date unknown. The position of this ode in the series is presumably due to ᾿ the fact that it relates to a minor festival. The only other reference to the Petraia seems to be that of the scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, who mentions ‘the Thessalian Petra’ as a place ‘where a festival of Poseidon is held’ (see ἢ. on vv. 19g— 21). The scene of these games is unknown: it is merely a conjecture that it may have been somewhere in the region of Tempe. The waters of eastern Thessaly, gathered into the Peneius (now the Salamvrias), flow to the sea through a narrow valley between lofty peaks of Mount Olympus and Mount Ossa. This outlet, called Téu2n—‘the cutting’—was said in local legend 1 NM. ν. 9—13- 1. B. : . 15 218 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. to have been made by the earth-shaking god. He was called Petraios as ‘cleaving the rocks!’ The title Avtaios, also given to him in Thessaly, was similarly explained as meaning that he had opened a way for the river out of its rocky prison®. Philostratus the Lemnian (c. 230 A.D.) describes a series of pictures which he professes to have seen in a portico at Naples. One of them, he says, showed Poseidon, with the trident in his uplifted right hand, preparing to strike the hills, and to make a passage for the Peneius, represented by the reclining figure of a river-god ; while Thessalia, crowned with a wreath of olive- leaves and corn-ears, was seen rising from the flood under which her lower valleys had hitherto been submerged*. The extant portion of the ode consists only of the first system (23 verses), with a few words from the second strophe and epode. After 18 verses of gnomic strain, the poet comes to Cleoptolemus, victor in the chariot-race, who was probably a rich Thessalian landowner. The large scale of the exordium might suggest an ode of some length; but the break in the papyrus after column XXIX leaves that point in doubt. B. DITHYRAMBS. OpE XIV. [XV] The Sons of Antenor: or the Demand for the restitution of Helen. § 1. The subject is an embassy of Menelaus and Odysseus from the Greek camp at Tenedos to Troy, for the purpose of demanding that Helen should be restored. This mission is supposed to take place shortly before the commencement of the Trojan war. The primary source used by Bacchylides was presumably the ‘Cyprian epic’ (Κύπρια), so called because its reputed author, 1 Schol. Pind. P. 1v. 138. See note 2 See note on ode XVII. 21. in commentary on XIII. 190-21. 3 Philostr. Jmag. Il. 14. ODES XIII, XIV. 219 Stasinus, was a native of Cyprus; but the ancients knew nothing definite concerning him, and the authorship must be regarded as uncertain. The date of the Cypria cannot well be placed later than the eighth century B.c. Its contents are known in outline through the summary given in the Chrestomatheia of Proclus. From this abstract, and from the fragments of the epic itself (about fifty verses in all), it is clear that the author of the Cypria knew the //ad, and composed his work as a kind of introduction to it,—starting from the first cause of the war, and going down to that moment in the tenth year at which the //Zad opens. It was told in the Cyprza how, after sailing from Aulis, the Greek fleet first put in at Tenedos. On landing from their camp in that island, the Greeks were resisted by the Trojans, and in the first battle Protesilaus was slain by Hector. Ina second battle, Achilles routed the enemy, slaying Cycnus son of Poseidon. Then (says Proclus in his summary) ‘the Greeks sent an embassy to the Trojans, demanding the restitution of Helen and of her possessions. The Trojans refused to comply; and thereupon the siege of Troy began’ The Greek envoys, Menelaus and Odysseus, were hospitably received at Troy by Antenor?’, whose wife, Theano, was priestess of the city’s guardian goddess, Pallas Athena. He stood their friend throughout ; and was said to have saved their lives, when they were endangered by the hostility of certain Trojans’. § 2. Bacchylides does not relate the arrival of the envoys, or their reception by Antenor: that is presupposed. The first verses describe how Theano, on the acropolis of Troy, opens the temple of Athena to her guests; perhaps in order that they may bespeak 1 καὶ διαπρεσβεύονται πρὸς τοὺς Τρῶας, Ἑλένην καὶ τὰ κτήματα ἀπαιτοῦντες: ws δὲ οὐχ ὑπήκουσαν ἐκεῖνοι, ἐνταῦθα δὴ τειχο- μαχοῦσιν. 3 In Ziad 3. 205—224 Antenor him- self refers to this. He goes on to com- pare Menelaus and Odysseus as orators in the Trojan agora. 3 Proclus: ὅτε yap ἐκ Τενέδου ἐπρεσ- βεύοντο οἱ περὶ Μενέλαον, τότε ᾿Αντήνωρ ὁ ‘EXixdovos ὑπεδέξατο αὐτούς, καὶ δολοφο- νεῖσθαι μέλλοντας éowoev.—From the words of Agamemnon in //iad 11. 138— 142 it appears that the Trojan Antimachus had urged in the assembly that the two Greek envoys should be put to death. The Ulysses of Ovid (JZet. 13. 196—204) briefly relates how narrowly he and Menelaus escaped being murdered by Paris andhis supporters. His appeal had moved Priam, Priamogue Antenora tunctum. Tzetzes (Ante-homerica 158) also relates how Antenor befriended the envoys. I5—2 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 220 the favour of the goddess before making their appeal. Here occurs a lacuna in the papyrus, which contained at least one speech ; possibly both Theano and Odysseus spoke (vv. 8—36). Next, we find the sons of Antenor conducting the envoys to the marketplace of Troy, while Antenor himself proceeds to inform Priam of their errand. Presently heralds summon the Trojans to the assembly. ‘Everywhere the loud rumour ran abroad ; and men lifted up their hands to the gods, praying for rest from their woes’:—an allusion to those hostilities, noticed above, which had preceded the embassy. The agora is now filled, and the debate is about to begin. (37—46.) The poet proceeds in epic style:—‘ Say, Muse, who was the first to plead the righteous cause?’ Then comes the speech by Menelaus. It occupies only 13 verses,—breaking off with a warning to the Trojans against insolence, which ruined the Giants. So abrupt is the ending, that it would be natural to regard the poem as incomplete. That inference does not, however, appear certain. It should be observed that the beginning of the piece is also abrupt. The little poem is, in fact, a sort of epic vignette, finished in detail, but intended to suggest a situation rather than to relate a story. In the next piece (Heracles) this intention is still more evident. § 3. The double title, written by the second corrector at the top of column xxx, but now mutilated, was ᾿Αντηνορίδαι ἢ “Ἑλένης ἀπαίτησις". In the text, as we have it, the part of the Antenoridae is limited to conducting the envoys from the 1 Among the titles of lost plays of Sophocles are’ Avrnvoplia (Nauck?, 7rag. Frag. p. 160) and Ἑλένης ἀπαίτησις (20. p- 171). The subject of the latter was undoubtedly this embassy of Menelaus and Odysseus. As to the ᾿Αντηνορίδαι, Welcker (Gr. 7rag. τ. 466 ff.), with whom Nauck agrees, recognises its subject in a passage of Strabo 13. p. 608. After the capture of Troy, when Antenor’s house was spared, he and his sons migrated, with their allies the Paphlagonian ‘Everoi (7. 2. 852), to the land afterwards known as Venetia. On the other hand, Blass and Wilamowitz regard the double title of the Bacchylidean poem as making it probable that the ᾿Αντηνορίδαι of Sophocles was only another name for his ᾿λένης dmairnots. Such a second title for the tragedy is intelligible, however, only if the sons of Antenor formed the chorus; but, in the case of such a drama, is that probable? Welcker held that the chorus must have been composed of Phrygians, who could mediate between the views of Antenor, the friend of the envoys, and those of their foes, such as Paris (G7. Trag. 1. t21). But the question is one which we must be content to leave doubt- ful. ODES XIV, XV. oe acropolis of Troy to the agora. It is known that Bacchylides spoke of Theano as having borne fifty sons to Antenor (schol. 74. 24. 496), a mention which doubtless occurred in the lost verses of this poem (32—36). Fifty was the number of a dithyrambic chorus; and if, when this dithyramb was produced, the Antenoridae formed such a chorus, that fact would help to account for the prominence given to them in the title. It would also explain the number itself, which the Homeric scholiast notes as prodigious. The /iad recognises only ten sons of Antenor?. In verse 6 Menelaus is Atreides, but in verse 48 Pleisthenides. The genealogy which made him and his brother sons of Plei- sthenes, and only grandsons of Atreus, appears first with Stesichorus (fr. 42), whose influence on Bacchylides is suggested by this trait. The lyric treatment of epic themes, with occasional speeches in epic style, is indeed a species of composition in which Stesichorus was the earliest master. ODE XV. [XVI] Heracles. $1. The first eleven verses, which are much mutilated, form a prelude to the theme of Heracles and Deianeira. The poet says that he will betake him to the temple of Apollo at Delphi, as Urania has provided him with songs fitted for the season. Apollo is away in the north, taking his pleasure on the banks of the Hebrus, until it shall be time for him to revisit his Pythian home, and to rejoice once more in the paeans of the Delphian choruses. During the winter months, Dionysus was prominent at Delphi. The paean was mute, since the Healer was absent, and its place was taken by the dithyramb* A tragic theme of 1 Acamas (7. 2.822), Agenor (11.59), 2 Plutarch περὶ τοῦ Ex τοῦ ἐν Δελφοῖς, Archelochus (2. 822), Οοῦπ (πε eldest, τι. c. g : τὸν μὲν ἄλλον ἐνιαυτὸν παιᾶνι χρῶνται 248), Demoleon (20. 295), Helicaon (3. περὶ τὰς θυσίας, ἀρχομένου δὲ χειμῶνος 123), Iphidamas (11. 221), Laodocus ((. ἐπεγείραντες τὸν διθύραμβον, τὸν δὲ παιᾶνα 87), Pedaeus (νόθος, 5. 69), Polybus (τι. καταπαύσαντες, τρεῖς μῆνας ἀντ᾽ ἐκείνου 49). ᾿ς χρῦτον κατακαλοῦνται τὸν θεόν. 222 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. passion and anguish, such as that which Bacchylides touches here, was congenial to the Dionysiac cult, but would have been wholly alien from a festival of Apollo. The treatment of the subject is very brief, occupying only twenty-two verses. Heracles has sacked Oechalia in Euboea, and has arrived at Cenaeum, the north-western cape of the island, where he is preparing a sacrifice in thanksgiving to Zeus. Then it is that destiny impels Deianeira to send him the robe anointed with the gift of Nessus, on learning that Iole is coming to her home. So ends the song,—much as its predecessor broke off with the hint that impenitent ὕβρις would prove the bane of Troy. Here, however, the somewhat abrupt close has a clearer warrant in poetical art, since Deianeira’s resolve is a fateful turning- point; and the artist’s aim in work on this scale can be more distinctly seen. It is to mark a moment on the eve of a catastrophe,—a moment which will be the more impressive because the sequel is left untold. § 2. It is a feature of some interest in this poem that it suggests certain older poetical sources to which Bacchylides may have been indebted. The reference to Apollo disporting himself in the north recalls a hymn of Alcaeus concerning the god’s visit to the Hyperboreans, some traits of which are preserved in the prose of Himerius’. The Lesbian poet designated the Hebrus as ‘fairest of rivers?’; and his influence may probably be traced in those exquisite lyrics of Aristophanes which describe how the swans on the Hebrus chant their songs to Apollo*. , eT. ἐς 3 I. - ἃς * * - σαφθέ- υὐ -vu-- to Ae τριτάτᾳ μεὶ“ - - s ἁμέρᾳ Μίνως pl jos 6 ἤλυθεν αἰολοπρύμνοις 5 7 ναυσὶ πεντήκοντα σὺν Κρητῶν ὁμίλῳ" στρ. ς΄. 1 Διὸς Εὐκλείου δὲ (F)éxa- 2 τι βαθύζωνον κόραν 3 Δεξιθέαν δάμασεν" + καί (F)ou λίπεν ἥμισυ λαών, > το savdpas ἀρηϊφίλους, I. 1—19 This fragment, representing 19 verses, is fr. 1 in Kenyon’s ed. princeps (p- 194). 6th of an antistrophe. The column of the papyrus to which it belonged immediately preceded that with which the continuous text now begins. according to Blass, the 111th of the Ode: Verse τ was the 3rd of an epode, and, see Appendix. Verse 19 was the After it, g verses have been lost from the bottom of the I. 2 τριτάτᾳ. The passage which im- mediately preceded these verses probably described how Zeus and Apollo, coming to Ceos in human guise, were hospitably received by Dexithea and her sisters. (See Appendix.) One of the two gods may have predicted the high destiny which was in store for the maiden. τριτάτᾳ.. «ἁμέρᾳ is presumably the third day after the divine visit. What letter followed με, is wholly uncertain. If it was τ, μετὰ κείναν would be possible: if v, pevexdppas. 8 dp..s. If the second letter was Pp, the word was probably ἀρήιος, scanned as apjos. Such a scansion of ἀρήϊος does not occur elsewhere ; but Theognis (552) has δηίων (δήων). Dialect forbids dpecos. The other possibilities are ἄριστος and dpwyés, but neither is so fitting. 4 αἰολοπρύμνοις (only here), ‘with glittering sterns’ (cp. the Homeric aloXo- wlrpns),—referring to the gilding or painting of the ornamental ἄῴφλαστον, the high curved stern of the ship (Z/. 15. 717, Ξε ἄκρα κόρυμβα of 7|. 9. 241). Cp. ODES OF VICTORY. I; for Argeius of Ceos, victor in the boys’ boxing-match at the Isthmus. * * * On the third day thereafter came warlike Minos, bringing epode 5. * * * a Cretan host, in fifty ships with gleaming sterns: and by the favour of Zeus who gives glory, he wedded the str. 6. deep-girdled maiden Dexithea; his folk, warriors same column; viz., vv. 7 and left with her the half of and 8 of that antistrophe, and the whole of an epode. The continuous text then begins in a new column with πολ........ ν βαθυ-, the first verse of a strophe. 1 αφθε. 2 The faint traces of a letter before τριτάτᾳ suit σ. 3 AP...C. The traces of the letter after A letter after we may have been 7 or v. Doubtful: only traces of the lower portions of the letters remain. It can hardly have been v.—The suit P best, but would also be consistent with Τ' or II (ἀρήιος Blass: d-yavés Platt). 8 . BZIOEAN. The N was at first A. Soph. Ph. 343 νηὶ ποικιλοστόλῳ, a ship ‘with gaily decked prow.’ 5 ναυσὶ... ὁμίλῳ. The Ms. wrongly divides this verse into two, the first ending with σύν. It does not, however, so divide the corresponding verses, 51 and 7o. 6 £. Διὸς Εἰὐκλείου. Zeus Εὔκλειος is here the god by whose grace the union of Minos with Dexithea is effected. The epithet suggests the renown which might commend the warrior to the maiden, and also the glory which was in store for their offspring. But some further associations . were probably blended with this thought. Among the Boeotians and Locrians Ar- temis Εὔκλεια, the virgin goddess of fair fame, received offerings from brides and bridegrooms before marriage (Plutarch Aristid. 20, βωμὸς yap αὐτῇ καὶ ἄγαλμα κατὰ πᾶσαν ἀγορὰν ἵδρυται, καὶ προθύουσιν αὐτῇ αἱ γαμούμεναι καὶ οἱ γαμοῦντε5). Again, Εὔκλεια is found associated with Πειθώ (C. /. Gr. 8364). There was a Corinthian festival called Ev«Xea (Xen. #7. τν. 4 ὃ 2), though we do not know to what deity it pertained.—EéxAesos is not elsewhere found as a title of Zeus. It occurs as the name of a month in the Corcyraean calendar (cp. Boeckh C. /. 11. - 93). (F ieceues, by grace of: cp. vV. 33 f. The ms. divides the verses wrongly, giving -κατι to v. 7. It has the same metrical error in the corresponding places, vv. 23f., 37 f., 52f., 6of.: see also n. on 16. 9 ἔοι, lit. ‘ for her,’ z.e., to protect her. This form occurs eight times in the odes, and always with Καὶ 17—2 244 BAKXYAIAOY (1 6 τοῖσιν πολύκρημνον. χθόνα 7 νείμας ἀποπλέων ᾧχετ᾽ ἐς 8. Κνωσὸν ἱμερτὰν πόλιν ἀντ. ς΄. x βασιλεὺς Εὐρωπιάδας" 15 2 δεκάτῳ δ᾽ Εὐξάντιον 3 μηνὶ τέ κ᾽ εὐπλόκ μος + νύμφα dep lexvde|t νάσῳ ee ae ds — ἰπρύτα νιν 6 ν tere. * *& * * * * 7 adda |€av θύγατρες Col.l στρ. ζ΄. « πόλιν - — -ν βαθυδεί- 30 2 ελον᾽ [ἐκ Ta\s μὲν γένος 3 ἔπλεί 70 καρτε]ρόχειρ + ᾿Αργεῖος [ἡ - ¥] λέοντος s θυμὸν ἔχων], ὁπότε 14 Evpwmidéas Β]4595". alone is certain. (av K.: * * * 17 The Ms. has exvéé: Blass? ascribes to it exvdéi: but there is no trace which warrants the assumption of ἃ εὃν Bl.*, who suggests x]edr[-). 20 AN] The » * * * 28 ἕαν Otryarpes=fr. 34 Κι, placed here by Blass, the colour and shape of 11 πολύκρημνον χθόνα. Ceos is a mountainous island, the highest summit (now Hagios Elias) being near the site of Iulis, the birthplace of Bacchylides. The ridges which traverse it, like those in some adjacent islands, are a prolongation, in a S.E.S. direction, of the range in which the Attic peninsula terminates at Sunium. 13 Κνωσόν, with a single σ, is the more correct form. The Ms. has κνωσσὸν here, but κνωσιον in XVI. 120. In Soph. Ai, 699 the Laurentian gives κνώσια, while most of the other Mss. have κνώσσια.---ίμερτὰν πόλιν. Greek legend associated the embellishment of Cnosus with works wrought by Daedalus for Minos and his family. The recent ex- cavations have shown that Minoan Cnosus was a seat of rulers, whose palaces were adorned with works of an advanced art, at a period which Mr Arthur Evans would place c. 2500—1500 B.C. 14 The Ms. has ETPQIITA, the final A having been made from A. We must therefore read Eipwmasas. The normal patronymic would be Εὐρωπίδης : but the irregular formation, prompted by metrical convenience, is analogous to that of Χαλκωδοντιάδης (J7. 2. 541) for Χαλκω- δοντίδης, and Τελαμωνιάδης (ὁ. 9. 623) for Τελαμωνίδης: see n. on Soph. PA. 1333: 15 δεκάτῳ. Before this word, two or three letters are lost in the Ms. These may have been the -as or -das of Evpw- πιάδας, carried over from v. 15. Another possibility is that τῷ, ἐν, or σὺν had been interpolated before δεκάτῳ. The division between the first and second verses of the strophe and of the antistrophe is wrong throughout in the MS.: see on ἐέκατι in v. 6. Evgdvriov: see Appendix. 17 Kenyon supplies κούρα: Blass, νύμφα. The fact that κόραν has occurred in 7 is of no weight; Bacchylides, like other Greek poets of his age, is not 1] ETTINIKOI 245 to whom he gave the rocky land, ere he sailed away to Cnosus, lovely city, that king born of Europa. And in the tenth month the maiden with beautiful locks bore Euxantius, to be lord of the glorious isle. * * * * * * PAT the daughters (of Damon) had changed (their old abode) for the city steeped in sunshine. From that city sprang Argeius, strong of hand, with the dauntless heart of a lion, whenever the fragment being suitable. 29 Φ. The second word of v. 29 ended in N, and must have been an epithet of πόλιν (such as iueprdv).—AEIEAO] The first ε has been added by a corrector.—Before MEN there is a slight trace which would suit either C or T. faint trace points to O. 32 The letter after APIEI is lost in the rent of the Ms., but a careful to avoid repetition of a word. κόρα or κούρα (usually ‘a maiden,’ Soph, Tr. 536 n.) is applicable to a young wife and mother,—though, in such a case, her father is usually named: ¢.g. V. 137 Θεστίου κούρα (Althaea), XVI. 31 f. Φοίνι- kos...xdpa (Europa): 71. 6. 247 κουράων, Priam’s married daughters (Πριάμοιο standing in v. 246). Bacchylides uses κόρα or κούρα some 18 times, but νύμφα (as it happens) nowhere. And once, at least, he uses κόρα where νύμφα would be more fitting, viz. in ΧΙΧ. 4f., ὅτ᾽ dyero καλλιπάρᾳον κόραν θρασυκάρδιος "Ἴδας. Yet there is, I think, one reason for preferring νύμφα here.. A measurement of the space in the papyrus between εκυδέ and the point where the verse began shows that νυμῴα φερ- suits this space (N and M being broad letters), while koupa φερ- would be somewhat too short. φερεκυδέϊ νάσῳ (Blass) : as in XII. 183 the poet calls Aegina gepexvdéa νᾶσον. The adj. is not found elsewhere. Each of the corresponding verses (9, 32, 40, 55; 63) ends with a long syllable. 18 πρύτανιν : a term applied in XVII. 43 to Epaphus, ‘lord’ of the Egyptians. The lost word may have been an epithet (as μοιρίδιον). 28 ff. ἄλλαξαν θύγατρες. This is the point at which the poet linked on his myth—the story of Dexithea—to his immediate theme, the victory of Argeius. The family of Argeius evidently belonged to the Cean town called Κορησσός or Κορησία, which was on the coast, near the port of Iulis (Strabo x. 486: A. Pridik De Cez rebus p.7). Ina fragment belonging to an earlier part of this ode (13 K.), one of Dexithea’s sisters proposes that they shall leave their ἀρχαίαν πόλιν for a new abode by the sea, open to the αὐγαῖς ἀελίου (see Appendix). A local legend doubtless connected the name Κορησσός with the migration of the κόραι. It seems almost certain that in the verses lost between 19 and 28 the poet mentioned or indicated Κορησσός, adding that it was so called, ‘decause (or after) the daughters (of Damon) had migrated to that sunny town. Thence sprang Argeius,’ etc. βαθυδείελον (found only here) probably means ‘steeped in sunshine.’ εὐδείελος, of which the Homeric sense is ‘ far-seen,’ appears to mean ‘sunny’ in Pind. P. Iv. 76 (as an epithet of Iolcus), and may have that meaning in O. I. 111 (as an epithet of the Κρόνιον at Olympia). So the author of the Hymn to Apollo (438) speaks of Κρίσην εὐδείελον ἀμπελόεσσαν. 81 καρτερόχειρ, like θρασύχειρος in Il. 4, indicates that the victory of Argeius was gained in boxing, or perhaps in the pancration (boxing and wrestling). 32 ᾿Αργεῖος --- - λέοντος. We might supply ἐΐν τε or dei τε, the τε answering to that after ποσσίν in 35. Or ἀκμᾶτα, ‘stubborn’: Soph. Amt. 352 οὔρειόν τ᾽ ἀκμῆτα ταῦρον (with initiala).—L. Barnett suggests ὀλοῖο : but ὀλὸς rests only on the doubtful ὦ ὀλὲ δαῖμον in Aleman fr. 55 (ὦ ᾽λὲ Bergk. odde?). ant. 6. str. 7. 246 BAKXYAIAOY (1 6. χρεῖ ὅς τι συμ]βολοῖ μάχας, 35 7 ποσσί vt ἐλα ἰφρόϊ ς, πατρίων s τ᾽ οὐκ [ἀπόκλαρος κἰαλών, ἄντ. ζ΄. τόσα Παι θείδᾳ κλυτό |ro- 2 ἔος ᾿Απόϊλλων ὦπασεϊν, > 4 | ee ’ 3 ἀμφί T ἰατορίᾳ 40 4 ’ 4 mS ξείνων τε φιλάνορι τιμᾷ sev δὲ λαχὼν Χαρίτων 6 πολλοῖς τε θαυμασθεὶς βροτῶν τ αἰῶν᾽ ἔλυσεν, πέντε παῖ- 8 das μεγαινήτους λιπών. 45 ἐπ. ζ΄. 1T@V ἕνα (F Jou Kpovidas 2 ὑψίζυγος Ἰσθμιόνικον 3 θῆκεν ἀντ᾽ εὐεργεσιᾶν, λιπαρῶν τ᾽ ἀλ- + ov στεφάνων ἐπίμοιρον. 34 The letter A has been deleted before XPE. After E there is a trace_of an accent, consistent with either ἔς (=e, p. 137)s or et.—The letters BOAOI are certain. 84 χρεῖός τι... μάχας, some need of, occasion for, fight; some call to it. Ar. Ach. 454 EY. τί δ᾽, ὦ τάλας, σε τοῦδ᾽ ἔχει πλέκους χρέος; Bion fr. 13. 2 μηδ᾽ ἐπὶ πάντ᾽ ἄλλω χρέος ἰσχέμεν. συμβολοῖ (Aesch. Theb. 352 ξυμβολεῖ φέρων φέροντι), ‘encountered him’ (Ar- geius). Cp. Eur. /. 7. 874 rls τύχα μοι συγκυρήσει; Soph. Az, 313 wav τὸ συντυχὸν πάθος. Plut. Srl. 2 συνήν- τησεν αὐτῷ Td τοιοῦτον .---ΤῊς optative of indefinite frequency in past time is cor- rect, since the principal verb ἔπλετο is in a past tense, and θυμὸν ἔχων = ὃς θυμὸν εἶχε (not ἔχει. These verses (30—36) contain a retrospect of the qualities shown by Argeius from early boyhood, before his success at the Isthmus. Next comes the eulogy of his deceased father (37—44), and then the reference to the Isthmian victory (45—48). The s. has -Bodot: but we should expect -Bodéor. The contraction may be due to a transcriber. Since xpel- is no less possible than xpet-, we might also suggest χρείαισι συμβολοῖ μάχας: ‘when he (Argeius) encountered the stress of fight’ (Arist. Pol. Vi. 8. 14 τὰς πολεμικὰς χρείας: Scph. Ai. 963 ἐν χρείᾳ Sopds).—See Appendix. 35—38 ἐλαφρός is betterthan ἐλαφροῖς here. —tarploy .. .kadov, ‘his father’s noble qualities’ (πατρίων = πατρῴων),-- ‘all those which Apollo gave to Pan- theides.’ The meaning is that Argeius, as a boy, showed the promise of such mental gifts as made his father an eminent physician (v. 39), while he also mani- fested that kindly and generous disposi- tion which marked his father’s hospitality (v. 40). For ἀπόκλαρος (Housman), cp. Pind. 7. v.54. (Blass? reads καταισχυντάς, a form which does not seem to occur, though Aesch. Ag. 1363 Πα5 καταισχυντήρ.). Note the following points. (1) The reference to the origia of Argeius in v. 30 (ἐκ Tas μὲν γένο -)is clearly the first which occurred in ode; and the mention of Pantheides in 37 is also probably the first. Hence i presumption that πατρίων announced his relationship to Argeius. (2) τόσα as relative pron. in v. 37 is illustrated by XV. 11, where τόσα must be the relative to which ἄνθεα in v. g is antecedent. Cp. 7é6@ in 11. 19 as= where.’ [This use of τόσος is, however, rare, except where another τόσος precedes, as in Pind. LV. iv. 4f. οὐδὲ θερμὸν ὕδωρ τόσον γε μαλ- θακὰ τεύχει | γυῖα, τόσσον εὐλογία : Callim. A poll. 93 οὐδὲ πόλει τόσ᾽ ἔνειμεν ὀφέλσιμα, 1] ETTINIKOI 247 a call to fight came upon him,—swift of foot, and not without a portion in his father’s noble gifts,— those which Apollo, glorious archer, bestowed on Pantheides, in respect to the healer’s art and the kindly honouring of strangers. Favoured by the Graces, and much admired among men, he passed from life, leaving five sons of high repute. In requital of his good deeds, the offspring of Cronus throned on high has made one of those sons a victor at the Isthmus, and has given him other bright wreaths for his portion. 39 AM@I Τ᾿ IAT] The second I has been added above the line by the first hand. 48 EIIIMOIPON A, corr, A’. τόσσα Κυρήνῃ. (3) Ifa full stop followed καλῶν, and τόσα meant ‘So many,’ verses 37 ff. would not cohere in sense with what precedes; since the reference of τόσα is limited by vv. 39 f. (4) The Ms. does not punctuate after AAQN in 36. This fact is not, in itself, cogent ; but it comes into account.— These are the reasons which decide me against inter- preting πατρίων... καλῶν as ‘the exercises which Ceos holds in honour,’ such as boxing and wrestling: cp. 11. 6 ff. καλῶν ...60°...€medelzauev, and VI. 5 ff. Kéov... πύξ τε καὶ στάδιον Kparedoay: when a word in the sense of ἀπαίδευτος or ἀγύ- μναστος would be required. The genitive Πανθείδα is preserved in 11. 14. In the Cean inscription (Introd. § 3), the vowels between @ and ὃ are lost. For the form Πανθείδης see Fick- Bechtel, Griech. Per sonennamen, 229. 39 ἀμφί, with dat., ‘in respect to’: SO IX. 44 ἀμφὶ βοῶν ἀγέλαις. Apollo, as Παιών, can confer the gift of iaropia. 40 φιλάνορι, ‘kindly.’ Pindar (fr. 256) ‘spoke of the φιλάνορα....βιοτάν of dolphins (‘friendly to man’). In Aesch. Ag. 411 the word refers to a wife (‘loving her husband’). Cp. //. 6. 15 πάντας γὰρ φιλέεσκεν, ὁδῷ ἔπι οἰκία ναίων (‘ was hos- pitable to all’). φιλοξενία is a gift of Apollo,.in so far as he bestows the graces of character which lend charm to it: while Zeus ξένιος or ἐφέστιος is the protector of the guest. 41 εὖ δὲ λαχὼν Χαρίτων : the sense is strictly, ‘ having obtained a good portion in (or of) the Charites,—those goddesses being identified with their gifts: cp. Bergk fr. adesp. 53 ἐγώ φαμι ἰοπλοκάμων Μοισᾶν εὖ λαχεῖν. If the literal sense had been, ‘having received a good portion from the Charites,’ an acc. would have been added. Cp. vi. 1 f. Pindar (O. xiv. τ ff.), invoking the Χάριτες, says, ‘By your help come all things glad and sweet to mortals, whether wisdom is given to any man, or come- liness, or fame.’ In particular, the Charites give those qualities which win, and adorn, victory in the games (Pind. O. Il. 55, VI. 76: MW. Vv. 54, X. 38). With Bacchylides (as with Pindar) they are the goddesses who lend charm to poetry (v. 9. VIII. 1, XVIII. 6), or to eloquence (xIv. 49). If Pantheides had been a successful athlete, that may be implied here ; but the meaning seems at any rate to include other things. He had received ‘the gifts of the Charites’ in a large sense. There is a like generality in 1X. 39, Χαρίτων τιμὰν λελογχώς : where, however, there is more reason than here to suppose a reference to the games. 42 πολλοῖς: for the dat., cp. Thuc. 1. 41 ὃ 4 τοῖς τε viv καὶ τοῖς ἔπειτα θαυ- μασθησόμεθα. 44 μεγαινήτους, asin III. 64 μεγαίνητε: but in XVIII. 1 evaivere. 45 ἔοι, ‘for him,’ ‘for his joy.’ (Cp. For above, in v. g.) The spirit of the deceased Pantheides will rejoice. So Pindar more than once speaks of the joy which a departed kinsman will feel in the victor’s success: O. XIV. 20 f. pe- λαντειχέα viv δόμον | Φερσεφόνας ἐλθέ, Εαχοῖ, πατρὶ κλυτὰν φέροισ᾽ ἀγγελίαν : see also O. vitl. 81 ff, 47 f. εὐεργεσιᾶν : cp. 53 εὖ ἔρδων θεούς: nt. 21 f. θεόν, θεόν τις ἀγλαϊζέτω. ἄλλων στεφάνων. The Cean inscrip- tion (Introd. § 3) attests that Argeius won an Isthmian victory among the παῖδες, and a Nemean victory among the ant. 7. epode 7. BAKXYAIAOY (1 248 Ν Ἂς ’, , 5 φαμὶ καὶ φάσω μέγιστον 50 6 κῦδος ἔχειν ἀρετάν, πλοῦ- “A ε A 7 τος δὲ καὶ δειλοῖσιν ἀνθρώπων ὁμιλεῖ, στρ. η΄. 1 ἐθέλει δ᾽ avéew φρένας ἀν- 2 pds: ὁ δ᾽ εὖ ἔρδων θεοὺς 3 ἐλπίδι κυδροτέρᾳ 55 4 Ἁ ΦΝ » s θνατὸς ἐὼν ἔλαχεν, 6 ΄ ΄ : > φῶ" ΄ σαινει KEAN ει ὃ υγιειας , > ΕΝ > , » ζώειν T aT οἰκείων ἔχει, γ πρώτοις ἐρίζει᾽ παντί τοι , > 4 ’ 8. τέρψις ἀνθρώπων βίῳ 60 avr. η΄. I 9 , , ἔπεται νόσφιν γε νόσων > 2 πενίας τ᾽ ἀμαχάνου. > Go a" hey \ - ἶσον ὁ T adveos t- επαν- 3 4 / 4 ’ 4 μείρει μεγάλων ὁ τε μείων ‘ Ἁ Col. ἃ 5 παυροτέρων᾽ τὸ Ἵ > A sO 65 6 των εὐμαρεῖν οὐδὲν γλυκὺ γθνατοῖσιν, ἀλλ᾽ αἰεὶ τὰ φεύ- 8. γοντα δίζηνται κιχεῖν. 49—51 The words from φάσω to ὁμιλεῖ are quoted by Plut. de aud. poet. c. 14 (Mor. 36 c), who, instead of φάσω μέγιστον κῦδος, has φάσωμεν πιστὸν κῦδος (the I of METICTON having become II, when N was added to ME). corr. by the first hand from ἀνθρώποις. 51 ἀνθρώπων, Most mss. of Plut. /.c. have the genitive, ἀγένειοι. If that Isthmian victory was the same with which this ode is concerned, the Nemean victory was still to come. These ‘other wreaths’ may have been won in local games of lesser note. Had Argeius already been a victor at Olympia or Delphi, it is improbable that the poet would have omitted to mention it. éripoipov. The only other place where the word occurs is in an extract (Sto- baeus Flor. 103. 27) from the treatise Περὶ Biov by the Pythagorean Eury- phamus: Bios ἀνθρώπω... ἀλόγων... ζῴων καθυπερέχει τῷ ἀρετᾶς καὶ εὐδαιμοσύνας ἐπίμοιρος ἦμεν. Cp. ἐπήβολος, ἐπίκλη- 5. 49—74. The merits and circum- stances of the deceased Pantheides sug- gest reflections which occupy the rest of the ode. ’Aper7 alone gives lasting fame; any man should be content who has health and a competence. The Ionian poet flows on in his quiet moralizing strain,—a contrast to Pindar’s abrupt and pointed γνῶμαι. He has a some- what similar passage in IX. 35—51 (ματεύει δ᾽... χρηστόν). There, how- ever, he finally returns to his festal theme, with an apology for the digression. Here we have a singular instance of an ἐπινίκιον ending with twenty-five verses which are wholly ‘gnomic.’ Pindar would have brought in, before the close, some touch of allusion to the victory. 51 £. καὶ δειλοῖσιν : and not with the ἐσθλοί alone.—The best punctuation here seems to be a comma after ὁμιλεῖ, and a colon (as in the Ms.) after ἀνδρός. ἐθέλει does not necessarily imply a per- sonification of πλοῦτος, but merely denotes (as often) what happens in accordance with a natural tendency or law: cp. Arist. περὶ αἰσθήσεως c. 5 (p. 445 α 21), ἔτι δ᾽ οὐδὲ τὸ ὕδωρ ἐθέλει αὐτὸ μόνον ἄμικτον ὃν τρέφειν .----Γ Ὡς form ἐθέλω occurs also in Vv. 14, 169; Χ. 73: and θέλω in five 1] ETTINIKOI 249 The best glory is that of Virtue, so deem I now and ever: wealth may dwell with men of little worth, and will exalt the spirit; but he who is bountiful to the gods can cheer his heart with a loftier hope. If a mortal is blessed with health, and can live on his own substance, he vies with the most fortunate. if only disease and helpless poverty be not there. Joy attends on every state of life, The rich man yearns for great things, as the poorer for less; mortals find no sweetness in opulence, but are ever pursuing visions that flee before them. but some the dative. 56 ἔλαχεν Al, ἔλακεν A. and added a comma after «. (νούσων) MS.: νόσων Housman, Blass, etc. above the line. 55 vyeias. 57 ἔχει) ἔχειν A: but a corrector has transfixed ν, 58 IIPQTOC A: corr. Al? The first « has been added by A?. 60 £. NOY|..N 65 ETMAPEI A: A? has added N other places. Pindar always uses ἐθέλω, except in O. II. 107 (θέλων) and P. II. 5 (θέλοντε:). αὔξειν φρένας, to ‘exalt’ or ‘elate’ the mind, making the rich man ambitious, proud, self-confident. So Pindar (fr. 218) says of the power of wine, aéfovras φρένας (‘men are exalted in spirit’) dp- πελίνοις τόξοις δαμέντες. Cp. IX. 44 f. ἀμφὶ βοῶν ἀγέλαις θυμὸν αὔξουσιν (they ‘enlarge their ϑρισγι,᾽----. 6. ‘take their delight,’—in herds of oxen). 53 ff. εὖ ἔρδων: cp. v. 47.-—k ᾳ: because imperishable fame (vv. 73 f.) is a more splendid prospect than the honour which ends with life. σαίνει κέαρ, ‘cheers his heart’: a strange and scarcely felicitous use of the verb, since the image involved in σαίνει (‘fawning on,’ ‘caressing’) so distinctly implies an agency external to the person soothed. The poet has used σαίνει, in fact, much as he might have used θέλγει or εὐφραίνει. ὑγιείας : cp. scolia fr. 8 (Bergk), ὑγιαί- νειν μὲν ἄριστον ἀνδρὶ Ovarw. Arist. RA. 11. 21 ὃ 5 ἀνδρὶ δ᾽ ὑγιαίνειν ἄριστόν ἐστιν, ὡς γ᾽ ἡμῖν δοκεῖ. 57 ἵώειν τ᾽ ἀπ᾽ οἰκείων. We might compare what Solon, in Her. 1. 31, says of Cleobis and Biton: τούτοισι... βίος τε ἀρκέων ὑπῆν καὶ πρὸς τούτῳ ῥώμη σώματος τοιήδε K.T.r. 58 f. πρώτοις, the foremost in respect to (real) happiness, the most truly for- tunate.—travtl...Biw, not ‘every life,’ but rather ‘all human life,’ 2.6. life in every grade and phase. 60 £. νόσφιν, ‘apart’ from them, /.e. provided they are absent.—The ms. had νούσων : but the first syllable answers to one which is short in the corresponding verses (6, 14, 29, 37, 52), showing that we must read νόσων. The corruption may have been due to the incorrect di- vision of these two verses in the Ms. (see n. on 6f.), leading a transcriber to prefer νούϊσων, because it gave a long syllable for the end of the verse. πενίας τ᾽ ἀμαχάνου, helpless, desperate, poverty. Alcaeus fr. 92 πενία.. .ἀμαχανίᾳ σὺν ἀδελφέᾳ : Her. VIII. 111 πενίην τε καὶ aunxavinv.—The short initial ἁ of ἀμα- χάνου answers to a syllable which is long in VV. 7, 15, 30, 38, 53- 62 icov, as in fr. 2 ἀφθέγκτοισιν ἴσον. Elsewhere the poet has only tos. 63 f£. ὅ re μείων, the lesser in respect to wealth; as in Soph. Az. τότ μικροτέρων are the men of humbler station.—travpo- τέρων, though opposed to μεγάλων, means strictly ‘fewer’ (not ‘smaller’) things. παῦρος (sing.) can mean ‘small,’ but the plural seems always to denote ‘few.’ (It is otherwise with ὀλέζων : 1]. 18. 519 λαοὶ δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ὀλίζονες ἦσαν, ‘ of smaller size.’) 65 εὐμαρεῖν, ‘to have ease, abundance’ in all things: cp. Soph. PP’. 284 τούτου δὲ πολλὴν εὐμάρειαν, ‘ plenteous store’ of that. The verb, which occurs only here, takes a genitive, like πλουτεῖν, etc.— οὐδὲν (adverb) γλυκύ, is a thing nowise sweet : opulence, however great, fails to satisfy human desires. = 66 f£. τὰ φεύγοντα : objects which for ever elude them; 2.5. as one prize after str. 8. ant. 8. 250 > ΄ Ψ ’ ἐπ. η΄. τ ὅντινα κουφόταται BAKXYAIAOY [1,1 - θυμὸν δονέουσι μέριμναι, 0 4 μάν ᾿ ἀρετὰ 3 ὅσσον ἄν ζώῃ λάχε τόνδε χρόνον τι- ἐπίμοχθος 5 μέν, τεἰλευταθεῖσα δ᾽ ὀρθώς ο ἀνδρὶ κ]αὶ εὖτε θάνῃ λεί- 7 te. πο]λυζήλωτον εὐκλείας ἄγαλμα. II. ΤΩΙ ΑΥ̓ΤΩΙ στρ. "Al ξεν a σεμνοδότει α Φήμα ρ bg ἐς Κέον ἱεράν, χαριτώ- νυμον φέρουσ᾽ ἀγγελίαν, ὅτι pl dx Jas θρασύχειρος ᾽Αρ- 5 γεῖος ἄρατο νίκαν" 73 The traces before EYTE seem to be those of ΑἹ: K. referred them to N.—AEI (of λείπει) Blass supplies ἀνδρὶ κἸαί. om. A, add. 43. another is gained, and proves unsatisfying, the vision of happiness continually re- cedes. 68 f. κουφόταται.. μέριμναι, vain, empty ambitions, in contrast with the cul- tivation of doer}. Cp. Soph. O. C. 1230 κούφας ἀφροσύνας. For μέριμναι, thoughts intent on certain objects or pursuits, cp. fr. 16. 6 ἀνδράσι δ᾽ ὑψοτάτω πέμπει pepiuvas.—Sovéover, as winds shake the branches of a tree: 71. 17. 55 τὸ δέ τε πνοιαὶ δονέουσι. So stormy waves are said δονεῖν θυμόν, to shake the mariner’s soul, Pind. 4. Iv. 58. 70 f. λάχε τόνδε χρόνον. The normal metre of the verse is -~--, -~~-, ~~--, as seen in the corresponding v., 47 (the only one available for comparison), θῆκεν ἀντ᾽ εὐεργεσιᾶν, λιπαρῶν τ᾽ ἄλ.-. But the Ms. has χρόνον τόνδε λάχεν, so that an epitritus (-Ώ χρόνον rév-) is here substituted for the choriambus in v. 47 (-epyeorGv). Blass holds this substitution to be legitimate. In any case, the metri- cal effect is intolerable. It is far more probable that the poet wrote λάχε τόνδε χρόνον, and that the words were wrongly transposed by a scribe, either through an oversight, or to obtain what he regarded as a clearer and better order. Similarly in IX. 20 ταχεῖαν ὁρμὰν (MS.), in XIV. 47 ἄρχεν λόγων δικαίων (Ms.),and in XVI. 72 χεῖρας πέτασσε (MS.), a transposition is required. τιμάν. The Ms. has a point after λάχεν, and another after μάν. If we read τί μάν; (guid vero?) the meaning is, ‘ How could it be otherwise?’ ‘ How else?’ Soph. Az. 668 ἄρχοντές εἰσιν, ὥσθ᾽ ὑπεικτέον᾽" τί μήν; ‘of course’ (we must yield). Aesch. Ag. 672 λέγουσιν ἡμᾶς ws ὀλωλότας" τί μήν; ‘of course’ (they do). The sense of the whole passage then is:—The man of frivolous ambitions has only his life-time for zs portion. τί μάν; How could it be other- wise? How could he expect a lasting renown? But τί μάν, in such a context, is weak: and the sense given to Adyer is also somewhat forced; since it implies that the man who leaves an enduring name could be said λαγχάνειν the space of time during which his posthumous renown lasts. The true reading is clearly (I think) τιμάν : the man of light ambitions ‘ w7rs I, 0] He whose mind is blown about by ambitions light as air, epode 8. wins honour only for his life-time. ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 251 The task of Virtue is toilsome; but, when it has been duly wrought to the end, it leaves the enviable meed of bright renown, outlasting death. II. For the same. Fame, giver of glorious gifts, has sped to sacred Ceos str. with a message of gracious import, that Argeius has conquered in the strife of boxers; II, τωι avrw] added (by A*?) in the left margin, opposite v. 1. L. Levi, N. Festa, Blass, εἴς. : d[itov ὦ] K. 1 a[itev a] 2 ἱρὰν conj. Headlam, Blass. 4 μάχας Blass, Festa: πάλας Wil. (but μ is certain). honour only for his life-time’ (τόνδε χρόνον, acc. of duration of time),—-as opposed to the man who wins a fame that survives his death (73 ἢ). τιϊμάν gives, too, the normal long syllable at the end of v. 70 (cp. ἄλίλων in v. 47), so that there is a metrical reason also for preferring it. The erroneous punctuation after λάχεν in the Ms. may have arisen from the division of τιμάν between the two verses, leading a scribe to read it as τί μάν; ‘71 ἀρετὰ δ᾽ ἐπίμοχθος. Hes. Of. 287 τῆς δ᾽ ἀρετῆς ἱδρῶτα θεοὶ προπάροιθεν ἔθηκαν | ἀθάνατοι. 72 τ θεῖσα. τελευτᾶν ἀρετὰν is a phrase like τελευτᾶν ἔργον,---ἰο ‘ac- complish’ ἀρετή, considered as a course of life-long effort. The epithet ἐπίμοχθος serves to mark this. 74 πολυζήλωτον : for the 7, cp. V.,52 (ἐπιζήλῳ), X. 63 πολυξήλῳ. Pindar has ζαλωτόν (Ο.ν τ]. 6).--- ἄγαλμα is something which confers splendour or delight, as a gift of honour, or an ornament: in Vv. 4 the ode is Μοισᾶν γλυκύδωρον ἄγαλμα, as in IX. 11 ἀθάνατον Μουσᾶν ἄγαλμα. II. 1 ἀΓίξεν a] seems the most probable supplement. The good news has just come, and this short song welcomes it; the formal ἐπινίκιον (Ode 1.) was written afterwards. If ditov, ὦ were read, it would imply that the poet himself was at the Isthmus. O. Schroeder (Blass? p. Lv) prefers this, arguing, ‘de profictscendo apte dict ἀΐσσειν, non de veniendo.’ But, if one who sees a person start could say ἤϊξεν ἐκεῖσε, one who sees him arrive could surely say ἤϊξε δεῦρο. The words in 11 f. καλεῖ δὲ Modo’ αὐθιγενὴς x.7.d. imply that the poet is in Ceos. σεμνοδότειρα, ‘giver of stately gifts’; she announces victory, and so gives renown. Cp. Aesch. 7%. 975 Μοῖρα βαρυδότειρα: Eur. Bacch. 419 ὀλβοδό- tepa: Orphic Argon. 354 Ἐρινύες alvodérecpa. —@ypa: the Doric form (always φάμα in Pindar) is modified’ to avoid twofold a: so V. 47 κυβερνήταν, 167 ἀδμήτα, 200 εἰρήνᾳ. 2 f. χαριτώνυμον.. ἀγγελίαν, a message ‘of gracious import’; lit., ‘fraught with a gracious name,’ 2.¢. speaking of ‘ victory’ (v. 5). A thought of personified Νίκη is implied. [Not, ‘containing the welcome name of Argeius.’]—Another possible explanation would be, ‘a message 272 terms of gracious omen’ (χαρίεντα ὀνό- para), so that the phrase would resemble adverns φάτις in Soph. O. 7. 151. But against this is the analogy of εὐώνυμος, δυσώνυμος, μεγαλώνυμος, etc., which always refer to a name. 4 padxas..0pacrvxepos, probably the contest in boxing: cp. I. 31 καρτερόχειρ. Pind. P. Vit. 37 vixay Ισθμοῖ θρασύγυιον. —The letters « and -as being certain, the other possibilities are μέλας (‘ sunburnt,’ like μελαγχροιής in Od. τό. 175), or μέγας. Then θρασύχειρος would be a nominative, like éxaréyxeipos in //. 1. 402. But μάχας seems better. 252 BAKXYAIAOY [1I, III lal δ᾽ > & PD > a καλών ανέμνασεν, oo ἐν κλεεννῷ αὐχένι (ξ)ισθμοῦ ζαθέαν λιπόντες Εὐξαντίδα va- σον ἐπεδείξαμεν ἑβδομή- 10 κοντα σὺν στεφάνοισι. .. 4 ᾿ς ἐπ. καλεῖ δὲ Μοῦσ᾽ αὐθιγενὴς γλυκεῖαν αὐλῶν καναχάν, 3 ’’ γεραίρουσ᾽ ἐπινικίοις Πανθείδα φίλον υἱόν. αὶ ἢ ἃ ΙΕΡΩΝΙ ΣΥΡΑΚΟΣΙΩΙ ΙΠΊΤΟΙΣ ΟΛΥΛΛΠΙΑ. στρ. α΄. > , , , Αριστοκάρπου Σικελίας κρέουσαν Δάματρα (β)ιοστέφανόν τε κούραν ὕμνει, γλυκύδωρε Κλειοῖ, θοάς 7 Ὀ- λυμπιοδρόμους 14 I[ANOEIAAI A, corr. Al. ε ᾽ὕὔ ν Ἰέρωνος ἱππους. iI. The title, written in minuscule (probably by A*), is in the left margin, opposite to vv. 1—3. 6 ff. καλῶν.. ὅσ᾽... ἔἐπεδείξαμεν, ‘the goodly feats which we have displayed’: cp. III. 96 η.---κλεεννῷ, Aeolic, as in v. 12, 182, while κλεινός is used in six other places.—avyévt Εισθμοῦ, a pleo- nasm ; like Pindar’s in ἢ I. 9 τὰν ἁλιερκέα Εἰισθμοῦ δειράδ᾽, where depds= ‘ neck.’ Cp. O. VIII. 52 Κορίνθου δειράδ᾽, where the schol. rightly explains the word by τράχηλος. The Isthmus itself is a narrow plain, with hills N. and s. of it. In Her. VI. 37 τὸν αὐχένα τῆς Χερσονήσου Ξε τὸν ἰσθμὸν τῆς Χ. in VI. 36. But the pleonasm is not felt, Isthmus having become a proper name.—Pindar pre- fixes F to ἰσθμὸς not only in Z 1. 9 (just cited, where ἁλιερκέος is unlikely), but also probably in 7. v. 5 viv aire Ἰσθμοῦ δεσπότᾳ, a reading which one of the scholia supports, though the Mss. have αὖτ᾽ ἐν. Elsewhere, however, he uses ἰσθμός without F, as in O. VIII. 48 ἐπ᾿ ᾿Ισθμῷ ποντίᾳ. λιπόντες κιτ.λ.: ‘we,’ the subject to the verb, may include friends of the competitors who went with them from Ceos to the Isthmus. —Evgavrida νᾶσον : cp. I. 15, and Appendix II. (Euxantius). In a fragment belonging to the exordium of Ode 1., νάσοιό τ᾽ Εὐϊξαντιαδ]ἂν is conjecturally read: see Appendix. ἑβδομήκοντα σὺν στεφάνοισιν, with the result of winning seventy wreaths. This can only mean that, before the victory of Argeius, seventy others had already been won at the Isthmus by natives of Ceos. See Appendix. 11 ff. καλεῖ δὲ κιτιλ. The Muse sum- mons the flutes to accompany her strains; much as in Pind. Z. vil. tof. the poet him- self is said χρυσέαν καλέσαι Motoav. These verses, written when the news first came, may have been sung to the flutes as a welcome to Argeius on his return; his presence is rather suggested by vv. 13 f.— αὐθιγενής : cp. Her. Iv. 49 τῷ αὐθιγενεῖ θεῷ.---ἔπινικίοις, sc. μέλεσι. Note the substantival use of the plural in this II, 111} and has renewed the memory of all those goodly feats which ant. ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 253 have been shown forth at the famous Isthmus by us who came from the beautiful isle of Euxantius, winners of seventy wreaths. The native Muse summons the sweet clear sound of flutes, epode. honouring with strains of victory the beloved son of Pantheides. ΠῚ For Hieron of Syracuse, victor in the four-horse chartot-race at Olympia. Cleio, giver of sweet gifts, praise Demeter, queen of fertile str. 1. (468 B.C.) Sicily, with her daughter of the violet crown; and sing of Hieron’s swift steeds that ran at Olympia. poetical phrase. (Pindar Δ]. Iv. 78 has ἐπινικίοισιν ἀοιδαῖς.) A substantival use of the singular, as a name for the ode of victory, occurs first in scholia of the Alexandrian age. 14 Ilav@e(Sa: cp. 1. 37. mmr. 1—4 The names of Demeter and Persephone, the guardian deities of Sicily, lend majesty to this proem ; though, considering the peculiar awe which surrounded them, there is a certain crudeness in their close conjunction with the ‘swift mares.’ Hieron was the here- ditary priest of these goddesses (ἱροφάντης τῶν χθονίων θεῶν, Her. VII. 153): indeed, it has been held that he took his name from those rites of which the supreme charge belonged to his house: cp. Pin- dar’s address to him, fr. 105 ζαθέων ἱερῶν | ὁμώνυμε πάτερ. So the poet says, in effect:—‘Sing the dread goddesses, and the latest victory of their great Priest.’ Cp. Pind. O. νι. 93 ff. His brother and predecessor Gelon, who also was their hierophant, had built for them at Syracuse twin temples (ναούς, Diod. x1. 26), in the precinct called by Plutarch (Dion c. 56) τὸ τῶν Θεσμοφόρων τέμενος. This was the most famous of all their Sicilian shrines, next to that at Enna, the place from which Aidoneus was said to have carried off the Koré. It is curious to find that Bacchylides had somewhere made Crete the scene of that rape (schol. Hes. 7heog. 914),—a ‘heresy,’ as Freeman remarks (Sicily 11. 266), ‘against all Sikel and Sikeliot belief.’ 1 ἀριστοκάρπου: so Pind. AV. 1. 14 describes Sicily as ἀριστεύουσαν εὐκάρπου χθονός, and in his fr. 106 it is ἀγλαόκαρπος, as in Aesch. P. V. 369 καλλίκαρπος. It is still, as in ancient times, a rich grana- ry, about three-fourths of the cultivated surface being given to cereals (chiefly wheat); the yield of fruit (especially of oranges) is also large.—xpéovorav, the fem. (not elsewhere found, except as a proper name) of κρέων (Pind., etc.), =the Homeric κρείων : xpelovoa occurs only in Il. 22. 48. 2. F γον, as in VIII. 3 βμιοβλέ- gapov and 72 ρβιόπλοκον. But ἰοστεφάνων (-ov) has no fF in V. 3 or XII. 8g, nor ἰόπλοκος in XVI. 37. So Pindar assumes F in ἰόπλοκον O. VI. 30, but not in ἐσπλο- κάμων, P. 1. 1. 8 £. Κλειοῖ, with εἴ. The only other example of this scansion is Pind. M. 111. 83 Κλεοῦς, as most edd. now write it, with good Ms. authority, though Κλειοῦς is a v.d. It is tempting to write KAeot here. But there is no reason to doubt that Krewe could be ~— (2.5. Κλεγοῖ): cp. XVI. 92 n. Gods. . ἵππους : mares were most gener- ally used in racing: see, ¢.g., Pind. 7. Iv. 4f., M.1x. 52: Soph. 2} 705. In the Homeric chariot-race, however (//. 23), there are three teams of horses, and two of mares, and the horses win the first and second places.—’OdvprioSpdpovs only here. [111 στεφάνων κυρῆσαι. 254 BAKXYAIAOY 5 ἀντ. a’. σεύονἾτο yap σὺν ὑπερόχῳ τε Nixa σὺν ᾿Αγ]λαΐᾳ τε παρ᾽ εὐρυδίναν ᾿Αλφεόν, τόθι A Ἰεινομένεος ἔθηκαν ὄλβιον [γόνον éx.a’. θρόησε δὲ ads ἀπείρων" 10 a Tpirevdaipl ων ἀνήρ, Col. 3 ὃς παρὰ Ζηνὸς λαχὼν πλείσταρχον Ἑλλάνων γέρας οἶδε πυργωθέντα πλοῦτον μὴ μελαμ- φαρέϊ κρύπτειν σκότῳ. 15 στρ. β΄. βρύει μὲν ἱερὰ βουθύτοις “ἑορταῖς, δ. [σεύον]το K.—Nixg. 7 τόθι Palmer. ρύουσι φιλοξενίας ἀγυιαί: 'λάμπει δ᾽ ὑπὸ μαρμαρυγαῖς ὁ χρυσὸς ὑψιδαιδάλτων τριπόδων σταθέντων .᾽᾿Αγλαίᾳ Weil: 9 ἀπείρων Blass. νίκᾳ.. ἀγλαΐᾳ K.—ovdv (in v. 6) Palmer. 12 γέρα5] TENOC A, corr. Al. 5 ff. cevovro. //. 22. 22 σευάμενος ws θ᾽ ἵππος ἀεθλοφόρος σὺν ὄχεσφιν: Pind. O. 1. 20 (of the horse Pherenicus) παρ᾽ ᾿Αλφεῷ otro. Νίκᾳ. .᾿Αγλαΐᾳ: personified attendants on the rushing steeds. The epithet ὑπερόχῳ might seem slightly in favour of writing νίκᾳ etc.: yet it is not unsuitable to the goddess. ᾿Αγλαΐα is with Pindar esp. the glory of victory: O/. xl. 14 f. ὔμμιν δέ, παῖδες ᾿Αλάτα, πολλὰ μὲν νικα- φόρον ἀγλαΐαν wracav | ἄκραις ἀρεταῖς ὑπερελθόντων ἱεροῖς ἐν ἀέθλοις. J. 11. 18 ἐν ἹΚρίσᾳ δ᾽ εὐρυσθενὴς εἶδ᾽ ᾿Απόλλων μιν πόρε τ᾽ ἀγλαΐαν. εὐρυδίναν ᾿Αλφεόν: the Alpheus has this epithet again in v. 38: in v. 181 it is ἀκαμαντορόας, in VII. 49 dpyupodivas, in X. 26 καλλιρόας. Pindar in O. ν. 18 has ᾿Αλφεὸν εὐρὺ ῥέοντα, but elsewhere dispenses with an epithet for the famous river.—E. Curtius (εξ. 11. 49) describes the Alpheus, at its entrance into Pisatis, as being about 180 feet wide. Leake writes (Morea 1. 23): ‘It is now [Feb. 25] full and rapid, but turbid: in summer the stream, though much clearer, is scanty, and divided into several torrents, running over a wide gravelly bed.’ 7 £. Aewopéveos. Before a vowel one would prefer Aewouéveus, the form which the MS. gives in v. 35 (where ἀγέρωχοι follows): though the synizesis is natural before a consonant, as in Pind. P. 1. 179 Δεινομένεος τελέσαις. In Simonides fr. 141. 4 Δεινομένευς is read, where τὸν (or τοὺς) follows. ἔθηκαν.. κυρῆσαι: the acc. and inf. with τίθημι is not rare in poetry: Pind. fr. 177 πεπρωμέναν θῆκε μοῖραν μετατρα- πεῖν: Eur. Her. 900 Ἥρα με κάμνειν τήνδ᾽ ἔθηκε τὴν νόσον. 9 ἀπείρων: 7. 24. 776 ἐπὶ δ᾽ ἔστενε δῆμος ἀπείρων. Cp. VII. 30 ᾿Ἑλλάνων 6.’ ἀπείρονα κύκλον. (Another possibility would be ἀγασθείς.) 10 The exclamation ὦ is regularly found in expressions of fily or reproof, as in the Homeric ἃ dein’ μι Il. 441 etc.): Soph. O. 7. 1147 4, μὴ κόλαζε: cp. Ph. 1300 (n.). This seems to be the only classical example of it in an utterance of admiration. We should expect ὦ. 12 πλείσταρχον ‘ Εἰλλάνων γέρας, ‘the privilege of ruling over the largest number of Greeks’: z.e., over more than are subject to any other ruler. πλείσταρ- Χον = consisting in πλείστη ἀρχή (cp. αὔχημα... εὔιππον, Soph. O. C. 710 f.): then ‘E\Advwy further defines the ἀρχή. Kenyon cp. Her. VII. 157 μοῖρά τοι (Gelon) τῆς Ἑλλάδος οὐκ ἐλαχίστη, ἄρχοντί γε τῆς Σικελίας. 18 f. οἶδε.. μὴ... κρύπτειν, knows how It] Pre-eminent Victory and Glory were with them as they sped ant. 1. ETTINIKOI 255 by the broad tide of the Alpheus, where they won wreaths for the blest son of Deinomenes ; and a cry went up from the vast multitude: ‘O thrice-happy epode τ. man, honoured by Zeus with the widest rule in Hellas, who knows how to keep the lofty fabric of his fortunes from being wrapt in a mantle of darkness.’ The temples are rife with festal sacrifice of oxen, the streets str. 2. with hospitable feasting ; and the gold shines with flashing rays from high tripods, richly wrought, 13 £ MEAAH A, MEAAM A’.—@APEIN A, corr. A': μελαμφαρέϊ Palmer. 15 ἱερὰ) EPA A: ¢ has been added above the line (by A*?). conj. Blass. 18 ὑψιδαιδάλων not to hide it, =knows how to manifest it: his instincts tell him what befits a prince. πυργω ο πλοῦτον: the image is that of a lofty and stately edifice (cp. Ar. Ran. 1004 πυργῶσαι ῥήματα σεμνά), made strong against assault: ‘Weir Smyth cp. Solon fr. 13. 9 f. πλοῦτον δ᾽ ὃν μὲν δῶσι θεοί, παραγίγνεται ἀνδρὶ | ἔμπεδος ἐκ vedrou πυθμένος els κορυφήν.---μελαμφαρέϊ.. σικό- τῳ: cp. Eur. Jon 1150 μελάμπεπλος Νύξ. Here, however, σκότος is scarcely per- sonified; the phrase rather means, *enshrouding darkness’; 2.6. the σκότος is itself the μέλαν φάρος. Pindar’s precepts against πλοῦτος κρυ- gatos (7. 1. 67, cp. MW. 1. 31) occur especially in odes which, like this, concern the chariot-race,—one of the most popular forms in which wealth could be shown. πλοῦτος ἀρεταῖς δεδαι- δαλμένος should be an ἀστὴρ ἀρίζηλος (O. 11. 58 ff.). 15 £ These two verses describe the rejoicings at Syracuse, where Bacchylides was perhaps Hieron’s guest.—Bpve.. ἑορταῖς : here βρύω takes the dat.,—its more frequent construction, the primary sense being to swell or burgeon (ἔρνος βρύει ἄνθεϊ, 71. 17. 56): in v. τό it takes the gen., as a verb of ‘fulness’ (cp. Soph. O. C. 16 f.), with no difference in sense, unless it be that the dative is more animated and picturesque. I would not change φιλοξενίας to -ίαις, though Plato has that plur. (Zegg. 953 A), and Pindar ξενίαις (O. τ. 15).---βρύει pév..Bpvovor. Note the absence of δέ. In such ‘ epana- phora,’ where μέν..δέ is normal, the omission of μέν is frequent (Soph. “12. 606 n.), but that of δέ very rare: Plut. Mor. 965 C πολλοῖς μὲν ἐνάλου, ὀρείου πολλοῖς ἄγρας ἀκροθινίοις [where the chiasmus is against inserting δέ, as edd. do]. Platt cites Orphic hymn 22. 7 μῆτερ μὲν Κυπρίδος, μῆτερ νεφέων épe- βεννῶν.---ἀγνιαί: cp. fr. 3. 12. 17 ff. λάμπει δ᾽ «.7.A. While Syracuse rejoices in Hieron’s Olympic victory, his munificence has a witness at Delphi also; golden tripods, given by him and his brother Gelon, shine before the temple of Apollo. ὑπὸ pappapvyats, ‘with flash- ing rays’ (Od. 8. 265 μαρμαρυγὰς θηεῖτο ποδῶν): for ὑπὸ, cp. Pind. fr. 48 αἰθομένα δᾷς ὑπὸ EavOaior πεύκαις : but the gen. is more frequent in this sense.—It seems better to join ὁ χρυσὸς with τριπόδων than to Suppose a genitive absolute. ὑψιδαιδάλτων. This compound adj. signifies, ‘curiously wrought fo @ (certain) height’ from the ground. The only peculiarity is in the shade of meaning thus given to ὑὕψι-, rendering the com- pound equivalent in sense to ὑψηλῶν Kai δαιδάλων. In the few other verbal compounds where it occurs, ὑψε- means ‘on high,’ as in ὑψίβατος, ὑψιτέλεστος, ὑψιφόρητος. [Weir Smyth renders ὕψι- δαιδάλτων *deep-chased,’ as though ὑψι- referred to ‘high relief.’ I cannot think this possible.]—The fourth syllable of ὑψιδαιδάλτων answers to one which is short in the corresponding verses, except 64 (ὦ peyalynre—): hence Blass con- jectures ὑψιδαιδάλων. As, however, the fourth syllable is azceps when this verse is used in the Sapphic stanza, so it doubtless may be here also. τριπόδων σταθέντων. The French ex- plorers of Delphi have found the in- 256 ἀντ. β΄. BAKXYAIAOY [111 , ν A ΄ ᾽ὔ ᾿ ¥ πάροιθε ναοῦυ, τόθι μέγιστον ἄλσος 20 Φοίβου παρὰ Κασταλίας ῥεέθροις Δελφοὶ διέπουσι. ΕῚ - , ε ἀγλαϊζέτω, ὁ A ἐπ. B’. θεόν, θεόν τις γὰρ ἄριστος ὄλβων. 5 ’ Ν / ἐπεί ποτε Kal δαμασίππου Λυδίας ἀρχαγέταν, 25 εὖτε τὰν πε ὠμέναν Ζηνὸς Tere ιοῦσαι κρίσιν Σάρδιες Περσᾶϊν ἐπορθεῦντο στρατῷ, Κροῖσον ὁ χρυσαάΐ opos στρ. γ. φύλαξ᾽ ᾿Απόλλων. [ὁ δ᾽ ἐς ἄ]ελπτον dap 380 μολὼν πολυδ᾽ ἀκρυον | οὐκ ἔμελλε 22 APICTON OABON A: corrected to ἄριστος ὄλβων by A*, who has written σ and w above, also transfixing 2 and the first N. 23 The MS. seems to have a circum- flex on ἐπεῖ.---Α later hand has sought to make the II of ποτε into K: so also in v. 72. 25 f. πεπρωμέναν... τελειοῦσαι K. (τελέσσαντος Wackernagel): κρίσιν Weil and others (κτίσιν Kenyon, τίσιν Sandys).—Znves τελείου νεύμασιν Blass. 27 ἐπορθεῦντο scribed bases which supported the tripods of Gelon and Hieron. These offerings stood side by side, under the open sky, before the E. front of the temple, a little N.N.E. of the Great Altar. To a visitor ascending by the Sacred Way, they were most conspicuous objects. Gelon’s goiden tripod, surmounted by a golden Victory, was the work, as the inscription on the base records, of an Ionian artist, Bion of Miletus. It was dedicated, doubtless in 479, to commemo- rate his victory over the Carthaginians at Himera in September, 480. Hieron’s offering was similar. From certain indi- cations afforded by the bases, M. Homolle infers that the two dedications were not separated by any great interval of time. On the other hand it seems probable that Hieron’s gift was made after his accession, on Gelon’s death in 478, to the rule of Syracuse.—See Appendix. The key-note of the ode is θεόν τις ἀγλαϊζέτω. This links Hieron’s victory by the Alpheus with his gifts at Pytho. His piety towards Apollo illustrates the grace shown him by Olympian Zeus. Our poet, aiming at the Croesus-myth, thus brings in Delphi; not, indeed, with perfect art, yet by a coherent thought. ἄλσος, a poetical word for the whole sacred enclosure (ἱερόν, τέμενος), contain- ing the various buildings of the sanctuary. So in Soph. Ant. 844 the city of Thebes is called ἄλσος, as ground sacred to its gods.—Kaeradlas: fitly named in this context, since its water was used by the priests for sacred purposes. Rising in the high cliffs above Delphi, the stream descends to the site of the temple, below which it joins the Pleistus. 21f. θεόν, θεόν : cp. Diagoras fr. 1 (Bergk) θεός, eds πρὸ παντὸς ἔργου βροτείου | νωμᾷ φρέν᾽ ὑπερτάταν. The scribe of the Ms. read ἀγλαϊζέθω γὰρ ἄριστον ὄλβον. The accus. must have been taken as being in apposition either with θεόν or with the sentence. But the correction by a later hand, ἄριστος ὄλβων, is doubtless right. And this confirms the view (first propounded by Otto Crusius in Philolog. tv. N. F. ΧΙ. p. 153) that θω in ἀγλαϊζέθω is a crasis of -τω with 6. For such a crasis there is, indeed, no proper parallel; and here the slight pause in the sense after ἀγλαϊζέτω is a further objection to it: but Alexandrian grammarians were some- times bold in such matters. Crusius proposed to read, dyhaiférw, S[s] yap ἄριστος ὄλβων, supposing the w to be shortened, and -~-—~~ to be substituted 111] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 257 set in front of the temple, where Delphians minister in the great ant. 2. sanctuary of Phoebus by Castalia’s stream. To the god let men bring their choicest gifts; that is the best pledge of welfare. For Croesus, lord of horse-taming Lydia, was preserved of yore by Apollo of the golden sword, when, in fulfilment of the on decreed by Zeus, Sardis was being sacked by the Persian ost. When he had come to that unlooked-for day, Croesus was not minded Housman: ἑάλωσαν Palmer, ἁλίσκοντο Wackernagel. 28 χρυσάορος Palmer: χρυσάρματος conj. K. 30 The Ms. has μολῶν. This mis-accenting of μολών (as of some other 2nd aor. participles) is very common in MSs.: see Appendix. There is no point after the N. Blass? says, ‘post quintam nunc punctum agnovi’: but the trace to which he probably refers seems to belong to the partly effaced right- hand stroke of N. for the -~—~ found in the corresponding verses. It seems better to suppose a synizesis of -tw and o (Blass compares Ar. Th. 269 ᾿Απόλλω οὐκ). But it must be etl allowed that such a synizesis, harsh at the best, is made much harsher by the slight pause before ὁ γάρ. It is, indeed, difficult to understand how so graceful and facile a poet could have written such a verse. For other conjectures see Ap- pendix. dyAailérw, honour, glorify (the god) with gifts: a rare use; but cp. Plut. Mor. οὔ roddois..dxpoOwias ἀγλαΐσας τὴν ’Ayporépay (Artemis). ὁ yap ἄριστος ὄλβων : for that (ὄλβος), —viz. τὸ θεὸν ἀγλαΐζειν, ---ἰΞ the best. [6 should not be taken as=@eds.] The plural of ὄλβος occurs elsewhere only in Soph. fr. 297. 28 2. ἐπεί. The story of Croesus is introduced as an illustration of the general truth just stated. As to the form of the myth adopted here, see Introduction to this Ode, ὃ 3.—8a ππου Avdlas : Her. (1. 79) speaks of the Lydian cavalry in the time of Croesus as unsurpassed in Asia. Cp. Mimnermus fr. 14. 3 Λυδῶν ἱππομάχων. 25 f. τὰν πεπρωμέναν.. κρίσιν. The genitive Ζηνὸς makes it likely that the last word in v. 26 was a noun agreeing with τὰν πεπρωμέναν, though the latter could stand alone. κρίσιν seems slightly ‘8: preferable to κτίσιν (=a deed ordained by the god, as in Pind. O. 13. 83), or τίσιν. 28 ἄορος, with golden sword. The epithet suits Apollo as defender and rescuer: cp. J/. 15. 254 ff., τοῖόν τοι ἀοσσητῆρα Κρονίων | ἐξ “Iéns προέηκε παρεστάμεναι καὶ ἀμύνειν, | Φοῖβον ᾿Απόλ- λωνα χρυσάορον, ὅς σε πάρος περ | plop. In the only other Homeric passage where Apollo receives this epithet, it is again in his warlike character (71. 5. 509). [Om the other hand in Pind. P. v. 104, χρυσάορα Φοῖβον, Gildersleeve explains, ‘hung with the golden φόρμιγξ᾽ : and acc- toschol. 71. 15. 256 Pindar called Orpheus xpvodopa.] Some vase-paintings arm Apollo with the sword in the Giganto- machia, and in his fight with Tityos (Preller 1. 232).—xpvodpparos would also be suitable, since he bears Croesus away (vv. 59f.). In Pind. P. 1x. 6 Apollo bears Cyrene to Libya in a golden chariot. But a regular epithet of the god is more probable. 29—31 ὁ 8 ...8o0vAocbvav. The re- storation of this passage given above is mine, and was adopted in the editio princeps. A different restoration, by Blass, is discussed in the Appendix. I read ὁ δ᾽, rather than τὸ δ᾽, because the subject to ἔμελλε and ναήσατ᾽ is Croesus, and, after φύλαξ᾽ ᾿Απόλλων, some in- dication of this is needed. Then ὁ δ᾽ és 18 epode 2. str. 3. 258 BAKXYAIAOY [111 μίμνειν ἔτι δουλοσύϊναν: πυρὰν δὲ χαλκοτειχέος προπάροιθεν αὐ λᾶς > , avT. γ- ναήσατ᾽, ἔνθα σὺϊν ἀλόχῳ] τε κεδνᾷ \ > ’ > > 4, > 3, σὺν εὐπλοκάμοις τ ἐπέβαιν ἄλαϊ στον 35 θυγατράσι δυρομέναις" χέρας, δ᾽ ἐς αἰπὺν αἰθέρα σφετέρας ἀείρας γέγω ver: ὑπέρβιε δαῖμον, ποῦ θεῶν ἐστιν χάρις: ποῦ δὲ Λατοίδας ἄναξ; ’ 3 ’ ’ὔ 40 πίτνουσ Ἰιν Αλυάττα δόμοι, τίς δὲ νῦν δώρων ἀμοιβὰ] μυρίων φαίνεται Πυθωνόθεϊ]ν; στρ. δ΄. πέρθουσι Μῆδοι δοριάλωτο]ν ἄστυ, φοινίσσεται αἵματι χρυσο |divas Col. 4 45 Πακτωλός: ἀεικελίως γυναῖκες ἐξ ἐὐκτίτων μεγάρων ἄγονται" ἄντ. δ΄. τὰ πρόσθε δ᾽ ἐχθρὰ φίλα: θανεῖν γλύκιστον. τόσ᾽ εἶπε, καὶ ἁβροβάταν κέλευσεν 81 δουλοσύναν Ji 33 ναήσατ᾽ Blass. σύν τ᾽ εὐπλοκάμοις K. 40 πίτνουσι]ν Herwerden. 37 ὑπέρβιε Blass. The letter before N is uncertain: 84 σὺν εὐποκλάμοις τ᾽ (cp. Vv. 6) Platt: (There is not room for ὑπέρτατε.) it may have been I. is preferable to ὁ γάρ, because μολεῖν is seldom followed by an acc. without a preposition, except when the acc. denotes a place (or a folk); eg. γῆν, λαόν (Pind. yy Anes 36). In Eur. Med. 920 f., ἥβης τέλος μολόντες, the τέλος is conceived as a goal, μίμνειν : the pres. inf. θύεν follows μέλλω in XV: 18: the fut. φοινέξειν in XII. 165: in V. 164 τελεῖν is ambiguous. 82 χαλκοτειχέος : plates of bronze are affixed to the walls; a mode of ornament which came into Hellas from Asia. Cp. Od. 7. 86 (in the palace of Alcinous), χάλκεοι μὲν γὰρ τοῖχοι ἐληλάδατ᾽ ἔνθα καὶ ἔνθα. The pyre was built in front of the αὐλή; the courtyard of the king’s palace.—Bacchylides, following epic precedent, forms compounds either with xadxeo-, xpuoeo-, or with χαλκο-, χρυσο-: Pindar, with χαλκο-, χρυσο- only. 88 ναήσατ᾽, rogum exstruendum cu- ravit; Doric for νηήσατο, from νηέω, ‘to heap up.’ This midd. aor. occurs in Zl. 9. 337, 279: also in Ap. Rhod. τ. 364, and later poets. 34 £. σὺν εὐπλοκάμοις Te: Platt seems right in thus placing τε, on the ground that there is not room for NT between T and ΕΥ.---ἄλαστον, ‘inconsolably’: Od. I4. 174 νῦν αὖ παιδὸς ἄλαστον ὀδύρομαι. 86 σφετέρας, -- ἑάς, ‘his,’ as often in posthomeric poetry. In Homer, and in classical prose, opérepos is always a plural possessive.—delpas: cp. the Homeric χεῖρας ἀνέσχον (fl. 3. 318, etc.). It is an epic trait in Bacchylides that he loves to mention this gesture, in connexion with prayer (XI. 100, XIII. 35, XV. 9), or with appeal to a heavenly sign (XVII. 72). 37 ff. yéyovev, = ἐγέγωνεν, imperf. from γεγώνω, as in //. 14. 469 Alas δ᾽ αὖτ᾽ éyéywvev. (Not from perf. γέγωνα, as a vivid present.) δαῖμον: the Sky-father; it is Zeus who sends the rain (v. 55).—1rod θεῶν dpis; In Her. 1. go Croesus, after his fall, sends a message to Delphi, asking ut] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 259 to await the further woe of grievous slavery. He caused a pyre to be built in front of his courtyard with walls of bronze ; he mounted thereon with his true wife and his daughters with beauteous locks, who wailed inconsolably; and, lifting up his hands to the high heaven, he cried aloud :—‘O thou Spirit of surpassing might, where is the gratitude of the gods? where is the divine son of Leto? The house of Alyattes is falling; [and what recompense for countless gifts is shown from Delphi? The Persians are sacking the city taken by the spear ;] the gold-fraught tide of Pactolus runs red with blood; women are ruthlessly led captive from the well-built halls: what once was hateful is welcome; ’tis sweetest to die.’ So spake he, and bade a softly-stepping attendant 41 μυρίων] Before the M was C, but a line has been drawn through it. 47 IIPOCOEN A A: πρόσθεν (without δ᾽ νίσσεται Blass : αἵματι χρυσο]δίνας K. 44 φοι- Fraccaroli: πρόσθε δ᾽ K.—éx6pa Palmer.—vuy was inserted above ®IAA by A*; a notable instance of inattention to metre. 48 AB..BAQTAN A, but © has been transfixed (by A*?).—Afpo8dray (as a proper name) Palmer, Jurenka. εἰ ἀχαρίστοισι νόμος εἶναι τοῖσι Ἑλληνικοῖσι Geoto..—Cp. Eur. 770. 428 ποῦ δ᾽ ᾿Απόλ- λωνος λόγοι; 40 ff. ᾿Αλυάττα δόμοι, the palace of the Lydian kings at Sardis,—ra βασιλήϊα of Her. 1. 30, comprising the treasure- houses (θησαυροί) there mentioned. The prominence given here to the father of Croesus is historically correct. Gyges, of whom Croesus was the fourth successor, established the dynasty of the Mermnadae; but Alyattes, in his long reign (circ. 617—560 B.c.), became the real founder of the Lydian empire. 41. The word μυρίων clearly points to some such context as that which I restore (exempli gratia) above. The C cancelled before MYPIQN in the ms. suggests an acc. plural (as ἀμοιβὰς) written by error instead of a nom. singular. 44 £. howlocerat: XII. 164 f. μέλλον dpa πρότερον διϊνᾶντα φοινίξειν Σκάμαν- ὃρον.--χρυσοδίνας: the Pactolus (now Sarabat) was said to carry gold-dust down from Mt Tmolus: Aen. το. 141 (Lydia) «bz pinguia culta | exercentque uiri, Pactolusgue trrigat auro. Pliny H. N. 33. 21 § 1 (gold is found) fluminum ramentis (in the rubbish brought down by rivers), wt zz Tago Hispaniae, Pado Ltaliae, Hebro Thraciae, Pactolo Asiae, Gange Indiae. He might have added the auro turbidus Hermus (Virg. Geo. 2.137), into which the Pactolus flows. 45 f. γυναῖκες.. ἄγονται. Cp. //. 9. 591—4: καί ol κατέλεξεν ἅπαντα | κήδε᾽ ὅσ᾽ ἀνθρώποισι πέλει τῶν ἄστυ ἁλῴῃ" | ἄνδρας μὲν κτείνουσι, πόλιν δέ τε πῦρ ἀμαθύνει, | τέκνα δέ τ᾽ ἄλλοι ἄγουσι βαθυ- ζώνους τε γυναῖκας. 47 τὰ πρόσθε δ᾽ ἐχθρὰ φίλα, zc., ant. 3. epode 3. str. 4. ant. 4. the pains of death; θανεῖν γλύκιστον ..--- - The ms. has τὰ πρόσθεν δ᾽, against metre. It is rather more likely that the poet wrote πρόσθε (as in XVI. 45, the only other place where he has the word), than that 8" was interpolated. πρόσθεν being much commoner than πρόσθε, the ν might easily have been added. Fraccaroli supposes that v. 43 began with νῦν δ᾽ εὖτε, that ἄγονται should have only a comma after it, and that τὰ πρόσθε δ᾽ (etc.) is the last clause of the pro- tasis, θανεῖν γλύκιστον being apodosis: or else that τὰ πρόσθεν (without δ᾽) ἐχθρὰ φίλα is the apodosis. Rather, I think, we have a series of abrupt utterances, enumerating the calamities, down to ἄγονται. Then, at τὰ πρόσθε δ᾽ ἐχθρὰ φίλα, he turns (as δέ marks) to his conclusion. 48 ἁβροβάταν, ‘a softly-stepping 18—2 260 ἅπτειν ξύλινον δόμον. 50 παρθένοι, φίλας ἐπ. δ΄. BAKXYAIAOY [III ἔκλαγ ον δὲ T ἀνὰ ματρὶ χεῖρας ἔβαλλον: ὁ γὰρ προφανὴς θνα- nw » "4 τοῖσιν ἔχθιστος φόνων" > > > ‘\ “ Ν. ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ δεινοῦ πυρὸς λαμπρὸν διάϊσσεν pé |vos, 55 Ζεὺς ἐπιστάσας pedayxer Ἰθὲς νέφος oBévuey ξανθὰϊν φλόγα. στρ. ε΄. ¥ 297 ψ a . απιστον οὐδέν, O τι θ] εῶν μέ]ριμνὰ τεύχει: τότε Δαλογενὴς ᾿Απόλλων φέρων ἐς Ὑπερβορέους γέροντα 60 σὺν τανισ φύροις κατένασσε κούραις 3 5 ’ 7 , δι᾿ εὐσέβειαν, ὅτι μέγιστα θνατῶν ἐς ἀγαθέαν ἀνέπεμψε ἸΤυθώ. 49 ἔκλαγ]ον. The letter before ON was I or T. 51 ΖΦ. 6va-] A wrote OIA, but then transfixed I, and wrote N above. The lower parts of the letters upos are on fragment 26 K. 51 EBAAAEN A, corr. A’. 53 πυρὸς] 54 διάϊϊσσεν. attendant.’ So in Eur. 770. 820 Gany- mede, the young cupbearer of Zeus, is described as χρυσέαις ἐν οἰνοχοαῖς ἁβρὰ βαίνων, ‘softly moving’ while he ministers. (ἁβροβάτης occurs elsewhere only in Aesch. Pers. 1072, where Xerxes says to the Chorus of Persian elders, γοᾶσθ᾽ aBpoBdra,—z.e. ‘treading softly,’ as in a procession of mourners.) The use of the word here is significant. It shows that Greeks had noted a dainty or mincing gait as characterizing the effeminate palace-slaves of Asiatic princes. That trait would strike a Greek by its strong contrast with the manly bearing and the freedom in movement which Hellenic youth acquired in gymnasium and palaestra. Hence it is easy to understand how ἁβροβάτης could denote, —with only such aid as the context gives here,—an Asiatic attendant. See Ap- pendix. : 49 δόμον, ‘structure’; Nairn cp. Pind. P. 111. 67 ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ τείχει θέσαν ἐν ξυλινῷ | σύγγονοι κούραν (when they placed Coronis on the pyre). 50 ff. ἀνὰ. ἔβαλλον (tmesis), a stronger ἀνεῖχον, lifted in supplication. Cp. 36n. | π--προφανής:: a violent death is bitterest when seen beforehand (instead of being sudden and instantaneous). Cp. Soph. O. C. 1440 προῦπτον “Avénv: Her. IX. 17 προόπτῳ θανάτῳ.---φόνων, forms of violent death (like θανάτων). The plur. φόνοι usu. = ‘slaughters’ (O. C. 1235, etc.). 55 Ζεύς, the cloud-gatherer, the giver of rain or drought (Soph. fr. 481. 4), isa fitter agent than Apollo here. On a red- figured crater by Python (late 4th cent. B.C.) Zeus appears as quencher of a pyre on which Alcmena is about to be burned: he has cast his thunderbolts, and the Hyades are pouring rain on the pile (Journ. Hellen. Studies, vol. X1. pl. 6; see A. 5. Murray 7. p. 226).—In fr. 25 Bacchylides has μελαγκευθὲς εἴδωλον (the shade of Odysseus), where the word seems to mean, ‘ shrouded in gloom’; the spec- tral form is dimly seen. If μελαγκευθὲς was the word here, the verbal element was active rather than passive: ‘a cloud © carrying rain in its dark bosom.’ Our choice is limited by the virtual certainty that the penult. was long (which excludes e.g. μελαμβαθές). κελαινανθές, which Herwerden suggests, had occurred to me 11] kindle the wooden pile. their hands to their mother ; ETTINIKOI 261 The maidens shrieked, and threw up for the violent death which is foreseen is to mortals the most bitter. But when the bright strength of the dread fire began to rush abroad, Zeus brought a dark rain-cloud above it, and began to quench the yellow flame. Nothing is past belief that is wrought by the care of the gods, Then Delos-born Apollo carried the old man to the Hyperboreans, with his daughters of slender ankle, and there gave him rest, in requital of his piety; because of all mortals he had sent up the largest gifts to divine Pytho. The scribe erroneously placed marks of diaeresis on the first I as well as on the second. 55 μελαγκευθὲς K. Herwerden, Blass?. 56 φλόγα Palmer. 60 τανισφύροις MS.: τανυσφύροις Weir Smyth. 58 τεύχει] τεύχῃ 62 ἀνέ- πεμψε Housman and others (ἀν- lost after -av): ἔπεμψε MS. also: but it is not extant, though μελανθής is analogous. 57 ἄπιστον κ.τ.λ. : the γνώμη prefaces the incident, just as in XVI. 117 ff.: cp. Pind. P. x. 48 ff. 58 τεύχει need not be changed to τεύχῃ, though a subjunct. stands in the similar passage, XVII. 118. ὅστις often takes the indicative (instead of subjunct. with ἄν) in a relative sentence expressing a general condition: Soph. Amz. 178 f. doris... | μὴ τῶν ἀρίστων ἅπτεται Bovdev- μάτων : Thuc. 11. 64 86 οἵτινες... ἥκιστα λυποῦνται. Δαλογενής: the Ionian island-poet might naturally associate Apollo with his chief Ionian shrine. (In fr. 12 he says, ὦ περικλειτὲ AG’, ἀγνοήσειν μὲν οὔ σ᾽ ἔλπομαι.) But the epithet has a special fitness here. Delian legend connected Delos with the earliest offerings of the Ἱὑπερβόρεοι to Apollo (Her. 1v. 32-—35). 59 φέρων ἡ vepBoptois: A passage of ‘some mythological interest. The Hyperborean land is here (as nowhere else) a paradise to which a pious mortal is translated, without dying, by Apollo. It takes the place of the Homeric Ἠλύσιον πεδίον (Od. 4. 563), and of the posthomeric μακάρων νῆσοι (Hes. ΟΖ. 171, Pind. Ο. 1. 78), in the Far West. Pindar describes the Hyperboreans as δᾶμον ᾿Απόλλωνος θεράποντα (O. III. 13—16), who worship him with sacrifice, feast, and praise (2. X. 29 ff.). He clearly thinks of them as dwelling ‘beyond Boreas’ (cp. /. v. 23). Among them, Apollo passes his ἀποδημίαι from his southern shrines. Argive legend sent Heracles, Perseus, and lo thither,—but only as visitors.—As to the origin of the ‘Hyperborean’ legend, see Appendix. 60 τανισφύροις, with slender ankles.— The ms. has the wrong spelling rav- (instead of the correct ravv-) again in V. 59 (τανισφύρου) and X. 55 (τανίφυλλον). The poet may have preferred that spelling in order to avoid the occurrence of v in two successive syllables, as he avoids such a recurrence of α (see II. 1, n. on Φήμα). In Od. 13. 102 (etc.) the mss. have τανύφυλλος, and in Hom. hymn. Cer. 2 τανύσφυρον. 62 ἀγαθέαν, ‘divine’: an epithet ap- plied only to A/aces connected with gods, —as to Pytho in Hes. 7heog. 499, Pind. P. 1X. 77. It probably comes from ἀγα (&ya-v, cp. ἀγήνωρ) and deo. ἀνέπεμψε, as to a sacred metropolis (cp. Polyb. I. 7 ἀναπεμφθέντων εἰς τὴν Ρώμην). Herodotus (1. 51 f.), in speaking of the gifts sent to Delphi by Croesus, says ἀπέπεμψε (thrice) or ἀπέπεμπε, ---ἰ πε fitting word from a Lydian point of view, as ἀνέπεμψε is from that of a Greek. epode 4. str. 5. ant. 5. [111 262 BAKXYAIAOY ὅσοι ye μὲν Ἑλλάδ᾽ ἔχουσιν, οὔτις, ὦ μεγαίνητε Ἱέρων, θελήσει 65 ἐπ. ε. φάμ]εν σέο πλείονα χρυσὸν Λοξίᾳ πέμψαι βροτῶν. εὖ λέγειν πάρεστιν, ὅσ- τις μὴ φθόνῳ πιαίνεται, θεοφιλῆ φίλιππον ἄνδρ᾽ ἀρήϊον, Ἴο τεθμ͵]ζου σκᾶπτρον Διὸς στρ. ς΄. ἰοπλόϊκων τε μέροϊς ἔχοντ]α Μουσᾶν' ὡς δ᾽ ἐν] Μαλέᾳ ποτέ, ἰ χεῖμα δαίμων ἐπ᾽ ἔθῆ]νος ἐφάμερον αἰἷψ᾽ ἵησι. καίρι]α σκοπεῖς: βραχὺς ἄμμιν αἰών" 75 avr. ς΄. δολό)εσσα δ᾽ ἐλπὶς ὑπ[ὸ κέαρ δέδυκεν ἐφαμ]ερίων: ὁ δ᾽ ava€ [᾿Απόλλων ὁ βουκόΪλος εἶπε Φέρητος υἷι: 68 ὅσοι γε μὲν] ye added by Wilamowitz, Blass and others.—The paragraphus, which should follow 64, is wrongly placed in the Ms. after 63. is a faint trace of E before N.—[{o]éo Palmer. faint trace after w might belong either to I or to N. Platt, a.o.: the trace before EIN suits either I or T. Palmer.—ialverac A: m added above by A®. and Blass?. 65 φάμεν Thomas. There 66 βροτῶν Nairn: βροτῷ K. The 67 f£. εὖ | λέγειν Blass, (εὐλογεῖν Jurenka.)—és | τις μὴ 69 θεοφιλῇ Herwerden : so Jurenka, (εὐθαλῆ Β1.1)---ἀρήϊον Blass: an apostrophe is traceable after ἄνδρ᾽ : one fragment supplies pyro and another (21 b) the final v. daptov) : ὀλβ]ίου Jurenka, which is too little for the space. 70 ....1OT] τεθμ]ίου Blass (or 71 The letters -a Mov, 63 ὅσοι ye μὲν ϊλλάδ᾽ txovew,—as distinguished from non-Hellenes; the poet is not prepared to say that Hieron had surpassed Croesus: hence ye is right. Remark that pév, added to ye here, merely emphasizes the limitation (as in ἐγὼ μέν, etc.). This is not the Ionic γε μέν in the sense of ye μήν (‘however,’ //. 2. 703 etc., Her. vil. 152), which occurs below in ν. go. 64 ὦ μεγαίνητε “Iépwv. The hiatus before Ἱέρων, with lengthening of ε, is remarkable. A strong aspiration of i would help to explain it; and there may be also a metrical reason, viz., a slight pause after the fifth foot. In 92 (Μοῦσά νιν τρέφει. “Ἱέρων, σὺ δ᾽ ὄλβου) the hiatus occurs at the same place; but there the full stop after τρέφει makes a difference. That verse may, however, make us more cautious in assuming that v. 64 is corrupt. (Wilamowitz suggests ὦ μεγαίνητ᾽ ὦ: A. Ludwich, ὦ yey’ αἰνηθείς.)---Τέρων (like ἱερός) never had fF. 65 ξ. φάμεν (Acolic)=gdva, Pind. O. I. 35, ΠΙ. 38, WV. VII. 19.----ΟΛοξίᾳ: a title given to Apollo especially in his oracular character, owing to the popular derivation from λοξός (‘ oblique,’ in ref. to indirect, ambiguous responses): Soph. Ὁ. 7. 853 n.). ᾿ 67 2. εὖ λέγειν πάρεστιν... ὅστις μὴ κιτιλ. The antecedent to ὅστις is τούτῳ understood (cp. Soph. Ant. 35 f. ὃς ἂν τούτων τι δρᾷ, φόνον πρόκεισθαι) : ‘any man who is not envious may well praise,’ εἴς.---πιαίνεται, battens on envy, feeds his heart on it: Pind. P. 11. 55 Woyepov ᾿Αρχίλοχον, βαρυλόγοις ἔχθεσιν | πιαινό- μενον. 69 θεοφιλῆ suits the space, and is appropriate: cp. IV. I—3, and Vv. I (εὔμοιρε. Pind. Z v. 65 f. πόλιν | θεοφιλῆ: Plat. Phileb. 39 E δίκαιος ἀνὴρ καὶ εὐσεβὴς... ap’ ob θεοφιλής ἐστιν; 70 τεθμίου, Doric for θεσμίου (Pind. 117 ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟ! 263 But of all who now live in Hellas there is not one, illustrious Hieron, who will say that he has sent more gold to Loxias than thou hast. Well may any man, who does not batten on envious thoughts, praise the favourite of the gods, the lover of horses, the warrior, who bears the sceptre of justice-guarding Zeus, and has fellowship with the Muses of violet locks. [Ὁ But, as oft at Malea, the god sends sudden stress of trouble on the children of a day. Thou lookest to the needs of the time: our life is short ;] but deceitful Hope has crept into the hearts of men, children of a day. Yet the lord Apollo [, the shepherd,] said to the son of Pheres :-— with wy (the last of v. 72) below, are on fr.21a@: -σᾶν on fr. 21 ὁ (placed by Blass). 72 ποτί(ε) is certain: as in v. 23 a later hand has indicated a correction of II into Καὶ (xore).—Before QN (fr. 21 a) there are distinct traces of an upright stroke, with a slight trace of a stroke joining this from the left; M is possible, but doubtful. 73 The trace before OC is merely an upright stroke, | , but such as to suggest N.— On fr. 21 a, below the final QN of 72, there is a very faint trace (little more than a dot) of the bottom of a letter which was the last of v. 73. that it was I: but N is equally possible. deleted (σ ?). Wilamowitz. to it. 77 Blass thinks 74 After σκοπεῖς something has been 75 δολόεσσα.. ὑπὸ κέαρ δέδυκεν J.: δολόεσσα.. ὑποφέρει μερίμνας 97 oo AOC] The A is not quite certain, but the traces point ὁ βουκόλος con]. K.: ἐὼν φίλος Blass: ἑκαβόλος 7.---(τοιόν δ᾽ ἔπος Wilamowitz: τοιοῦτ᾽ ἔπος Jurenka: but even if II could be assumed, the space is too small for this.) —vit Platt, Wackernagel (vif Wilam.). NV. ΧΙ. 27 éoprav Ἡρακλέος τέθμιον) : the Zeus of law and justice, under whom Hieron is the guardian of civic order: cp. IV. 3 ἀστύθεμίν θ᾽ 'Τέρωνα : Pind. O. I. 12 (Hieron) θεμιστεῖον ὃς ἀμφέπει oxamrov. But θέσμιος does not elsewhere occur as an epithet of Zeus (nor does δάμιος, the other word suggested by Blass). ξεινίου (Nairn) seems too special for the context. 71 μέρος ἔχοντα Μουσᾶν : cp. n. on I. 41. Hieron was said to have been, like Gelon, utterly indifferent to μουσική and literature, until the enforced leisure of an illness gave him a love for them, which thenceforth was ardent. (Aelian V. H. 4. 15: ἐπεὶ δὲ αὐτῷ συνηνέχθη νοσῆσαι, μουσικώτατος ἀνθρώπων ἐγένετο.) .72-- 14 All that is certain as to the sense of these mutilated verses is that they formed a transition from the theme of Hieron’s achievements (69—71) to that of the brevity and insecurity of life (75—92). It would seem that the letters MAAEAI must be either (1) Madég, or (2) part of δειμαλέᾳ or ῥωμαλέᾳ. (1) Malea was a proverbial terror to sailors (Strabo Vill. p. 378). This ode was written after .for solace from the Muses.’ the Olympian festival of 468 : Hieron died of his disease in 467. At this time (as verses 85—g2 hint) it must have been known that he could not live long. Verses 72 f., as I tentatively restore them above, would express a general γνώμη (‘trouble oft comes suddenly on mortals’), epode 5. str. 6. ant. 6. veiling a reference to the fact that Hieron’s _ malady had lately become worse. καί- pia σκοπεῖς would be a tribute to his fortitude and resignation: he is calmly taking such measures as his state requires. Such a context would certainly agree well with the tone of 75—92.—(2) If the word in 72 was (δει)μαλέᾳ (with χειρί), the sense may have been: ‘ formerly thy hand was terrible in battle; but now thou lookest See Ap- pendix, where both alternatives are more fully examined. 75 Sodderoa δ᾽ ἐλπὶς κιτιλ. In the immediately preceding words the poet had said, in effect, ‘life is short and uncertain.’ Azt hope beguiles men into looking for an indefinite term of pros- perity. 77 Apollo served as βουφορβός to Admetus, son of Pheres, and king of [ΠῚ αρύω: βαθὺς μὲν Ἱέρων, σὺ δ᾽ ὄλβου 264 BAKXYAIAOY Col. 5 θνατὸν εὖντα χρὴ διδύμους ἀέξειν : ᾿ ΄ Ψ > ¥ »¥ ἐπ. ς΄. γνώμας, OTL T αὔριον οψεαι 8ο μοῦνον ἁλίου φάος, χὧτι πεντήκοντ᾽ ἔτεα ζωὰν βαθύπλουτον τελεῖς. 9 “A » ’, “Ὁ Ν ὅσια δρῶν εὔφραινε θυμόν: τοῦτο yap κερδέων ὑπέρτατον. 85 στρ. ζ΄. φρονέοντι συνετὰ αἰθὴρ ἀμίαντος: ὕδωρ δὲ πόντου ᾿οὐ σάπεται: εὐφροσύνα δ᾽ ὁ χρυσός" ἀνδρὶ δ᾽ οὐ θέμις, πολιὸν πί αρ͵)έντα 3 , Li 4 > > : , ἀντ. ζ. γῆρας, θάλειαν αὖτις ἀγκομίσσαι ν 3 a Ν > ’ 90 ἥβαν. ἀρετᾶϊς γε μ)ὲν οὐ μινύθει βροτῶν ἅμα σώμα τι φέγγος, ἀλλὰ Μοῦσά νιν τρέφει. ἐπ. ζ. κάλλιστ᾽ ἐπεδὶ εἰξ Ιαο θνατοῖς ἄνθεα: πράξαϊντι] δ᾽ εὖ 78 ETTAN A—a corrector (A??) added N above the line between T and T, and transfixed the final N. 91 σώματι J. K. Ingram. 88 παρέντα J. 89 ATKOMICAI ms.: corr. K. Pherae in Thessaly; having been doomed by Zeus to become a mortal’s thrall, because he had slain the Cyclopes (Eur. Ak. 1—8). Kenyon’s supplement, ὁ βουκόλος, is very attractive.—vit: the last syllable of this verse must be short. Cp. XII. 100 υἷας. 78 εὖντα-- ἐόντα: rare, but found in Theocr. 11. 3. Cp. XVIII. 23n. ἀέξειν, make to grow, ‘nourish’: Od. 17. 489 ἐν μὲν κραδίῃ μέγα πένθος ἄεξε. 79—82 ὅτι τ᾽ αὔριον κιτιλ. This isa general precept from a friendly god. (It was he who, when the time approached for Admetus to die, persuaded the Moirae to accept another life in exchange: Eur. Ak. g—14.) ‘Be prepared to die to- morrow :—use your time as if you had none to spare. But reflect also that you may live for many years,—and exercise forethought accordingly.’ πεντήκοντ᾽ ἔτεα, acc. of duration, ‘for fifty (z.e. an indefinite number of) years’: there is no allusion to Hieron’s actual age. βαθύπλουτον (used by Aesch. and Eur.) like βαθύδοξος (Pind. P. τ. 66), etc. Cp. Soph. Az. 130 μακροῦ πλούτου βάθει. —redeis, accomplish, carry on to its goal. 88 ὅσια Spav εὔφραινε θυμόν : 7.4. so long as you are doing your duty to gods and men, keep a cheerful spirit, and enjoy the present aright, without counting on the future. This is in a higher strain than carpe dient. 85- 87 φρονέοντι συνετὰ yapiw. Veiled counsels of resignation and of comfort to the moribund Hieron. These three verses are remarkable for the open imitation of Pindar. With φρονέοντι x.7.A. cp. φωνάεντα cuveroiow (O. τι. 93, 476 B.C.). The short clauses (from βαθὺς to χρυσὸς) copy Pindar’s abruptness, and his splendour: cp. O. τ. 1 ff. (also of 476 Β.6.), ἄριστον μὲν ὕδωρ᾽ ὁ δὲ χρυσὸς αἰθόμενον πῦρ ἅτε δια- πρέπει k.T.X. But the strain hardly suits Bacchylides: a lapse comes at the tame word εὐφροσύνα (which has to mean, ‘a joy for ever’). Blass, indeed, in his IIT] ETTINIKOI 265 ‘As a mortal, thou must nourish each of two forebodings ;— that to-morrow’s sunlight will be the last that thou shalt see; epode 6. or that for fifty years thou wilt live out thy life in ample wealth. Act righteously, and be of a cheerful spirit: that is the supreme gain.’ I speak words of meaning for the wise: the depths of air str. 7. receive no taint; the waters of the sea are incorrupt; gold is a joy: but for a man it is not lawful to pass by hoary eld, and to recover the bloom of youth. Yet the radiance of manly ant. 7. worth wanes not with the mortal body; it is cherished by the Muse. O Hieron, thou hast shown to mankind the fairest flowers of good fortune. epode 7. Toward one who has so prospered, 2nd ed., changes it to a word which is not extant, εὐχροσύνα (as=‘a glory of colour’); citing Theognis 451 f. rod (gold) χροιῆς καθύπερθε μέλας οὐχ ἅπτεται ids, | οὐδ᾽ εὐρώς, αἰεὶ δ᾽ ἄνθος ἔχει καθαρόν. 88 παρέντα: a mortal cannot 245: by old age, and enter (after middle life) on a second youth. Cp. Plat. Rep. 460 Ε ἐπειδὰν τὴν ὀξυτάτην δρόμου ἀκμὴν παρῇ, ‘when a man has passed that moment in life’s course when the passions are keenest.’ Soph. O. C. 1229 εὖτ᾽ ἂν τὸ νέον παρῇ, when he has seen youth go by.—The initial being certain, the only alternative is mpoévra: which would be required to mean, ‘having let go,’ ‘having given up,’ old age; a sense which, even if it were satisfactory, would rather demand προέμενον. Further, the space in the papyrus seems too large for προέντα: in this MS. the letter O takes up less room than A. ΘΟ ἀρετᾶς ye μέν. Here ye μὲν is equivalent to the Attic ye μήν, ‘however’: cp. 63 n. The ms. has μινύθει, ~~-— where we expect ~--. The ode contains seven strophes and seven antistrophes. There are therefore thirteen verses which answer metrically to this. In two of them (72 and 76) the ending is lost. In all the other eleven, a bacchius (~——) and not an anapaest, answers to μινύθει. And to these eleven, verse 76 may be added, since ᾿Απόλλων is practically certain there. The probabilities, then, are very strongly against a solitary exception here; even if such a variation was admissible. Crusius and Blass hold that the substitution of -~~- for -~-—- in this place of the verse was legitimate. They refer to Alcman’s partheneion (Bergk, vol. 111. 30 ff.). There we have remains of seven strophes. Of these, strophes 1, 3, and 7 end with -~~-, while 4, 5, and 6 end with —~-—-. (The close of strophe 2 is lost.) Bergk suggests, however, that in Alcman’s poem these clausu/ae were not freely interchangeable; but that he varied the measure in the last verse of his strophe by rule, on some plan connected with the nature of the subject-matter. In any case, it seems rash to take the Aleman fragment (in which much is obscure) as a sufficient warrant for the isolated anomaly here. I have little doubt that μινύθει is corrupt. The poet may have written μινύνθη or μινύθη (a gnomicaor.). ἐμινύθη is the vulg. reading, though a doubtful one, in Hippocr. 3. 63 and 3. 219. Cp. v. 151. No pres. μινύνω or μινύνθω is extant. 92 ff. τρέφει. ‘“Iépwv. On the hiatus, see v. ὅᾳ π.--ὄλβου.. ἄνθεα: cp. Pind. P. x. 17 f. ἕποιτο μοῖρα... | .. πλοῦτον ἀνθεῖν σφίσιν : ἢ. 4. 131 εὐζῴας ἄωτον. 94 πράξαντι δ᾽ εὖ κιτ.λ. Silence is not meet in the case of (in regard to) one who has prospered. Cp. v. 187—190, χρὴ δ᾽ ἀλαθείας χάριν | αἰνεῖν... | εἴ τις εὖ πράσσοι Bporav.—The dative would more naturally denote the person who ought not to be silent (Soph. 4z. 293 γυναιξὶ κόσμον ἣ σιγὴ φέρει) : but εὖ πράξαντι cannot here refer to the poet. 266 BAKXYAIAOY [ II, IV 95 ov φέρει κόσμον σιω- πά: σὺν δ᾽ ἀλαθείᾳ καλῶν »Ἱ ’ὔ ε ΄ ’, καὶ μελιγλώσσου τις ὑμνήσει χάριν Κηΐας ἀηδόνος. IV. TQ! AYTQI TTYOIA. ¢ στρ. a, :- Ἔτι Συρακοσίαν φιλεῖ 2 πόλιν ὁ χρυσοκόμας ᾿Απόλλων, 3 ἀστύθεμίν θ᾽ Ἱέρωνα γεραίρει:" 4 τρίτον γὰρ παρ᾽ ὀμφαλὸν ὑψιδείρου χθονὸς 5 Πυθιόνικ[ os ἀείδε)ται. 6 ὠκυπόδ᾽ ὧν ἀρετᾷ] σὺν ἵππων. 7 παρὰ δ᾽ ἐὕὔρροον ᾿Αλφεὸν 8 dis " Ἥρας (ρ)ου cb puBi jas ἀλέκτωρ 9 γέρας Event ἑκόν τι νόῳ, το πρευμενὴς δ᾽ ἐπάκουεν ὕμνους στρ. β΄. : κελαδέοντας, οἷς ἰσό 2 ροπον ἔχοντα Aik jas τάλαντον Col. 6 96 καλέων Jurenka. id ’ > > ’ cs 3 Δεινομένεός κ᾽ €yepal ipo lev υἱόν. 98 In ἀηδόνος the scribe had written O for A, but corrected it. Iv. The title, in minuscule letters, has been added (by A*?) in the left margin. IMMIOIC is inserted by K. στεφάνοις W. Christ. 8 AC AAEKTOP] Blass?, 4 The faint traces after TAP indicate II rather than A, z.e. map’ (Blass) rather than ἀμφ᾽ 6 ἀρετᾷ Crusius, καμάτῳ K.: who writes ds, finds an 96 σὺν δ᾽ ἀλαθείᾳ καλῶν: ‘and along with his (Hieron’s) genuine glories’ (lit. ‘reality of glories’) ‘men will praise also the charm of the melodious nightin- gale of Ceos.’ For this sense of καλά, cp. Il. 6: for ἀλαθείᾳ, Thuc. vi. 33 §1 τοῦ ἐπίπλου τῆς ἀληθείας, the ‘reality’ of it. We have already found in this poem a trace of Pindar’s first Olympian (85 ff.,n.). In the last words of that ode, Pindar links his own fame with Hieron’s: εἴη σέ τε τοῦτον ὑψοῦ χρόνον πατεῖν, ἐμέ τε τοσσάδε νικαφόροις | ὁμιλεῖν, πρόφαντον σοφίᾳ καθ᾽ “Ἕλληνας ἐόντα παντᾷ. Bac- chylides does the like here, only in his gentler Ionian fashion. If καλῶν were the participle, the sense would be: ‘and calling (the poet) so with truth, men will praise the charm of the..nightingale of Ceos.’ But then we should expect καλέων : cp. VII. 40 ὑμνέων, and (without synizesis) Vv. 152 ὀλιγοσθε- νέων, XII. 118 κλονέων. In I. 34, certainly, we find βολοῖ (-- βολέοι.. The presump- tion, however, is in favour of καλῶν being the noun. IV. 8 ἀστύθεμιν, ‘just ruler of cities.’ dorv- here defines the relation of θέμις : the compound means, ‘concerned with (upholding) themis in the city’: cp. Hymn. Hom. 5. 103 θεμιστοπόλων Bact- Ajwv.—See on Ill. 70. Ill, Iv] ETTINIKOI 267 silence is not meet. And along with thy genuine glories men se praise also the charm of the sweet singer, the nightingale of Ceos. IV. For Hieron, victor in the four-horse chariot-race at Delphi. Still is Syracuse dear to Apollo of the golden locks; still does he honour Hieron, just ruler of cities, who now for the third time, at earth’s central shrine beneath the lofty cliffs, is hymned as a Pythian victor, through the prowess of his swift steeds. [Twice, too, by the fair stream of Alpheus, was the prize given to him with good will by Hera’s wide-ruling lord; and graciously did Zeus hearken to those resounding songs wherewith] we used to honour the son of Deinomenes, who holds the scales of Justice in even poise. apostrophe before it: but Kenyon does not think that the faint trace suits an apostrophe. 11 2. Blass inserts frag. 19 K., which gives parts of the endings of two verses, viz. ICOP, and below that ACTAAAN. ἰσόρροπον Headlam: Blass’. 18 Δεινομένεός κ᾿] The κ᾽ is clear and certain.—éyepatpouev] The letters E.EPA... MEN are certain. After the first Εἰ, the top of Τ' is also traceable. 4 τρίτον. This victory with the τέθριππον was gained by Hieron at the Pythia of 470 B.c. He had twice been victorious there with the κέλης, viz. in 482 and 478. He had also won with the κέλης at Olympia in 476 and 472. 6 ὄν: Pind. P. xI. 9 Πυθῶνά re kal..yas ὀμφαλόν: Soph. O. 7. 398 τὸν ἄθικτον yas ἐπ᾿ ὀμφαλόν. The omphalos in the Delphian temple (Aesch. Zum. 40) was a large white stone, supposed to mark the centre of the earth (Pind. 2}. Iv. 74: Livy 38. 48 Delphos, umbilicum orbis terrarum). ὑψιδείρου, with high ridges or cliffs (δειρή-ε δειράς, Pind. O. IX. 63 Μαιναλίαισιν ἐν Sepais). Above Delphi rise the cliffs which were called Φαιδριάδες, with two peaks (the dirogos _ πέτρα of Soph. Anz. 1126). 6 ἀρετᾷ suits the space. It is slightly prosaic here; yet cp. Pind. x. 23 ποδῶν ἀρετᾷ κρατήσας. Another possible word is ἀέθλοις: cp. Pind. P. ΙΧ. 125 σὺν δ᾽ ἀέθλοις (~~-—)..modGv, and MN. ΙΧ. 9 ἱππίων ἄθλων. We might prefer στεφά- vos, but it is too long for the lacuna. καμάτῳ would be too suggestive of painful toil. For σὺν following its case, cp. Od. 9. 332 ἐμοὶ σὺν μοχλὸν ἀείρας : Pind. NV. x. 48 δρόμῳ σὺν ποδῶν. 7—13 Here there was doubtless a mention of Hieron’s two victories at Olympia, parallel with. the notice of them in the seventh verse of the second strophe (v. 17). In v. 8 ἀλέκτωρ was, I conjecture, Hera’s spouse; as Apollo (v. 2) gives the crown at Delphi, so Zeus at Olympia. Cp. x. 51 f. ξανθᾶς παρέ- Spov σεμνοῦ Διὸς εὐρυβία, n. What Blass takes for a mark of elision before as may be a trace of the accent on evpuBias. (For ἀλέκτωρ = maritus cp. Soph. fr. 767 οὑμὸς δ᾽ ἀλέκτωρ αὐτὸν ἦγε πρὸς μύλην: Lycophron 1094, where Tzetzes explains ἀλεκτόρων by ὁμολέκ- τρων, συζύγων.) I show above, exempli gratia, how vv. 7—g might be restored. In vv. 11, 12 Blass places fr. 19 K., containing the letters I(?)COP, and below them ACTAAAN, which he completes thus :—loép-|porov ἔχοντα Δίκας τάλαν- τον. This collocation of the fragment can scarcely be deemed certain ; but it is possible. In v. 13 Blass deletes the κ᾿ of the Ms. after Aevouéveos. But, even if, str. 2. str. 2. 268 BAKXYAIAOY [Iv, V +s πάρεστίν νιν ἀγχιάλοισ[ι Kpio jas μυχοῖς 15 5 μοῦνον ἐπιχθονίων τάδε 6 μησάμενον στεφάνοις ἐρέπτειν 4 > > ’ 7 δύο τ ὀλυμπιονίκας τί φέρτερον ἢ θεοῖσιν δον 8 ἀείδειν. ο φίλον ἐόντα παντοῖὶ δα πῶν 20 τὸ λαγχάνειν amo μοῖραν ἐσ Ἰθλῶν; V. : Evpoupe Συρακοσίων. c 2 ἱπποδινήτων στραταγέ, 3γνώσει μὲν ἰοστεφάνων + Μοισᾶν γλυκύδωρον ἄγαλμα, τῶν γε νῦν » 5 αἵ τις ἐπιχθονίων, 14 IIAPECTIAN] πάρεστίν νιν (with τρίτον yap wap’ in 4) Blass: πάρεστι μὰν Wilam.—AITXIAAOIC. Between this word and {with...dug¢ in 4): or πάρεστι viv ACMTYXOIC there is room for at least five letters; probably for six (assuming one or as Blass thinks, κ᾿ was made from another letter (€?),—which is doubtful,—we are not warranted in deleting it ; 3 least of all in a mutilated passage. κ᾽ ἐγεραίρομεν may mean, ‘we used to honour’; im- plying that, on each of the two occasions when Hieron won at Olympia, there were several songs in his praise. The alter- native explanation of ke would be to ~ understand it in the ordinary conditional sense :—‘ (If we had not been unavoidably prevented,) we should have been honour- ing Hieron.’ The poet would then be excusing himself for absence from the celebration of Hieron’s Pythian victory; or, perhaps, for not having sent some worthier tribute than this short song. In view of the whole context, however, this interpretation seems less probable. In v. Io ὕμνους are presumably songs sung at Olympia. With these data, vv. 10 and 11 might be tentatively completed somewhat in the manner suggested above. For ἰσόρροπον... Δίκας τάλαντον cp. XVI. 251. Δίκας ῥέπει τάλαντον (with n. there). Praise for even-handed justice was naturally acceptable to a τύραννος, more especially, perhaps, if his claim to it was disputable; and in Hieron’s case that praise is frequently given or implied. See above, v. 3: III. 70: V. 6 (εὐθύδικον): Pind. O. I. 12; VI. 93 ff.: 25. 111. 70 ff.— See Appendix. 14—18 πάρεστίν viv seems a true correction of the Ms. παρ᾽ ἑστίαν. (The form of A in the Ms. would help a change of N into A.) This assumes τρίτον γὰρ παρ᾽ in v. 4. If, instead of παρ᾽, ἀμφ᾽ stood there, wdpeort νῦν could stand here. But we note that theeighthv. of the strophe also begins with ~—— (v. 18, ἀείδειν). The sense is:—‘We can crown him with wreaths as one who, alone of men, has compassed these triumphs in the recesses of Crisa near the sea (=at Delphi); and also sing of two Olympian victories.’ vTade,—three equestrian victories at Delphi,—a record which the poet avers to be unique. The point of νῦν is exultation in the total of Hieron’s vic- tories at the two greatest festivals. παρ᾽ ἑστίαν, if sound, would mean either ‘40’ or ‘ at’ (cp. Ix. 29 f.) Hieron’s hearth. Intrinsically this is quite possible. IV, V] ETTINIKOI 269 We can crown him with wreaths as one who, alone of mortals, has compassed such deeds in the hill-girt vale of Crisa by the sea, while we can sing also of two Olympian victories. What is better than to find favour with the gods, and to receive a full portion of blessings in every kind? V. To Heron, victor in the horse-race at Olympia. (476 B.C.) Blest war-lord of Syracuse, city of whirling chariots, thou, if any mortal, wilt rightly estimate the sweet gift brought in thy honour by the Muses of violet crown. more to be thin). The letter next before AC may have been either P or C : all that remains of it is a short curving stroke from the ἰορ.---ἀγχιάλοισιν Αἴτνας K.: ἀγχιάλοισι Κούρας Wilam.: Κρίσας J.: Képpas Blass? (Caias,=Delphi, Blt): γαίας Jurenka. 20 ἐσθλῶν Wilam., Blass: ἀέθλων K. Ἧς The Ms. omits the title, which is supplied by K. In the other cases (odes 1, IX, XII, XV) where the title is wanting the MS. is mutilated. But ἐρέπτειν and ἀείδειν cannot tolerably be made infinitives of purpose (‘27 order to crown,’ etc.). Given παρ᾽ ἑστίαν, they must be governed by some verb or participle of ‘wishing’ or ‘ purposing.’ But that must have preceded v. 13. And on such a hypothesis, the sentence as a whole becomes extremely complex and cumbrous, in a manner foreign to this poet. With πάρεστι, on the other hand, the construction is clear and simple. The diction is also characteristic: see Ill. 65 εὖ λέγειν πάρεστιν (n.). Κρίσας μυχοῖς, with μησάμενον. Crisa was about two miles w.s.w. of Delphi. Cp. Pind. P. vi. 17 f. εὔδοξον ἅρματι νίκαν | Κρισαίαις ἑνὶ πτυχαῖς. Soph. 251 180 (of Orestes at Delphi) ὁ τὰν Κρῖσαν | βούνομον ἔχων dxrdv,—which illustrates ἀγχιάλοισι.---8εε Appendix. 17 ὀλυμπιονίκας from ὀλυμπιονίκη, a word used by Antiphon, fr. 131 ὀλυμπιο- νῖκαι καὶ πυθιονῖκαι καὶ οἱ τοιοῦτοι ἀγῶνες. 18 ff. θεοῖσιν φίλον ἐόντα: such prosperity is indeed enviable when it is conferred dy the favour of the gods, and not gained by unworthy means.—trayto- ϑαπώῶν.. ἐσθλῶν, ‘good things of every kind.’ To power, wealth, warlike fame, Hieron added success in the games.—If we read ἀέθλων, the range of the thought would be. too narrow, and παντοδαπῶν (bearing its local sense) too wide. Cp. v.50 (of Hieron) ὄλβιος ᾧτινι θεὸς | μοῖράν τε καλῶν ἔπορεν K.T-A.— άνειν ἄπο-Ξ- ἀπολαγχάνειν (to receive a full portion). The preposition after the verb in tmesis is very rare. J/. 2. 699 τότε δ᾽ ἤδη ἔχεν κάτα γαῖα μέλαινα. ν 4 3 ὑμνεῖν, κνανοπλοκάμου θ᾽ ἕκατι Νίκας ¥ «χαλκεοστέρνου τ᾽ “Apyos, 35 5 Δεινομένευς ἀγέρω- 6 χοι παῖδες: εὖ ἔρδων δὲ μὴ κάμοι θεός. 22 TACCONTI A: the first T corrected to II, and T added above the line (by .4.3}). 23 φόβῳ] ΦΟΙΒΩΙ ms. 24 METAAAIC A: I transfixed (by A??). 26 NQ- MAI A: the I has been transfixed, either by the scribe himself (as seems probable), or aetus) ‘is of a rich dark brown, with the elongated feathers of the neck, especially on the nape, light tawny, in which imagi- nation sees a golden hue.’ (Prof. Alfred Newton in γε, Brit. Vil. p- 590.) 20 ἐρισφαράγου : epithet of Poseidon (Γαιηόχου) in Hom. hymn. 3. 187. Pindar also used the word (Eustath. on ’ Od. « p. 1636. 7). 22 dpvixes. The forms from the stem ὀρνιχ-, always used by Pindar, occur also in Alcman (fr. 54), and Theocritus (5. 48, 7. 47). The Alexandrians called this inflexion Aeolic (cp. Meister Gr. Dialekte, p. 152): it was also Doric. 26 2. δυσπαίπαλα κύματα, waves which offer a rough and difficult path to the mariner. (Compare Marlowe’s phrase in Dido 1. 3, | Neptune’s hideous hills.’) δυσπαίπαλος (formed from παιπάλλω, Hesych., =celw) occurs in Archil. fr. 115 βήσσας. ὀρέων δυσπαιπάλους: Nicander Ther. 145 δυσπαίπαλος Οθρυς. The Ho- meric παιπαλόεις is similarly applied to hills, rocky islands, and steep or rugged paths. νωμᾶται.... λεπτότριχα.... ἔθειραν, he plies his wing of delicate plumage. The place of the words σὺν ζεφύρου πνοιαῖσιν shows that ἔθειραν depends on the verb, and must not be taken as acc. of respect with dplyvwros. The middle of νωμᾶν occurs elsewhere only in Quint. Smyrn. 3. 439 οὐ γάρ τις πίσυνός ye σάκος μέγα νωμήσασθαι: but there is no reason for suspecting it here. It was read by the schol. on Hes. Zheog. 116 (see cr. n.). In Soph. fr. 855. 11 I would read νωμᾷ τ᾽ ἐν olwvoict που κείνη πτερόν (vulg. τοὐκείνης, but one MS. of Stobaeus has τοῦ κείνη : and Κύπρις is the subject of the preceding sentences in the frag.). Cp. also Anth. 9. 339 & ποτε παμφαίνοντι μέλαν πτερὸν αἰθέρι νωμῶν. ἀτρύτῳ, ‘illimitable’; a sense derived from that of ‘inexhaustible.’ Cp. vill. 80 ἄτρυτον χρόνον (‘ unending’). Arist. De Caelo 2, Ρ. 284 a 35 ᾿Ἰξίονός τινα μοῖραν «ἀΐδιον καὶ ἄτρυτον. Theocr. Xv. 7 ἁ δ᾽ ὁδὸς ἄτρυτος. In the citation by schol. Hes. Zheog. 116 ἀτρυγέτῳ is evidently an error, due probably to the second T of v] ETTINIKOI 273 messenger of wide-ruling Zeus the lord of thunder, trusts boldly to his mighty strength; the shrill-voiced birds crouch in fear of him; the heights of the wide earth stay him not, nor the rough, steep waves of the unwearied sea; he plies his wing of delicate plumage in the illimitable void, sped by the breath of the west wind, conspicuous in the sight of men. And so for me a boundless course is open on every side epode τ. to hymn your prowess, ye lordly sons of Deinomenes, by grace of Victory, dark-haired queen, and of Ares with bronze-clad breast. by A’. πνοιϊαῖσιν Weil, a. o. Palmer. May Heaven weary not of blessing you ! 27 darptry] Schol. Hes. 7heog. 116 Βακχυλίδης δὲ χάος τὸν ἀέρα ὠνόμασε, λέγων περὶ τοῦ ἀετοῦ" νωμᾶται δ᾽ ἐν ἀτρυγέτῳ xdeu. 31 ΜΟΙ Ms.: ἐμοὶ Blass. 35 £. The Ms. places dyépwxo wholly in 35: corr. K. Cp. 75 f.: 115 f. 28 f. IINO|AICIN ms.: 88 TMNEI ms.: corr. ἀτρύτῳ having become I’: ἀτρύγῳ would lead to ἀτρυγέτῳ. χάει, the ‘void,’ as a poetical term for ‘space,’ or ‘the air’: a usage which occurs first in Ibycus (flor. εἴγε. 550 B.C.), fr. 28 ποτᾶται δ᾽ ἐν ἀλλοτρίῳ χάει. It is possible, indeed, (though we can scarcely assume this,) that the schol. on Ar. Az. 192, who quotes the words, confused Ibycus with Bacchylides, and intended this passage. Bergk suggests that ἀλλοτρίῳ may have been a slip of the scholiast’s, due to the verse on which he comments, διὰ τῆς πόλεως τῆς ἀλλοτρίας Kai τοῦ χάους. It might also be a corruption of ἀμέτρῳ (AA for M). 29 f. dplyvwros per ἀνθρώποις. In v. 14 the δέ after ἐθέλει seems clearly in- dispensable, and is therefore presumably genuine. An asyndeton there would be unendurable. That is the reason against deleting per’ here. (μέγ᾽ would be weak, and οἰωνοῖς for ἀνθρώποις is improbable.) But the phrase ἀρίγνωτος μετ᾽ ἀνθρώποις, as applied to the soaring bird, can be explained only as a bit of rather careless writing. The thought in the writer’s mind is that the eagle’s flight is ‘much noted among men’; 2.6. a number of men follow his course with their eyes.—t8etv, not ὁρᾶν, because the poet thinks of the moment at which the eagle sails into view. $1 τὼς is used by the epic poets and by Aesch. (cp. Suppl. 61 τὼς καὶ ἐγὼ), but not by Pindar. μυρία πάντᾳ κέλευθος : cp. VIII. 47 f-: XVIII. I πάρεστι μυρία κέλευθος | ἀμβροσίων μελέων. In one of his Isthmian odes (111. 19=IV. 1), composed perhaps in 478, and in any J. B. case before this ode of Bacchylides, Pindar writes: ἔστι μοι θεῶν ἕκατι μυρία παντᾷ κέλευθος, | & Μάλισσ᾽, εὐμαχανίαν γὰρ ἔφανας ᾿Ισθμίοις | ὑμετέρας ἀρετὰς ὕμνῳ διώκειν. This is the only instance in which a verbal parallelism between a passage of Bacchylides and an earlier passage of Pindar suffices to prove imitation on the part of the younger poet (cp. p. 65). 88- 86 κυανοπλοκάμου, merely a general epithet for goddesses or heroines; as for Thebe in VIII. 53, and the Proe- tides in X. 83.—€katt, ‘by grace of’: cp. I. 6 f.—Nikas: here, more especially victory in the games.—xaAkeoo-répvov = χαλκοθώρακος. As to the form, see on Ill. 32.— Apyos, alluding chiefly to the victory over the Carthaginians at Himera (480 B.c.), in which Gelon’s glory was shared by his brothers. Simonides fr. 141 φημὶ Τέλων᾽ ‘Tépwva Πολύζηλον Θρασύ- βουλον | παῖδας Δεινομένευς τὸν τρίποδ᾽ ἀνθέμεναι (τοὺς τρίποδας θέμεναι, schol. Pind) 2)... ἀρον, ah Pr URN το ds 79 (470 B.c.), where he speaks of him- self as having sung of Salamis and Plataea, παρὰ δ᾽ εὔυδρον ἀκτὰν Ἱμέρα (the river Himeras) παίδεσσιν ὕμνον Δει- νομένεος τελέσαις | τὸν ἐδέξαντ᾽ dud ἀρετᾷ. Hieron succeeded Gelon in 478. We do not hear of any signal military exploits as having marked the interval between that year and the date of this ode (476). But Hieron had intervened as the protector of Sybaris against Croton (Diod. ΧΙ. 48), and of the Italian Locri against Anaxilas of Rhegium (477 B.c.: schol. Pind. ?, 11.34). See Freeman, Szcily 11. 2337—241- Δεινομένευς...παὶ The collective 19 BAKXYAIAOY [v 274 7 ξανθότριχα μὲν Φερένικον 8. ᾿Αλφεὸν παρ᾽ εὐρυδίναν 9 πῶλον ἀελλοδρόμαν 401 εἶδε νικάσαντα χρυσόπαχυς ᾿Αώς, στρ. β΄. . Πυθῶνί τ᾽ ἐν ἀγαθέᾳ" 2 γᾷ δ᾽ ἐπισκήπτων πιφαύσκω" 3» c= & , Ξοὔπω νιν ὑπὸ προτέρων 4 ἵππων ἐν ἀγῶνι κατέχρανεν κόνις 45 5 πρὸς τέλος ὀρνύμενον᾽ 6 ῥιπᾷ γὰρ ἴσος Βορέα 7 ὃν ,κυβερνήταν φυλάσσων 8. ἵεται νεόκροτον ο νίκαν Ἱέρωνι φιλοξείνῳ τιτύσκων. 501. ὄλβιος ᾧτινι θεὸς 89 ἀελλοδρόμαν] ἀελλοδρόμον schol. Pind. O. 1 argum. (fr. 6 Bergk). 49 ΦΙΛΟΞΕΝΩΙ s.: PEAI A, corr. Al. 46 BO- corr. K. 50—55 ὄλβιος... ἔφυ. address is interesting, because it shows that, so far as the poet knew,—and he was doubtless well-informed, — Hieron was now (in 476) on good terms with both his surviving brothers, Polyzelus and Thrasybulus. But shortly before this date (in 478—477) he appears to have been at enmity with Polyzelus. The latter, according to Diodorus (x1. 48), had sought refuge with Theron of Agrigas, who, on being reconciled to Hieron (in 477—6), τὸν Πολύζηλον εἰς τὴν προῦπάρ- χουσαν εὔνοιαν ἀποκατέστησε. Thus Bac- chylides indirectly confirms Diodorus.— For the form of the genit. Δεινομένευς, ἐὺ ταὶ; ἢ: ἀγέρωχοι : ‘lordly.’ The word has a good sense in Homer (where it is an epithet of the Trojans and other nations, but only once of a single hero, Pericly- menus, in Od. 11. 286); also in Pindar {who applies it to victory, high deeds, wealth, but not to persons). Archilochus (fr. 154) and Alcaeus (fr. 120) are said to have used it in a bad sense (‘overbearing’). The derivation is uncertain: for the theo- ries, see Leaf on //. 2. 654. 37 ξανθότριχα, ‘chestnut.’ In Soph. £1. 705 an Aetolian enters for the chariot race ξανθαῖσι πώλοις. Nestor speaks of having carried off 150 ἵππους ξανθάς from Elis (77. 11. 680). 88 ᾿Αλφεὸν.. εὐρυδίναν: cp. 111. 6 f. 89 πῶλον, not properly ‘colt,’ but merely Ξε ἵππον : cp. Soph. £7. 705 (n.)— 748, where the word has this general sense throughout. At Olympia no special contest for πῶλοι existed before 384 B.C. v, paraphrased in v. 46. ἀελλόπος is the Homeric epithet of Iris (1. 8. 409, etc.): then Simonides (fr. 7) and Pindar (J. I. 6) spoke of ἀελλοπόδων ἵππων: cp. /1. το. 437 θείειν δ᾽ ἀνέμοισιν ὁμοῖοι. 40 χρυσόπαχυς ᾿Αώς, who touches the earth with gold. (Cp. ῥοδοδάκτυλος.) Soph. Ant. 103 f. ὦ χρυσέας | duépas Prépapov.—In XII. 96 ῥοδόϊπαχυν is cer- tain.—The horse-races, like the chariot- races (Soph. Z/. 699 n.), were held early in the morning. 41 IIv0avi τ᾽ ἐν ἀγαθέᾳ. Hieron had won with a κέλης at Delphi in 482 and 478 B.C. Pherenicus was certainly the κέλης in 478; perhaps also in 482; but the only ground for thinking that this horse had won twice at Delphi is the plural στεφάνοις in Pind. PP. Ἴἶἷς. 73 ἴ. στεφάνοις | ods ἀριστεύων Φερένικος EN ἐν Κίρρᾳ ποτέ : which could, however, refer to a single victory. See Introd. to the ode, §1. For ἀγαθέᾳ, cp. 111. 62. 42 γᾷ 8 ἐπισκήπτων, ‘laying (my hand) on the earth,’ calling it to witness: the full phrase occurs in VII. 41, γᾷ δ᾽ ἐπισκήπτων χέρα κομπάσομαι. The act of touching the sacred Earth meant that the person who did so invoked the χθόνιοι to v] ETTINIKOI 275 Morning with her golden ray saw Pherenicus, that chestnut steed swift as the wind, victorious by the wide-eddying Alpheus, as also at divine Pytho. And I call Earth to witness: never yet in a race has he been soiled by dust from horses in front of him, as he sped to his goal. Like the rush of Boreas, he darts onward, heedful of his pilot, winning for hospitable Hieron a victory greeted by fresh plaudits. Happy is he to whom the god Quoted by Stobaeus Flor. 103. 2 (fr..1, Bergk): who cites 53 (from o¥)—s5 also in flor. 98. 26. Verses 50-—53 (to διάγειν) are quoted by Apostolius ΧΙ. 65 e. punish him if he swore falsely. Similarly persons who invoke the 4e/p of the χθόνιοι strike the earth: //. 9. 568 f. (Althaea) πολλὰ δὲ καὶ γαῖαν πολυφόρβην χερσὶν ἀλοία, | κικλήσκουσ᾽ ᾿Αἴδην καὶ ἐπαινὴν Περσεφόνειαν : Hom. hymn. Apoll. 2. 162 (Hera, invoking Tata and the Τιτῆνες), ὡς dpa φωνήσασ᾽ ἵμασε χθόνα χειρὶ παχείῃ" [κιψήθη δ᾽ ἄρα Ταῖα φερέσβιοςς. Pindar, too, often emphasizes praise by solemn asseveration: O. 11. 101 αὐδάσομαι ἐνόρκιον λόγον: VI. 20 καὶ μέγαν ὅρκον dudcoas τοῦτό γέ for σαφέως μαρτυρήσω: N. ΧΙ. 24 ναὶ μὰ τὸν ὅρκον. The poet keeps the ἢ in ἐπισκήπτων, though he has σκᾶπτρον in 111. 7o.. Cp. I. 74 ἢ. 43 προτέρων, iz front of him. This local sense of πρότερος is very rare, except when it is figurative (denoting precedence in rank, etc., as in Dem. or. 3 § 15 70... πράττειν τοῦ λέγειν... πρότερον τῇ δυνάμει καὶ κρεῖττόν ἐστι). But cp. Plat. Rep. βιός τῷ ὀξύτατα καθορῶντιτὰ παριόντα, καὶ μνημονεύοντι μάλιστα ὅσα τε πρότερα αὐτῶν καὶ ὕστερα εἰώθει καὶ ἅμα πο- ρεύεσθαι. [In Od. 19. 228 προτέροισι πόδεσσι-- προσθίοις. In //. 15. 569 (=17- 274) πρότεροι is temporal. ] 46 pimg...Bopéa: 7. 15. 171 ὑπὸ ῥιπῆς αἰθρηγενέος Βορέαο. Soph. Ant. 137 ῥιπαῖς ἐχθίστων ἀνέμων. 47 ὃν κυβερνήταν φυλάσσων, ‘heedful of his pilot.’ He rivals the wind in speed; but his course obeys the hand that steers him. φυλάσσων means not merely ‘ bearing his rider safe,’ but ‘attending to his guidance’: the word κυβερνήταν brings this out.—The Ionic 7 is retained in κυβερνήταν (cp. XI. 1), as in φήμα (11. 1) and ἀδμήτα (v. 167). Pindar has κυβερ- varas (P. τ. gt). 48 ἵεται. The historic present here is unusual, but intelligible. Verses 37—45 deal with the horse’s record as a whole. Now the poet comes to his latest victory. The historic present, combined with vedxporov, gives a touch of animation which marks the transition.—Cp. Pind. O. 1. 20 ff. (of Pherenicus) ὅτε παρ᾽ ᾿Αλφεῷ σύτο δέμας | ἀκέντητον ἐν δρόμοισι παρέχων, | κράτει δὲ προσέμιξε δεσπό- ταν. veoKporoy, ‘greeted with fresh plaudits.’ κρότος 1s the regular word for ‘applause’ (Xen. Az. VI. 1. 13 ἐνταῦθα κρότος ἣν πολύς). In It. 9 the poet similarly refers to the shouts which greet Hieron’s victory (θρόησε δὲ λαὸς ἀπείρων). The only other extant compounds with κρότος refer to sound, viz. (1) εὔκροτος : Alciphron Zfzst. 3. 43 ἀνάπαιστα εὔκροτα : (2) πολύκροτος: Hom. hymn. 19. 37, epithet of Pan, as ‘making loud music’ on his pipe: Athen. Pp. 527 F epithet of the lyre xeAwvis (from the comic poet Poseidonius). On this view veéxporov is not merely a poetical equivalent for ‘new,’ but means ‘new and popular.’ Others take νεόκροτον to mean ‘ewly- welded,’ 1.6. ‘newly wrought,’ νεότευκτον, comparing Pind. fr. 194 κεκρότηται χρυσέα κρηπίς. The only extant derivative of κροτεῖν in the sense of ‘hammering or welding together’ seems to be evx, ‘os (though συγκρότητος may also have been in use). νεόκροτον in this sense would be a clumsy epithet,—made still more so by the neighbourhood of τιτύσκων, which would serve to emphasize the metaphor of ‘welding.’ No emendation is probable. The easiest, vedxprrov, would be unsuitable to this context: the race is being run. 49 είνῳ. Cp. π|. 16: Pind. P. i. 71 (of Hieron) ξείνοις δὲ θαυμαστὸς πατήρ. 50—55 The γνώμη which leads from the proem to the myth. A man is happy if he has (1) μοῖραν... καλῶν, ‘a portion of honours,’—such as those gained at 19—2 str. 2. 276 BAKXYAIAOY [ν τ μοῖράν τε καλῶν ἔπορεν 2 σύν τ᾽ ἐπιζήλῳ τύχᾳ > ‘\ Ν / > 13 ἀφνεὸν βιοτὰν διάγειν" ov 4 γάρ τις ἐπιχθονίων 5513 πάντα γ᾽ εὐδαίμων ἔφυ. ἀντ. B. «Kat μάν π͵οτ᾽ ἐρειψιπύλαν 2 παῖδ᾽ ἀνίκ]ατον λέγουσιν nw A > tA 3 δῦναι Διὸς ἀργικεραύ- Col. 8 + vov δώματα Φερσεφόνας τανισφύρου, eer 4 7 60 5 καρχαρόδοντα KUV α- 3 5 / > 24 oh 6 €ovt és φάος ἐξ ᾿Αἴδα, en » ’ὔ heey 4 7 vlov ἀπλάτοι Exidvas: » ΄ an 8. ἔνθα δυστάνων βροτῶν \ 5 4 ἈΝ » if , οψυχὰς ἐδάη παρὰ Κωκυτοῦ ῥεέθροις, 65 10 οἷά τε PUAN ἄνεμος τ Ἴδας ἀνὰ μηλοβότους 2 πρῶνας ἀργηστὰς δονεῖ. 13 ταῖσιν δὲ μετέπρεπεν εἴδω- 4 λον θρασυμέμνονος ἐγ- 0 15 53 ἀφνειὸν MS., Stobaeus, Apostolius: corr. K. Flor. 103. 2, but not in 98. 26. χεσπάλου Πορθανίδα . 55 πάντα Ὑ] Stob. omits Ὑ in 56 καὶ μάν add. K.: καὶ γάρ Jurenka: δῦναι Weil, Wilam. (cp. n. on 58).---ἐρειψιπύλαν}] In the Ms. the second E has been trans- fixed, perhaps by the first hand. 58 δῦναι Palmer: πατρὸς Weil: φῆμαι Wilam. Olympia and Delphi; (2) wealth, ddveov βιοτάν, combined with prosperous fortune. Hieron had now (in 476) been ruler of Syracuse since 478; his position was a splendid one, and he had met with no reverse: this is ἐπίζαλος τύχα. But no mortal is πάντα γ᾽ εὐδαίμων : and Hieron had weak health. The illness mentioned by Aelian (see n. on III. 71) seems to have occurred early in his life. He suffered from an internal disease (λιθιῶν, Plut. dor. 403 C: cp. schol. Pind. O. 1.1, P. 1. 80, 111. 1). A strain of allusion to his malady appears in Pindar’s third Pythian (circ. 476—5 B.C.?), vv. 1—8, and especially 80—g2, where the Theban poet, like the Cean here, dwells on the blending of glory with suffering in Hieron’s lot. In Pyth. 1. 52—55 (474 B.C.) a parallel is implied between Hieron and Philoctetes, the warrior ἀσθενεῖ σὺν χρωτὶ βαίνων. See also above, 1Π. 85 (n.). The general sentiment of this passage has a close parallel in Pind. /. Iv. 12 ff. : δύο δέ τοι ζωᾶς ἄωτον μοῦνα ποιμαίνοντι τὸν ἄλπνιστον εὐανθεῖ σὺν ὄλβῳ, | εἴ τις εὖ πάσχων λόγον ἐσλὸν ἀκούσῃ" | μὴ μάτευε Leis γενέσθαι" πάντ᾽ ἔχεις, | εἴ σε τούτων μοῖρ᾽ ἐφίκοιτο καλῶν. 56 καὶ μάν, ‘and verily’: as in XII. 182. This formula implies that the myth illustrates and confirms the general truth just stated. καὶ μήν often introduces some new consideration, in support of a view which has already been urged (6. ν΄. Dem. or. 21 ὃ 56 καὶ μὴν ἴστε ye τοῦτ᾽ ἕτι: cp. Isocr. or. 4 ὃ 185). So, in drama, καὶ μήν announces a new comer on the scene (e.g., Soph. Az. 1168). Pindar has καὶ μάν in P. Iv. 289, WV. II. 13, εἴς. It is, however, difficult to choose here between kal μάν and kal γάρ. In favour of the latter, it may be noted that Pindar has kal γάρ ποτε in O. VII. 27, and M. VI. v] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 277 has granted a portion of honours, and a life of opulence, with enviable fortune : for no mortal man is blest in all things. And verily they tell how he who broke down the gates of cities, the unconquered son of Zeus, lord of the bright thunderbolt, descended of old to the house of Persephone with slender ankles, that he might bring up from Hades to the sunlight the hound with jagged teeth, offspring of unapproach- able Echidna. There, by the waters of Cocytus, he perceived the souls of hapless mortals, countless as leaves quivering in the wind, where flocks graze on the gleaming headlands of Ida. And well seen among them was the shade of the bold-hearted warrior, the spear-shaker, sprung from Porthaon. - 69 ἐγ-] EN A: γ written above N by A®, 70 ΠΟΡΘΑΝΙ͂ ΔΑ A: o has been added above, between the first A and N (by A??).—The short mark above I, which at first sight seems to denote a long syllable, is like that on the « of éixrirwy in ΠΙ. 46 and on the second ε of ἐπιχθονίοις in v. 96. In all three places it may have been meant for™: in v. 96, indeed, it shows a slight curve. 35, as a preface to mythical allusions. The fact that here οὐ yap τις comes just before, is a slight objection, but by no means decisive: iteration of γάρ is common. καὶ γάρ, as distinguished from Kal μάν, would assert more directly the logical connexion between the maxim and the myth. On the whole, I prefer καὶ μάν, because (1) it rather implies than asserts such connexion ; and (2) is, partly on that account, more impressive. The γνώμη links proem to myth by the thought, ‘even the most famous and prosperous mortal is not happy in all things.’ Heracles had won great glory, but also endured great trials. Meleager is an example of fame and valour pre- maturely struck down by fate. ἐρειψιπύλαν : Heracles took the Troy of Laomedon; also Oechalia, and Pylus (71. 11. 689 f.). Cp. Aesch. 7h. 880 f. δωμάτων ἐρειψίτοιχοι. 59 τανισφύρου: cp. III. bon. 60—62 καρχαρόδοντα: a general epithet for dogs in Homer (Z/. 13. 198). Heracles speaks of his descent to Hades as the crowning ἄθλος laid on him by Eurystheus (Od. 11. 623—6). 11. 8. 368 ἐξ épéBevs ἄξοντα κύνα στυγεροῦ ’Atdao.— vidv..’ Ἐἰχίδνας, as in Hes. 7%. 310 (the father being Typhaon), Soph. 77. 1099: but in O. C. 1574 he is the son of Tartarus and Earth. 64 ἐδάη here=Zéuafe in the sense of ‘perceived.’ Similar, though not identical, is the use of the word in Pind. fr. 166, ἀνδροδάμαντα δ᾽ ἐπεὶ Pipes δάεν ῥιπὰν μελιαδέος οἴνου, ‘perceived’ (2.56. ‘ felt’) the impulse. 65 old te: fc. ψυχὰς ἐδάη. (τοιαύτας) οἷά τε PUAN ἄνεμος δονεῖ, Ξε οἷά τε φύλλα ἐστὶν ἃ ἄνεμος δονεῖ. The use of οἷά τε for the simple ofa suits the epic manner. 71. 2. 468 μυρίοι, ὅσσα τε φύλλα καὶ ἄνθεα γίγνεται ὥρῃ. For the simile, cp. also Ap. Rhod. Iv. 216: Virg. Aen. VI. 309 f. (of the departed spirits), Quam multa in silvis autumni frigore primo Lapsa cadunt folia. Seneca Ved. 600. Milton P. Z. 1. 301 ff. 67 πρῶνας ἀργηστάς, ‘gleaming’ in the sunlight. ἀργηστής (from ἀργής, ἀργήεις, ‘shining,’ esp. ‘white’) occurs as an epithet of foam (Aesch. 7%. 60), of a serpent (26. 181), and of swans (Theocr. xxv. 131). The use of it here may have been suggested by //. 16. 297 (when ‘Zeus removes a thick cloud from the summit of a great mountain’), ἔκ τ᾽ ἔφανεν πᾶσαι σκοπιαὶ καὶ πρώονες ἄκροι | καὶ νάπαι. Marlowe, speaking of a great host, says,—‘ Jn number more than are the quivering leaves Of Ida’s forest’ (Tam- burlaine pt 2, UI. 8. 3, quoted by Headlam). δι 69 f. θρασυμέμνονος, of a brave spirit: epithet of Heracles in //. 5. 639, Od. τι. 267. The -μέμνων is usu. referred to μένῳ (‘bravely steadfast’), but may better headlands ΄ ant. 2, BAKXYAIAOY [ν ι τὸν δ᾽ ὡς ἴδεν ᾿Αλκμήνιος θαυμαστὸς ἥρως 2 τεύχεσι λαμπόμενον, 3 veupav ἐπέβασε λιγυκλαγγῆ κορώνας, 4 χαλκεόκρανον δ᾽ ἔπειτ᾽ ἐξ- 75 5 εἴλετο (Ff γιὸν ava- 4 / ~ ~ > > ’ὔ ὁπτύξας φαρέτρας πῶμα" τῷ δ᾽ ἐναντία τψυχὰ προφάνη Μελεάγρου 8 καί νιν εὖ εἰδὼς προσεῖπεν" 9 υἱὲ Διὸς μεγάλου, στάθί 7 ἐν χώρᾳ, γελανώσας τε θυμόν 80 τὸ she oh στρ. γ. τμὴ ταὕσιον προΐει 2 τραχὺν ἐκ χειρῶν ὀϊστὸν Ξψυχαῖσιν ἔπι φθιμένων᾽ + οὔτοι δέος. 85 -᾿Αμφιτρνωνιάδας, ὥς φάτο᾽ θάμβησεν δ᾽ ἀναξ Φ- » ΄, 3 ΄ 6 εἶἷπέν τε' τίς ἀθανάτων γ ἢ Puathad τοιοῦτον ἔρνος la > ’ ’ 8 θρέψεν ἐν ποίᾳ χθονί; ο τίς δ᾽ ἔκτανεν ; ἢ τάχα καλλίζωνος Ἥρα 00 τὸ 71 AAKMHIOC μΜμ8. : corr. K. κεῖνον ep ἁμετέρᾳ 75 ξ. The MS. divides the verses wrongly, as in be connected with μέμαα, μένος (cp. ᾿Αγαμέμνων).--ἐγχεσπάλον : epithet of warriors in the //zad (2. 131 etc.). Tlop8avi8a. Meleager was the son of Oeneus, and grandson of Porthaon, king of Pleuron and Calydon. See the stemma of the mythical genealogy in the Ap- pendix. Πορθανίδης is from Πορθάν, a compressed form of Πορθάων, as ᾿Αλκμάν (Pind. P. vit. 46) of "AAkudwv. The cor- rector of the Ms. wished to read [lop8ao- vi8a, which would be possible, with a synizesis of ao: but Πορθανίδα i is confirmed by the analogy of ᾿Αλκμανιδᾶν in Pind. P. vil. 2. ΕἾΝ ᾿Αλκμήνιος, son of Alcmena: cp. 12 f. ᾿Αριστομένειον. .τέκος : 7]. τι. 562 Τελαμώνιον υἱόν : Aesch. P. V. 7o ᾿Ινάχειον σπέρμα : ee O. T. 267 τῷ Λαβδακείῳ παιδί. 78 νευρὰν. .λιγυκλα He drew the bow-string taut, so that it gave a ringing sound at the sate Cp. Od. 21. 410 f. (Odysseus proving his bow- -string, after stringing his bow): δεξιτερῇ δ᾽ dpa χειρὶ λαβὼν πειρήσατο νευρῆς᾽ ἡ δ᾽ ὑπὸ καλὸν ἄεισε, χελιδόνι Εεικέλη αὐδήν. κορώνας, the tip of the bow. A notch or hook in this received the loop of the string when the bow was strung. At the other end the string must have been fastened, either in a like way, or by being passed through a hole in the κέρας. Only the tip at the upper end of a bow seems to have been called κορώνη : that on the bow of Pandarus was gilt (77. 4; 30%): 75 f. ἐξείλετο lov. The hiatus indicates that the poet attributed Ff to ἰός, arrow. This ἰός (the Sanskrit zshas, Curt. Ztym. 8 616) occurs in Jad, Odyssey, and Homeric hymns, but never takes £ See (e.g) ZZ 4. 116, the source of this passage: αὐτὰρ ὁ σύλα πῶμα papérpys, ἐκ δ᾽ ἕλετ᾽ ἰόν. But ἰός, poison (Skt visham, Lat. virus, Curt. § 591), had Ff. So also had ἴον, viola. The similarity of form between these words might easily lead to the false digamma which we find here; though the mistake shows that the v] ETTINIKOI 279 But when the wondrous hero, Alcmena’s son, beheld him epode 2. shining in armour, he drew the shrill bow-string to the horn of his bow; then he raised the lid of his quiver, and took out a bronze-tipped arrow. But the spirit of Meleager came and stood before his face, and spake unto him, for he knew him well: ‘Son of great Zeus, stay where thou art, and calm thy soul, and speed not vainly from thy hand a fierce shaft against the souls of the dead. There is no cause to fear.’ So spake he; but the princely son of Amphitryon marvelled, and said: ‘Who among immortals or among men, and in what land, was the parent of an offspring so glorious? And who was his slayer? Soon will fair-girdled Hera send that man epode αἴ (35 f.) and epode γ΄ (115 f.): corr. K. 78 ILPOCEEITIEN ms. : str. 3. corr. Κ᾿ 80 re] The first hand wrote A instead of T, but corrected it. poet had not very closely observed his epic model.—Cp. XVI. 131n. 78 εἰδὼς after ψυχά, constr. κατὰ σύνεσιν: Od. τι. go ἦλθε δ᾽ ἐπὶ ψυχὴ Θηβαίου Τειρεσίαο, | χρύσεον σκῆπτρον ἔχων: 16. 476 ἱερὴ ts Τηλεμάχοιο | ἐς πατέρ ὀφθαλμοῖσιν ἰδών: Tl. 11. 690 ἐλθὼν γὰρ ἐκάκωσε βίη Ἡρακληείη. 80 ἐν χώρᾳ, -- Πεῖε thou art. Xen. H. τν. 2 ὃ 20 ἐν χώρᾳ ἔπιπτον (at their post). Thuc. IV. 26 81 τὸ στρατόπεδον... κατὰ χώραν ἔμενεν. νώσας. γελανόω occurs nowhere else: but Pind. O. v. 2 has καρδίᾳ γελανεῖ (and P. IV. 121 θυμῷ γ.), ‘cheerful.’ γελάω and γαλήνη show respectively the stronger and the weaker form (yeX-, γαλ-) of a common root, expressing the idea of ‘bright’ or ‘clear’: cp. γάλα, and Lat. gel. The primary sense of γελᾶν was * smiling,’ not ‘laughing,’-—as appears in the figurative uses (e.g. κυμάτων | ἀνήριθ- pov γέλασμα, Aesch. P. V. go). Thus γελανόω, to make γελανής, might well mean, ‘to ¢ranguiillize’; and it is needless to conjecture γαλανώσας. [The extant verbs from γαλην- are γαληνίζω (trans. in Hippocr. and Eur., intrans. in Arist.), γαληνιάω, and γαληνιάζω (intrans.)] 81 ταὔσιον, ‘vain.’ This Doric form occurs also in a corrupt fr. of Alcman, no. 92. Cp. Od. 3. 316 rniioiny ὁδὸν ἔλθῃς. Theocr. ΧΧΥ. 230 Tniiciws. The deriv. is unknown: but the theory which connects it with rai’s, ‘ big’ (through the notion, ‘too big to be practicable’), takes some colour from Hom. hymn. Apoll. 2. 36 εἴ δέ τι τηὔσιον ἔπος ἔσσεται, ἠέ τι ἔργον, where the sense is ‘rash’ (as ὕβρις in the next v. indicates): cp. μέγ᾽... ἔπος (Soph. Az. 128). 82 τραχὺν, ‘fierce’; properly, ‘rough,” ‘harsh,’ like war and the warrior’s spirit ; cp. Pind. P. 1. tof. “Apys, τραχεῖαν. ἄνευθε λιπὼν | ἐγχέων ἀκμάν. 88 Ψψυχαῖσιν ἔπι φθιμένων. For this sense of ἐπί with dat., denoting hostile movement, cp. go; 133: it is frequent in poetry, from the Homeric ἐπ᾽ ἀλλήλοισιν ἰόντες (71. 3. 15 etc.) onwards. 84 Σοὔτοι δέος, as we say, ‘there is no fear’ (2.6. cause for it). The phrase is Homeric, //. 1. 515, ἐπεὶ οὔ τοι ἔπι δέος : only that there τοι τε σοι (Zeus). Cp. 11. 12. 246 σοὶ δ᾽ οὐ δέος ἔστ᾽ ἀπολέσθαι.--- Here it seems better to write οὔτοι than . to take οὔ τοι as=od σοι. 86- 88 τίς... ἐν ποίᾳ χθονί; Cp. XV. 31: Od. τ. 170 τίς πόθεν εἷς ἀνδρῶν ; —tpvos, like θάλος and ὄζος: Pind. MV. vi. 64 ἔρνεσι Λατοῦς (Apollo and Ar- temis): JZ. II. 62 f. MeNioow.. | ἔρνεϊ Τελεσιάδᾳ: and so in Tragedy. In Homer a youth or maiden is sometimes compared to an ἔρνος (//. 18. 56 etc.), but is not called so. 89 f. τίς δ᾽ ἔκτανεν ; Heracles assumes that the slayer of Meleager was some great warrior (κεῖνον, v. 90), whom Hera will next send against himself. He is presently to learn (136 ff.) that the death of Meleager was the work of Althaea. The touch of poetical art given by κεῖνον is like that of Sophocles in the Antigone (v. 248), when Creon, never dreaming that the breaker of his edict is a woman, BAKXYAIAOY [v 280 x πέμψει κεφαλᾷ: τὰ δέ που Col.9 1. Παλλάδι ξανθᾷ μέλει. 13 τὸν δὲ προσέφα Μελέαγρος 14 δακρυόεις" χαλεπὸν 95 15 lal la 4 θεῶν παρατρέψαι νόον ἄντ. γ΄. τ ἄνδρεσσιν ἐπιχθονίοις. 2 καὶ γὰρ ἂν πλάξιππος Οἰνεὺς Ioo ao un » ὦ παῦσεν καλυκοστεφάνου “A / > ’ὔ 4 σεμνᾶς χόλον ᾿Αρτέμιδος λευκωλένου λισσόμενος πολέων a Ν T αἰγῶν θυσίαισι πατὴρ \ - ΄ 4 7Kat βοῶν φοινικονώτων 8 ἀλλ᾽ ἀνίκατον θεὰ ο ἔσχεν χόλον εὐρυβίαν δ᾽ ἔσσευε κούρα 105 10 κάπρον ἀναιδομάχαν τ ἐς καλλίχορον Καλυδῶ.- 2 ν᾽, ἔνθα πλημύρων σθένει 13 ὄρχους ἐπέκειρεν ὀδόντι, 4 σφάζε τε μῆλα, βροτῶν 106 ἐς Paimer: OC ms. The rough breathing may be due to A’. ΜΥΡΩΝ ms. 107 ITAH- asks, τί φής; τίς ἀνδρῶν jv ὁ τολμήσας τάδε; 91 κεφαλᾷ, ‘my life’: cp. 74. 17. 242 ἐμῇ κεφαλῇ περιδείδια : Od. 2. 237 παρθέ- μενοι κεφαλάς (= ψυχὰς παρθέμενοι, 3.74): Soph. O. Ο. 564 ἤθλησα κινδυνεύματ᾽ ἐν τὠμῷ κάρᾳ (at the risk of my life), In other places, where the thought of danger is not present, κεφαλή is merely an emphatic ‘self,’ as in 71. 18. 82 τὸν ἐγὼ περὶ πάντων τῖον ἑταίρων, ἶσον ἐμῇ κεφαλῇ. So Pind. O. VI. 60 αἰτέων..τιμάν τιν᾽ ἑᾷ kepada (‘to crown him’): QO, VII. 67 f. ἐᾷ κεφαλᾷ | .. γέρας ἔσσεσθαι. 92 Παλλάδι, the hero’s guardian- goddess, who in //. 8. 363 says of him, τειρόμενον σώεσκον ὑπ᾽ Εἰὐρυσθῆος ἀέθλων. Speaking in Od. 11. 626 of his descent to Hades, Heracles says, Ἑρμείας δέ μ᾽ ἔπεμψεν ἰδὲ γλαυκῶπις ᾿Αθήνη. She often appears as his protrectress on Attic black-figured vases, and in other works of ancient art. Cp. Soph. 77. 1031, where he invokes her in his agony. 94 f. χαλεπὸν κιτ.λ. The inflexibility of fate is illustrated by that purpose of Heracles which is declared at the end of the myth (v. 169),—to wed Deianeira. Cp. XV. 23 τότ᾽ ἄμαχος δαίμων | Δαϊανείρᾳ πολύδακρυν bpave | μῆτιν.--- θεῶν : for the synizesis cp. 50. 97 πλάξιππος: Homeric epithet of Pelops (Z/. 2. 104), and other heroes. Cp. 77. 9. 581 ἱππηλάτα Oiveds. 98 f. καλυκοστεφάνου, ‘crowned with flower-buds’ (epithet in x. 108 of the Proetides). Plutarch A/or. 993 E quotes an unnamed poet, who spoke of Ἥλιος as ἐπιστέψας κάλυκος στεφάνοισιν Ὥρας. Artemis was a goddess of vegetation and fertility (Callim. hymn. Dian. 125 ff.: Anthol. Pal. 6. 157, 267: Catullus 4-17). Of the three epithets here given to Artemis, καλυκοστεφάνου denotes a con- ventional attribute; σεμνᾶς, divine rank; and λευκωλένου, a personal quality. A parallel series is that in ΧΙ. 194 f., v] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 281 to take my life; but golden-haired Pallas, I ween, is watchful against that.’ And to him spake Meleager with tears: ‘It is hard for mortal men to turn aside the purpose of the gods: else would my father, horse-smiting Oeneus, have appeased the ant. 3. wrath of Artemis crowned with flower-buds, the majestic, the white-armed, when he entreated her with sacrifices of many goats and red-backed oxen. ‘But the maiden goddess had conceived anger that could not be overcome; and she sped a wild boar, of vast might, a ruthless foe, into the fair lawns of Calydon; where, in the flood- tide of his strength, he ravaged the vine-rows with his tusks, and slew the sheep, and every mortal ; Xpucdpuaros | σεμνὰ μεγάθυμος ᾿Αθάνα. (Cp. also xvi. 109 f. σεμνὰν.. βοῶπιν.. ᾿Αμφιτρίταν.) 100 πολέων, fem. The epic πολέες, πολέων, πολέσι, πολέας are always masc. in Homer and Hesiod (though πουλὺν ἐφ᾽ ὑγρήν occurs in 71. το. 27, etc.). But Callimachus has πολέας δ᾽ ἐπελέξατο νύμφας (Hymn. Dian. 42), and πολέες σε περιτροχόωσιν ἀοιδαί (Hymn. Del. 28). 102 φοινικονώτων. Cp. X. 105 (βοῦς) φοινικότριχας : Pind. P. iv. 265 φοίνισσα δὲ Gpnikiwy ἀγέλα ταύρων (a ‘ red’ herd). In //. 23. 454 φοῖνιξ (ir7os) is chestnut, or perhaps light bay. 104 ἔσχεν, ‘had conceived’ (aor.). It is only the context which shows the sense, as the word could also mean ‘restrained’ (Od. 5. 451 ἔσχε δὲ κῦμα).--- Oeneus had failed to offer harvest first- fruits (θαλύσια) to Artemis (71. 9. 534). 105 ἀναιδομάχαν (only here), ruthless in fight. Several of B.’s new words have this scansion, as ἀδεισιβόας (V. 155), depoiuaxos (XII. 100), drapBoudxas (XV. 28) 106 f. καλλίχορον, ‘with its fair lawns,’ or dancing-grounds. It is applied to Olympia (xX. 32); to the Phocian Panopeus (Od. 11. 581), Athens (Eur. Her. 359), Thebes (Hom. hymn. 15. 2). It is not merely a topographical epithet, but one which suggests the civic life and festivals. Thus Simonides (fr. 164, 2) calls Apollo Λητοίδην ἀγορῆς καλλιχόρου πρύτανιν. Here it depicts a city at peace, with fair lawns around it. There is no reason to suppose that it is (incorrectly) used in the sense of kadAlywpos: see ia’ πρρετ αλυδῶν᾽. The site of Calydon was identified by Leake, doubtless rightly, with a place called Kurt-ag4, a little to the west of the river Evenus (the Fidharz). The town stood on the lowest slopes of Mt Aracynthus (now Zygos), the range from which the coast plain of Aetolia stretches to the sea. This accounts for the Homeric epithets of Calydon (Z/. 2. 640 πετρήεσσαν, 13. 217 αἰπεινῇ), though its actual position was not lofty. The territory of Calydon, in the plain between Aracynthus and the marshy seaboard, was fertile (Strabo p. 450 τῆς μεσογαίας... εὐκάρπου Te καὶ πεδιάδος). Cp. 71. 9. 577 πιότατον πεδίον Καλυδῶνος ἐραννῆς. 107 πλημύρων. I retain the spelling of the papyrus: good Mss. have the form with a single μα in Hippocr. De sacro morb. vol. 1. p. 604 (ed. Kiihn) πλημυρεῖν, and De Diaet. Acut. 11. p. 60 πλημυρίδα. The same spelling appears in Archilochus fr. 97 (as quoted by Eustath. Od. 1597, 28) ἐπλήμυρον. In Od. 9. 486 πλημυρίς too has the best Ms. authority. If the word was formed directly, as Buttmann held, from the root πλε (πίμπλημι), the single « would be right: while the old deriv. from πλήν and μύρω would account for the doubling of μ. 108 ὄρχους, rows (of vines). Od. 7. 127 παρὰ νείατον ὄρχον (the furthest row of vines). Xen. Oecon. 20 ὃ 3 οὐκ ὀρθῶς rods dpxous ἐφύτευσαν. 109 odate τε μῆλα. Wilamowitz assumes that our poet’s ‘sheep’ were suggested by a confused reminiscence of Homer's ‘apples’: //. 9. 541 f. (the boar) χαμαὶ βάλε δένδρεα μακρὰ | αὐτῃσιν ῥίζησι καὶ αὐτοῖς ἄνθεσι μήλων. A wild boar (he says) would not attack sheep. Apollo- dorus (1. 8. 2, § 2) agrees with Bacchylides: BAKXYAIAOY [ν 282 ΕῚ 9 > ’ ΜΝ 11015 θ᾽ ὅστις εἰσάνταν μόλοι. ἐπ. γ. ττῷ δὲ στυγερὰν δῆριν Ἑλλάνων ἄριστοι 2 στασάμεθ᾽ ἐνδυκέως a ¥ , > Ν Ν ΄, 3€€ ἅματα συνεχέως: ἐπεὶ δὲ δαίμων + κάρτος Αἰτωλοῖς ὄρεξεν, 115 s θάπτομεν ovs κατέπε- fal > ΄ 3 oh “3 6 ῴνεν σῦς ἐριβρύχας ἐπαΐσσων βίᾳ, > ad > “ > 3 7 Aykatov ἐμῶν τ᾽ ᾿Αγέλαον 8. φίζέρτ]ατον κεδνῶν ἀδελφεῶν, 9 οὖς τέϊκεν ἐν μεγάροις 1201 πατρὸς ᾿Αλθαία περικἰλειτοῖσιν Οἰνέος" στρ. 3’. ττῶν δ᾽ ὦ]λεσε μοῖρ᾽ ὀλοὰ 2 πλεῦνας" οὐ γάρ πω δαΐφρων 118 CTNEXEQC] A second N has been added above the line by A’. 115 f. τοὺς Ms., Blass?: ods K., Blass':—The Ms. divides these two verses wrongly (cp. 35 n.): μηνίσασα ἡ θεὸς κάπρον ἐφῆκεν ἔξοχον μεγέθει τε καὶ ῥώμῃ, ὃς τήν τε γῆν ἄσπορον ἐτίθει καὶ τὰ βοσκήματα καὶ τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας διέφθειρεν. This boar was ἃ δαιμόνιον τέρας, which destroyed all living things that came in its way. 110 εἰσάνταν. While εἴσαντα is Homeric (//. 17. 334 etc.), εἰσάντην is not found. But ἄντην is epic no less than ἄντα, and εἰσάνταν is certainly the true reading here.—eloavt’ ἂν μόλοι could be explained only as an archaizing imita- tion of the Homeric ὅς xe with optative in such places as Od. 4. 600, δῶρον δ᾽ ὅττι κέ μοι δοίης, κειμήλιον ἔστω (‘whatever gift you might give me’); Od. 4. 222 ἐπὴν Kpnrnpt μιγείη, ‘whenever it was mingled.’ In Attic the simple ὅστις μόλοι would be normal: while ὅστις ἂν μόλοι would be admissible only if ἄν were joined with μόλοι as a potential optative. 111 Σ. δῆριν... στασάμεθ᾽, 71. 18. 533 στησάμενοι δ᾽ ἐμάχοντο μάχην (‘se¢ their battle 272: array, and fought’). Her. VIl. 175 TH τε στήσονται τὸν πόλεμον. 80 too the active, Od. 11. 314 φυλόπιδα στήσειν. Cp. also 7. 17. 158 ἀνδράσι δυσμενέεσσι πόνον καὶ δῆριν ἔθεντο. The phrase marks the gravity of the task. ἐνδυκέως (as again in v. 125), ‘strenuous- ly.” Hes. Scwt. 427 (of a lion rending a carcase), ὅς τε μάλ᾽ ἐνδυκέως ῥινὸν κρατεροῖς ὀνύχεσσι | σχίσσας κιτιλ. The sense is similar in Od. 14. 109, ἐνδυκέως κρέα τ᾽ ἤσθιε πῖνέ τε οἶνον (‘eagerly’). But in Od. 7. 256 ἐνδυκέως ἐφίλει τε καὶ ἔτρεφεν, the meaning is softened into ‘ carefully,’ ‘sedulously.’. (The deriv. is uncertain: one theory connects the word with dox-, so that the primary sense would be ‘ reputably.’) 113 συνεχέως, with Ὁ. So 71. 12. 26 συνεχές, ὄφρα κε θᾶσσον κ.τ.λ. : Od. 9. 74 δύο τ᾿ ἤματα συνεχὲς αἰεί: Hes. Theog. 636 συνεχέως ἐμάχοντο. The v has been ex- plained by the root σεχ- (guas? cvocexés) : and this is confirmed by the remarkable scansion in Od. 19. 113, θάλασσα δὲ παρέχῃ ἰχθῦς (guast παρσέχῃ). Cp. also Zi. 1. 51 βέλος ἐχεπευκές égeln.—The alternative would be to suppose that the v is merely a licence excused by the metrical ictus in arsis: cp. θύγατέρα (Zl. 5. 37), δυναμένοιο (Od. 1. 276), Πελοπίδης (Her. VII. 159, in a parody of Lhe F125), / NEA ΄ Ν ’ 3 Ν οἐσθλόν τ᾽ ᾿Αφάρητα, θοοὺς μάτρωας" οὐ γὰρ 130 το καρτερόθυμος “Apns 4 ’ 3 "4 τι κρίνει φίλον ἐν πολέμῳ: 2 τυφλὰ δ᾽ ἐκ χειρῶν βέλη 3 ψυχαῖς ἔπι δυσμενέων φοι- 4 τᾷ θάνατόν τε φέρει « 135 15 ἄντ. δ΄. τοῖσιν ἂν δαίμων θέλῃ" a > > > Ζ Ἶ rTQaUT οὐκ ἐπιλεξαμένα 2 Θεστίου κούρα δαΐφρων : μάτηρ κακόποτμος ἐμοὶ ’ὔ ¥ > 4 re + βούλευσεν ὄλεθρον ἀτάρβακτος yuva: 140 s Kale τε δαιδαλέας 126 KOTPHICI A: the first I transfixed (by A’?). 129 A®APHATA Ms.: the third A transfixed by the first hand. This points to a ὡᾧ. 1. ᾿Αφαρῆα (Herwerden).— warrior, or another. F. W. Allen (Amer. Journ. of Phil. τ. 133 ff.) would refer it in all cases to dats, ‘torch’ (daiw, to kindle); the warrior is ‘fiery’; Penelope is ‘ high- spirited.’ This last sense, however, does not suit the ‘skilled’ maker of the σφαῖρα in Od. 8. 373. 123 ἀγροτέρα (ἄγρα). the huntress: Zl. 21. 470f. πότνια θηρῶν, | “Aprems adyporépn. Under this name she had a temple at Athens in the suburb” Aypaz, on high ground near the Ilissus. She is also ἐλαφηβόλος, ἐλλοφόνος, θηροκτόνος, loxé- αιρα. Cp. Paus. 4. 31 ὃ 7 Καλυδωνίοις ἡ ἔΑρτεμις, ταύτην γὰρ θεῶν μάλιστα ἔσεβον, ἐπίκλησιν εἶχε Λαφρία. This title (con- nected with λαβ-, λάφυρα) probably de- signated her as the goddess who gives the spoils of the chase. 124 αἴθωνος δορᾶς, fulvae εἰς. αἴθων seems to denote colour (rather than ‘fiery spirit’) in //. 2. 838 f. ἵπποι | αἴθωνες μεγάλοι : 15. 690 αἰετὸς alOwy: τό. 487 ταῦρον αἴθωνα μεγάθυμον (a more doubtful case): Pind. O. ΧΙ. 20 αἴθων ἀλώπηξ.---Ορ. 7... 9. 548 (they fought) ἀμφὶ συὸς κεφαλῇ καὶ δέρματι λαχνήεντι. 125 ἐνδυκέως: ΓΙ2Π. 126 Κουρῆσι: schol. 7. 9. 529, Κουρῆτες τὸ ἐθνικόν, κούρητες δὲ οἱ νεανίαι [Z7. 19. 123 κούρητας ἀριστῆας Παναχαιῶν]. But the ethnic was often written Kov- pyres: the Mss. and edd. vary; see Roscher A/y¢h. τι. 1587. These Curetes (distinct from the hieratic Curetes of the Cretan Zeus-myth) appear in legend as a tribe living in Aetolia at Pleuron. That is what Bacchylides supposes here; for in 149 Tol refers to them, and Pleuron is their city (151). A scholiast on 77. 9. 529, Κουρῆτές τ᾽’ ἐμάχοντο καὶ Αἰτωλοὶ μενεχάρμαι, explains that Αἰτωλοί is there a more general term for Καλυδώνιοι : Aetolia, he says, was divided into two regions,—the Calydonian, ruled by Oeneus, and the Pleuronian (the seat of the Curetes), ruled by Thestius. The Curetes were afterwards driven westward into Acarnania (Strabo p. 464). v] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 285 goddess of the chase, Leto’s daughter, had not yet stayed her wrath; and we fought strenuously for the beast’s tawny hide with the Curetes steadfast in battle. ‘There slew 1, among many others, Iphiclus and doughty Aphares, gallant brethren of my mother : for the vehement spirit of War discerns no kinsman in fight, but missiles go blindly from our hands against the lives of foemen, fraught with death for whom the god will. ‘Reflecting not on this, the fierce daughter of Thestius, my ill-starred mother, a woman without fear, planned my destruc- tion. She lifted up a voice of wailing, and set about burning οὐ γὰρ] Omitted by A, added by A’. 134 θάνατον) ABANATON A, corr. Al. 137 κούρα] KOPA Ms., corr. K. 127 πολλοῖς σὺν ἄλλοις : whom he slew. The words, by picturing a méée, add point to vv. 129 ff., οὐ γὰρ... κρίνει κιτιλ. Ἴφικλον : for ἵ before κλ, cp. vil. 9 f. κἔϊκληται: XVI. 127 f. ἔκλαγεν with initial €. Iphiclus was said to have been the first to hit the boar. On this ground he and his brothers, the Thestiadae, claimed the carcase. Hence the war between the Curetes, to whom the Thes- tiadae belonged, and the Calydonians (Apollod. 1. 8. 2, § 2): cp. v. 124 ff. 129 ᾿Αφάρητα, from’ Agdpns. Plut. Mor. 315 ¥ (Paraillela 40) Ἴδας ὁ ᾿Αφά- pnros. Cp. ᾿Αφαρητίδαι (Pind. VV. x. 65). ᾿Αφαρεύς was the more usual form. No son of Thestius is elsewhere so called. The best-known Aphareus is a Messenian hero, son of Περιήρης and Τοργοφόνη (daughter of Perseus); Apollod. 1. 9. 5. Pindar’s Apharetidae are his sons, Idas and Lynceus; whom Ovid (27εΐ. 8. 304) calls duo Thestiadae, proles Aphareia: showing that he, at least, supposed their father to be this son of Thestius. The sons of Thestius, acc. to Apollod. 1. 7. 1o, were Iphiclus, Euippus, Plexippus, Eurypylus. Homer (//. 9. 567) says of Althaea, πόλλ᾽ ἀχέουσ᾽ ἠρᾶτο κασιγνήτοιο φόνοιο, as if only one of her brothers had been slain. Since this contradicted the legend, Aristarchus and others wished to write κασιγνητοῖο (adj., ‘fraternal’). Apollo- dorus (1. 8. 2) says merely, ἐξελθόντος δὲ Μελεάγρου, καί τινας τῶν Θεστίου παίδων φονεύσαντος, ᾿Αλθαίαν ἀράσασθαι κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ. θοούς denotes ‘dash,’ the impetuous valour of the warrior, rather than the mere rush of war-chariot or horseman: Ll. 5. 536, θοὸς ἔσκε μετὰ πρώτοισι μά- χεσθαι: 2b. 571 Boos περ ἐὼν πολεμιστής : 13. 477 βοῇ θοόν. 131 φίλον, a ‘friend,’ meaning here akinsman. Meleager’s uncles were now fighting against him, on the side of the Curetes (cp. 127 n.), as δυσμενέων (133) indicates. But τυφλὰ (132) implies that, even so, he would not wittingly have slain a Thestiad. 133 ψυχαῖς ἔπι : for the prep. cf. 83 n. 136 ἐπιλεξαμένα = λογισαμένη, an Ionic phrase; Her. 1. 78, etc. 137 δαΐφρων, ‘fierce,’ as in 122 (n.). Phrynichus called her aivas, κακομηχάνου (n. on 142). 139 ἀτάρβακτος : Pind. ?. Iv. 84 γνώμας ἀταρβάκτοιοτεἀταρβάτου: where Hermann proposed ἀταρμύκτοιο (Hesych. ταρμύξασθαι, φοβηθῆναι). 140—142 The construction καῖε φιτρὸν ἐκ λάρνακος is harshly compressed, but not impossible. I should not retain ἀγκλαύσασα (my correction of the Ms. ἐγκλαύσασα), if any satisfactory emen- dation could be found which would supply a participle in the sense of ‘ having taken out.’ The least unsatisfactory would be ἐκλύσασα (ἐγλύσασα, Wilamowitz) : ‘having released’ the brand from the chest, by undoing the fastenings of the latter. But this is not likely to have become ἐγκλαύσασα. The same may be said of ἑλκύσασα (Housman), which is also metrically dubious, since the ὕ answers to a syllable which is long in 7, 22, 47, 62, 102, 127, 167, 182, and anceps only in 87 (the rot- of τοιοῦτον). ant. 4. BAKXYAIAOY [ν τύχον μὲν 286 > 4 > 4 6 ἐκ λάρνακος ὠκύμορον Ν 5 ’ Ν \ > φιτρὸν ἀγκλαύσασα, τὸν δὴ 8 μοῖρ᾽ ἐπέκλωσεν τότε 9 ζωᾶς ὅρον ἁμετέρας ἔμμεν. 14510 Δαϊπύλον Κλύμενον “ον ὦ > , τι παῖὸ ἄλκιμον ἐξεναρί- 12 ζων ἀμώμητον δέμας, 13 πύργων προπάροιθε κιχήσας᾽" 4 ToL δὲ πρὸς εὐκτιμέναν 15015 φεῦγον ἀρχαίαν πόλιν ἐπ. δ΄. : Πλευρῶνα: μινύνθη δέ μοι ψυχὰ γλυκεῖα, a > 5 ’ Γ- 2 γνῶν δ᾽ ὀλιγοσθενέων >A, , x ΄ ΄ , 3. αἰαῖ πύματον δὲ πνέων δάκρυσα τλάμων + ἀγλαὰν ἥβαν προλείπων. 142 ἘΓΚΛΑΥΟΛΟΑ Ms.: ἀγκλαύσασα J.: ἐκκλάσασα or ἐγλύσασα (-Ξ:ἐκλύσασα) Wilamowitz: ἐγκλᾷσασα or ἐγκλάξασα Tyrrell: ἑλκύσασα Housman: ἐγκαύσασα Festa Tyrrell’s ἐγκλάσασα is excellent as an explanation of the Ms. reading, and gives a possible, though somewhat in- volved, sense (she burned the bea ‘which she had formerly locked up’ ; λύει πεδήσας in Soph. Ai. 676): but tt leaves the construction καῖε ἐκ λάρνακος unmitigated. ἐκκλάσασα (Wilamowitz) would mean ‘having shut out’ (not ‘having unlocked’). Weir Smyth defends ἐγκλαύσασα (though ἐγκλαίω is otherwise unknown), as meaning that ‘she shed tears over the brand’ when she drew it from the chest. In this sense, however, we should rather expect ἐπικλαίω (used with a dative by Nonnus 30. 114). éyxAalew, were it used, would be rather to weep a¢ something, z.g. κακοῖς. (In Aesch. 4g. 541 ἐνδα- κρύειν ὄμμασιν is strictly ‘to have tears in the eyes’.) ϑαιδαλέας, curiously carved: Simon. fr. 37. 1 Adpvaxt...€v δαιδαλέᾳ. φιτρόν: Homer does not mention Al- thaea’s brand, but only the curse which she invoked on Meleager (//. 9. 567). But the brand was probably a very old element in the story,—older, it may be, than the epic sources used by the Homeric poet of the Πρεσβείαᾳ. Phrynichus, says Pausanias (10. 31, ὃ 4), was the first to mention it ἐν δράματι: the. drama was his Πλευρώνιαι (fr. 6, Nauck*®, p. 721): κρυερὸν γὰρ οὐκ | ἤλυξεν μόρον, ὠκεῖα δέ νιν φλὸξ karedalcaro | δαλοῦ περθομένου ματρὸς ὑπ᾽ αἰνᾶς κακομαχάνου. That play was probably earlier than the date of this ode (476 B.c.). Cp. Aesch. Ch. 604 ff.— See Appendix. 143 f. ἐπέκλωσεν, ‘ordained’; here with acc. and inf., as in Aesch, Eum. 335 τοῦτο γὰρ λάχος διανταία | μοῖρ᾽ ἐπέκλωσεν ἐμπέδως ἔχειν. ---τότε, of yore. Apollod. 1. 8. 1 τούτου δὲ (Meleager) ὄντος ἡμερῶν ἑπτὰ παραγενομένας τὰς Μοίρας φασὶν εἰπεῖν" τότε τελευτήσει Μελέαγρος, ὅταν ὁ καιόμενος ἐπὶ τῆς ἐσχάρας. δαλὸς κατακαῇ. τοῦτο ἀκούσασα τὸν δαλὸν ἀνείλετο ᾿Αλθαία καὶ κατέθετο εἰς λάρνακα. ζωᾶς ὅρον dperépas: the limit or canon, the ‘measure’ of his life. Cp. Dion Chrysost. or. 67 § 7 (Μελεάγρῳ) δαλόν τινα λέγουσι ταμιεύειν τὸν τῆς ζωῆς χρόνον. Aesch. Ch. 607 ff. (Althaea) καταίθουσα παιδὸς Sapowdy δαλὸν ἥλικ᾽ ἐπεὶ μολὼν | ματρόθεν κελάδησεν, | ξύμμετρόν τε διαὶ βίου | μοιρόκραντον ἐς ἄμαρ. 145 Δαϊπύλου Κλύμενον, one of the Curetes, otherwise unknown. The name Κλύμενος, a frequent one, was also borne by one of Meleager’s brothers (117 n.). 146f. ἐξεναρίζων. The ἐξαναρίζων of the Ms. is a mere error: in no dialect would the ev- become ap-. 148 πύργων προπάροιθε, before the battlemented walls of Pleuron, to which v] ETINIKOI 287 the brand of speedy doom, taken from the carven chest,—the brand which fate had ordained of yore to be the measure of my life. ‘It so befell that I was in the act of slaying Clymenus, the valiant son of Daipylus, a warrior of noble mien, whom I had overtaken in front of the walls,—for our foes were in flight to their ancient city of Pleuron ;— when the sweet life grew faint within me, and I knew that my strength was ebbing away. Ah me! and as I drew my latest breath, I wept, hapless one, at passing from my glorious youth.’ (with daze in 140), Desrousseaux (with εἷλε. 1465. ἐξεναρίζων] EZANAPIZOQN ms. 151 MINTNOA Ms.: μινύνθα (=mrivOn) L. C. Purser: μίνυνθεν or μινύνθει Hous- man: μένυθεν Wilamowitz. 154 προλείπων K.: ΠΡΟΛΙΠΩΝ ms. the Curetes were being driven in flight from Calydon. 149 ff. τοὶ δὲ... ova: a paren- thesis, explanatory of v. 148. Ancient Pleuron (ἡ παλαιά, Strabo p. 451) stood in the fertile μεσογαία of Aetolia, some seven or eight miles N.w.N. of Calydon. About 230 B.c. that site was deserted, and a new Pleuron (7 νεωτέρα) was founded more to the s. w., not far from the modern Mesolonghi. A schol. on Zl. 9. 529 describes the Κουρῆτες as οἱ τὴν Πλευρῶνα οἰκοῦντες, and Strabo (Ρ. 451) speaks of ἡ Κουρητική as ἡ αὐτὴ τῇ Πλευρωνίᾳ. He also mentions a moun- tain named Κούριον as πλησίον τῆς παλαιᾶς Πλευρῶνος. ᾿.151 If plyuvOa δέ μοι, the reading of the Ms., be sound, we have here -- ~ ~ - where, in three of the other four epodes, we find --~-— (vv. 31, 71, 111). But the fifth epode has the same metrical peculiarity, if in v. 191 the Ms. τάδε be sound. Hence the case of μένυνθα is different from that of an isolated metrical anomaly like μινύθει in 111. go, or δεῦρ᾽ ἄθρησον νόῳ in Vv. 8. It is more like the case of Vv. 11 and 14, where the metrical peculiarity occurs also in the antistrophe (11=26, 14=29). That is, we have to ask :—Did the poet, in these last two epodes, deliberately modify the metre of the first verse? In order to judge of this question, the sense yielded by μίνυνθα must be considered. In 2. 1. 416 ἢ. Thetis says to Achilles: αἴϑ᾽ ὄφελες παρὰ νηυσὶν ἀδάκρυτος καὶ ἀπήμων | ἧσθαι, ἐπεί νύ τοι αἷσα μίνυνθά περ, οὔ τι μάλα δήν :—‘ seeing that thy lot [is] very brief’ (literally ‘is only for a little while’: cp. 11. 4. 466 μίνυνθα δέ οἱ γένεθ᾽ ὁρμή, ‘his effort lasted only a little while’). In the Homeric ἐπεί νύ τοι αἶσα μίνυνθα, the use of the adverb with ἐστί understood is most unusual, if not unique: but the sense, at any rate, is clear. Now, if μίνυνθα be genuine in this verse of Bac- chylides, there is the same singularity, but in a far harsher form, since we have to supply, not ἐστί, but ἦν. And when ἦν has been supplied, what is the sense? ‘My life was but for a short while.’ The meaning required, however, is: ‘grew feeble, —‘began to ebb away.’ The true reading may be μινύνθη. A scribe may have changed this to μινύνθα, wrongly supposing the latter to be the Doric form; as in Theocr. I. 7 the Mss. have ποιμάν. A reminiscence of the ady. μίνυνθα in 71. 1. 417 may have helped. In v. 191 τάδε is easily corrected to τᾷδε. —Cp. III. gon. 152 ὀλιγοσθενέων : the verb is not found elsewhere (though the adj. occurs in schol. Oppian Hai. 1. 623). The poet may have felt that, in relation to the sufferer’s consciousness (yv@v), this word was fitter than the Homeric ὀλιγοδραν ων or ὀλιγηπελέων (Z/. 15. 24, 246 etc.), which are more objective.—yvev without augment: //. 4. 357, Hes. 7%. 551. Cp. Swinburne, Atalanta in Calydon, p- 88 (the dying Meleager speaks) :—‘ My heart is within me As an ash in the fire’... And the Semichorus, 26. p. 83: ‘He wastes as the embers quicken; With the brand he fades as a brand.’ 154 ἀγλαὰν ἥβαν. Simon. fr. 105 epode 4. 288 155 5 φασὶν ἀδεισιβόαν Col.ll 6 BAKXYAIAOY [v ᾿Αμφιτρύωνος παῖδα μοῦνον δὴ τότε 7 τέγξαι βλέφαρον, ταλαπενθέος 8 πότμον οἰκτίροντα φωτός. 9 Kat νιν ἀμειβόμενος 16010 ToL , στρ. €. eda’ θνατοῖσι μὴ φῦναι φέριστον, : μηδ᾽ ἀελίου προσιδεῖν 2 φέγγος: ἀλλ᾽ οὐ γάρ τίς ἐστιν 3 πρᾶξις τάδε μυρομένοις, 4 χρὴ κεῖνο λέγειν ὅ,τι καὶ μέλλει τελεῖν. 165 ς ἢ ῥα τις ἐν μεγάροις 6 Οἰνῆος ἀρηϊφίλου 7 ἔστιν ἀδμήτα θυγάτρων, 8 σοὶ φυὰν ἀλιγκία; οτάν κεν λιπαρὰν ἐθέλων θείμαν ἄκοιτιν. 170 τὸ Ν Ν / τὸν δὲ μενεπτολέμου n ψυχὰ προσέφα Μελεά- τ γρου" λίπον χλωραύχενα 1. ἐν δώμασι Δαϊάνειραν, 160 rot’ Housman, A. Ludwich: ΤΟΙΔ A: but a corrector (*?) has altered this to TAA’ by transfixing I with a sloping line which at the same time converts O into A.— τάδ᾽ ἔφα Blass: τόδ᾽ ἔφα K. 160—162 The words θνατοῖσι.. «φέγγος are quoted by Stobaeus Flor. 98. 27, who, placing a comma after φέγγος, adds in the same line οἵδε wap Εὐρυμέδοντά ποτ᾽ ἀγλαὸν ὥλεσαν ἥβην : Theognis 985 αἶψα γὰρ ὥστε νόημα παρέρχεται ἀγλαὸς ἥβη. 1552. ade v, only here ana} in xX. 61: cp. ἀδεισιδαίμων (Clem. Alex. p. 302) ἀδεισίθεος orac. ap. Iulian. p. 297 D.— ᾿Αμφιτρύωνος. This lengthening of the z in Amphitryo is very exceptional: it is short above in v.85, andin Xv.15. Pindar, who uses the name in six places (/. Ix. 81; MV. 1. 52, IV. 20, X. 13: 7. 1. §5, VI- 6) always has t. In the Amphitruo of Plautus the Ζ is regularly short, and no- where appears to be necessarily long. The name does not seem to be extant in Greek iambic verse ; possibly we might have found examples of this scansion in the ᾿Αμφιτρύων of Sophocles, of Aeschylus Alexandrinus (Nauck? p. 824), or of the comic poet Archippus. Cp. ᾿Αμφιτρίτη (Od. 3. 91, etc.). 157 v: the sing., as in XI. 17; twice in Sophocles (A w+. 104, fr. 645), and often in Euripides. Homerand Aeschylus have only the plur. βλέφαρα, Pindar only γλέφαρα. — saneerblon, lit. ‘ bearing grief’? (Od. 5. 222): in XV. 26 it means ‘ grievous.’ 160 tot’ ἔφα. The first syllable is long in three at least of the corresponding verses (40, 80, 200): and presumably long, though anceps, in the fourth (120, πατρός). And the first hand wrote TOIA, which a corrector has changed into TAA’. Blass (praef. p. XLII) defends τάδ᾽, holding that ~~-—- could be substituted for -~—-— at the beginning of the verse. To the ear at least, such a change in the rhythm is very unpleasing. It seems much more probable that the author wrote rot’ ἔφα. It is true, as the same critic ob- serves, that we do not elsewhere find τοῖα 45 -- τοιάδε, before a speech: but it is not doubtful that a poet could have so used it. The objection would be met by reading τᾷδ᾽ (cp. τοι n.): but the Ms. reading points rather to rot’. θνατοῖσι μὴ φῦναι φέριστον : the first v] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 280 *Tis said that then, and then alone, tears came to the eyes of Amphitryon’s intrepid son, in pity for the ill-fated hero’s doom ; and he answered him with such words as these: ‘It were best for mortals that they had never been born, : and never looked upon the sunlight. But, seeing that these laments avail not, a man should speak of that which he can hope to accomplish. In the halls of the warrior Oeneus is there a maiden among his daughters like in form to thee? I to make her my queenly bride’ Fain were And to him spake the spirit of Meleager steadfast in war: ‘I left Deianeira at home, in the fresh bloom of youth, ὄλβιος δ᾽ οὐδεὶς βροτῶν πάντα χρόνον, a fragment otherwise unknown (Bergk fr. 2). 161 μηδ᾽ Stobaeus: MHT’ ms. (by A*?). 164 χρὴ] KPH ms., but with X written above 169 ΘΕΛΩΝ Ms., corr. K.—AKOITAN A: corr. A!? TONKE Ms., with A written above (by A??). 170 τὸν δὲ] 172 χλωραύχενα)] The grave accent was at first placed on the letter v, but two lines have been drawn through it. half of the familiar maxim; Theognis 425 ff. πάντων μὲν μὴ φῦναι ἐπιχθονίοισιν ἄριστον, | μηδ᾽ ἐσιδεῖν αὐγὰς ὀξέος ἠελίου. | φύντα δ᾽ ὅπως ὦκιστα πύλας ᾽᾿Αΐδαο περῆσαι k.T..: Soph. O. C. 1225 ff., etc. This passage illustrates the pathetic power of Bacchylides. It is impressive, indeed, that this should be said by Heracles, ‘the unconquered’ (v. 57). Yet a subtler poet would scarcely have made him say it here, within the gates of Hades, to Meleager, whose fate he pities. For the first part of the adage,—‘It is best not to be born,’—inevitably suggests that other which is not spoken,—‘and next best, to die soon.’ Contrast the manner in which the whole γνώμη is in- troduced by Sophocles (1. ¢.). As uttered by the men of Colonus, it is not only a comment on the trials of Oedipus, but also a thought which turns the mind towards his approaching release. 161 προσιδεῖν, aorist, like ἐσιδεῖν αὐγὰς in Theognis 426 (see last n.), be- cause the moment of birth is meant: cp. 71. 16. 187 f. αὐτὰρ ἐπεὶ δὴ τόν γε μογο- στόκος Εϊλείθυια | ἐξάγαγε πρὸ φόωσδε καὶ ἠελίου ἴδεν αὐγάς. 162 ξ. ἀλλ᾽ οὐ γὰρ πράξις κ.τ.λ.: Od. το. 202 ἀλλ᾽ οὐ γάρ τις πρῆξις ἐγίγνετο μυρομένοισιν (‘no effect,’ πο good). 74. 24. 524 οὐ γάρ τις πρῆξις πέλεται κρυεροῖο γόοιο. Bacchyl. fr. 12 τί γὰρ ἐλαφρὸν ἔτ᾽ ἐστὶν ἄπρακτ᾽ ὀδυρόμενον δονεῖν | καρδίαν ; 164 μέλλει, sc. τις, easily supplied from the indefinite plural partic. in 163. (Not: ‘a word which is likely to have 1: effect.’)—reXetv is here probably the fut., though it might be the pres.: cp. ΠΕ 30 n. 165 ἦ pa, interrogative, as in 77]. 5. 421; Pind. P.1x. 40, /. Vil. 3 ; Soph. Az. 172 (lyric). Some edd. prefer to write ἦρα (2.4. ἢ -- ἄρα) in this sense. 167 ἀδμήτα: Hom. hymn. Ven. 82 παρθένῳ adunry: Aesch. Suppl. 149 (the prayer of the Danaides to Artemis), ἀδμάτας ἀδμάτα | ῥύσιος γενέσθω. In 7]. and Οὐ. this form of the word is applied only to cattle; but παρθένος ἀδμής occurs in Od. 6. 109, etc.—The Ionic ἢ is kept here to avoid a double a sound; but cp. X. 84 ἄδματοι.---θθβυγάτρων, partitive gen. with τις in 165. 169 λιπαράν. epithet is that The notion of the of rich adornment, splendid surroundings. It may perhaps be rendered by ‘queenly.’ Cp. Hes. Th. got δεύτερον ἠγάγετο λιπαρὴν Θέμιν. Except in Od. 15. 332, where λιπαροὶ κεφαλάς is said of youths whose heads are anointed with oil, λιπαρός is never in Homer the epithet of a person, nor is it ever so used by Pindar. θείμαν ἄκοιτιν. Od. 21. 72 ἱέμενοι γῆμαι θέσθαι τε γυναῖκα. Aesch. 7h. 930 πόσιν αὑτᾷ θεμένα. ἢ Pindar represented Meleager as pro- posing the marriage with Deianeira to Heracles, in order that he might defend her from her dread suitor, Achelous (schol. 77. 21. 194). See Appendix. 172£. χλωραύχενα, with the freshness (the fresh bloom) of youth upon her neck. 20 [Vv 290 BAKXYAIAOY 4 κνηὴϊν ἔτι χρυσέας 17513 Κύπριδος θελξιμβρότου. dvr. ε. τλευκώλενε Καλλιόπα, lal ΜῈ 2 στᾶσον εὐποίητον ἅρμα 3 αὐτοῦ" Δία τε Κρονίδαν 4 ,ὕμνησον ᾿Ολύμπιον ἀρχαγὸν θεῶν, 180 «τόν T ἀκαμαντορόαν 6 ᾿Αλφεόν, Πέλοπός τε βίαν, Ν , » > ες Ν γ καὶ Πίσαν, ἔνθ᾽ ὁ κλεεννὸς 8 ποσσὶ νικάσας δρόμῳ ο ἤλθ]εν Φερένικος « ἐς εὐπύργους Συρακόσ- 1851 σας Ἱέρωνι φέρων τι €VO Ιαιμονίας πέταλον. 179 OATMIIION] ὦ has been written by A® above the second O: a notable instance of a true reading depraved by this corrector, though metre clearly forbade. Nightingales, when they begin their song in the early Greek spring, are called χλωραύχενες by Simonides (fr. 73), who meant (I think) ‘with fresh throat,’ i.e. with throat of fresh, youthful vigour,—in Keats’s phrase, ‘full-throated.’ ‘Thus for both poets χλωραύχην implies xAwpds as an epithet, not of colour, but of young life; though with diverse applications. See Appendix. Aaidvepay, see Xv. 23 ff. The bare mention of her name suffices here: enough has been said_to enforce the truth, χαλε- mov | θεῶν παρατρέψαι νόον (94 f.). 174 f. χρυσέας, with v, as in XV. 2, Pind. P. Iv. 4 etc. This ¥ was borrowed from the lyrists by the dramatists. but only in lyrics (Soph. O. 7: 157, etc.). In Homer the v is always long, and such forms as χρυσέης are to be scanned as two syllables (with synizesis) ; cp. //. 1. 15 χρυσέῳ ἀνὰ σκήπτρῳ. - θελξιμβρότου, the enchantress, who bewitches mortals. In 74. 14. 214 ff. is described the embroidered cestus (κεστὸν ἱμάντα) οἵ Aphrodite, wherein are ‘all her enchant- ments’ (θελκτήρια) .----ἴονε, desire, and sweet converse, that steals the wits even of the wise.’ 176 ff. Καλλιόπα is now bidden to turn from the heroic myth to the im- mediate theme of the epinikion. In Xviit. 13 she is the Muse who inspires a dithy- ramb concerning Io. Above, in 13 f., the poet is Οὐρανίας... θεράπων, as in Vv. 1r Urania again prompts his strain; while in Xv. 3 she moves him to sing of Heracles. In III. 3, XI. 2, and ΧΙ. 228 it is Κλειώ who presides over the ode of victory. Bacchylides uses the names of these Muses interchangeably, without assigning a special function to each. Pindar names Καλλιόπα only once (0. x. 16), Κλειώ once (4. m1. 83), and Οὐρανία nowhere: he usually speaks of Μοῖσα or Μοῖσαι. In later mythology Calliope was the Muse of heroic song, Cleio of history, and Urania of astronomy. 177 στᾶσον x.7.\.: cease to pursue the story of Heracles, and revert to Hieron’s victory. T he example of an abrupt .return from myth to theme was set by Pindar in the earliest of his extant odes, written in 498 B.C., when he was only twenty; 2. X. 51 κώπαν σχάσον k.7.r.: cp. V. ν. 15 f. στάσομαι: P. Iv. (462 B.C.) 247 f. μακρά μοι νεῖσθαι κατ᾽ ἀμαξιτόν: wpa yap συνάπτει" καί τινα | οἷμον ἴσαμι βραχύν " where he adds, πολλοῖσι δ᾽ aynuat σοφίας ἑτέροις, words which imply that other lyric poets (like Bacchylides here) had imitated this trait. εὐποίητον : Hom. Hymn. A poll. 265 ἅρματά τ᾽ ebrolnra.—dppa : the ‘chariot’ is Pindaric, but Pindar always gives it to ‘the Muses’ collectively, and never materializes it by such an epithet as ‘ well-wrought’: he conceives the poet as borne along in it (O. Ix. 81 ἐν Μοισᾶν δίφρῳ) : the singers of old are they of Ὑ] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ [2ΟΙ a stranger still to golden Aphrodite the enchantress.’ White-armed Calliope, stay thy well-wrought chariot there ; and now sing Zeus, son of Cronus, Olympian ruler of the gods,— and Alpheus, of untiring stream, with mighty Pelops, and Pisa, where the famed Pherenicus prevailed by his speed in the race, ere he returned to the embattled walls of Syracuse, bringing Hieron the leaf of good fortune. 184 f. ἤλθ]εν and és are supplied by Housman (κῦρεν.. ἐς Ludwich).—Zvpaxotccas Ms., K., Herwerden: Συρακόσσας Blass. χρυσαμπύκων | és δίφρον Μοισᾶν ἔβαινον (Λ τι. 2): the patron τόδ᾽ ἔζευξεν ἅρμα ἹΠερίδων (P. Χ. 65): in a poetic effort, ἔσσυται... | Μοισαῖον ἅρμα (7. v1.61). As the chariot is an image for the poet’s ὁρμή, and belongs to the Muses only in their relation to the poet, it is not attributed to the Muses, or to any of them, in ancient art. 180 ἀκαμαντορόαν : cp. III. 6n. 181 Ilé\omds τε βίαν : cp. vil. ad fin. ἐν Πέλοπος Φρυγίου | κλεινοῖς ἀέθλοις : X. 24 ἴ. ἐν ζαθέοις | ἁγνοῦ Πέλοπος δαπέδοις. Hero and god are similarly linked in Pind. O. x. 26 ff.: ‘The ordinances of Zeus have moved me to sing of the peerless festival which Heracles founded by the ancient tomb of Pé/ops, with altars six in number’ (the βωμοὺς é& διδύμους of O. v. 5, which Heracles dedicated to six pairs of deities). In the altis at Olympia, west of the great altar of Zeus at which the Iamidae divined by ἔμπυρα, was the precinct called the Πελόπιον, enclosing the hero’s traditional grave,—a low tumu- lus of elliptic form. A Doric propylaion, with three doors, gave access from the S.W. side. Here sacrifices, the αἱμακουρίαι of Pind. O. 1. 91, had been offered to the spirit of Pelops from early times: Pau- sanias (5. 13 ὃ 2) mentions the yearly offering of a black ram. 182 Πίσαν, with f: so Pindar (0. 11. 3, etc.). But Simonides fr. 158 has Ilioy:- cp. Theocr. Iv. 29 ποτὶ Πῖσαν. Euripides (7. 7. 1 and Helen. 393) has Πῖσαν (so edd.), but in the fifth foot: cp. 7. 7. 824 παρθένον Πισάτιδα, where the quantity of the cis doubtful. The name is probably connected with πῖσος (πίνω), ‘ water-meadow.’—Pisa, the old Achaean capital of Pisatis, the mythical seat of Oenomaus and Pelops, seems to have stood about three-quarters of a mile east of the temple of the Olympian Zeus. The site has been conjecturally identified with a hill near the stream Miraka, an affluent of the Alpheus. (Cp. E. Curtius, Pelop. 11. 51.) Pisa was destroyed in 572 B.C. by the Eleans, who then succeeded to the presidency of the games. Pindar uses Πίσα as a poetical synonym for Olympia: O. 1. 18 Πίσας τε καὶ Pepevixov χάρις : VIII. 9 ὦ Πίσας εὔδενδρον ἐπ᾿ ᾿Αλφεῴ ἄλσος. So Herodotus (11. 7) measures the distance from Athens ἔς τε Πῖσαν καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν νηὸν τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ ᾽Ολυμπίου. 184 f. ἦλθεν... és εὐπύργους κιτ.λ. We must insert és, lost after -os through the recurrence of σε (-OCECETIITPIOTC). ἐϊπύργους is inadmissible, because the ὕ of ἐῦ- is always short before a single con- sonant. There is, indeed, one apparent exception, Od. 14. 63 κλῆρόν τε évpopddv τε γυναῖκα, but there the v./. πολυμνηστήν is doubtless right. The ὕ is long only when the consonant is doubled, as in éijuuedins, éiippoos, ἐὔσσελμος.---Σδυρακόσ- σας. the double σσ indicates that the Doric form should be restored by deleting v. The forms were (1) Doric Συράκοσαι (Pind. P. 11. 1), or metré gratia Συράκοσ- σαι: (2) Attic Συράκουσαι: (3) Ionic Συρήκουσαι. 186 εὐδαιμονίας πέταλον : alluding to the garland of wild olive (κότινος) which was the prize at Olympia. The singular πέταλον is poetically substituted for the plural, as in Soph. O. C. τοι φύλλον ἐλαίας. It is a phrase resembling that in Ill. 92 ff. ὄλβου .. ἄνθεα. Victory is the leaf which εὐδαιμονία puts forth. There is a like metaphor in 198, πυθμένες θάλλουσιν ἐσθλῶν. The use of πέταλον, instead of ἄνθος, is fitting, since the word is intended to suggest the olive-wreath : cp. Pind. 4. τ. 17 ᾿ολυμπιάδων φύλλοις ἐλαιᾶν χρυσέοις : O. VIII. 76 στέφανος 20—2 ant. 5. The ms. has CYPAKOTCCAC, but - BAKXYAIAOY [ν 292 12 xp?) δ᾽ ἀλαθείας χάριν Col. 12. 3 αἰνεῖν, φθόνον ἀμφοτέραισιν τὰ χερσὶν ἀπωσάμενον, 19015 εἴ τις εὖ πράσσοι βροτῶν. ἐπ. ε΄. : Βοιωτὸς ἀνὴρ τᾷδε φώνησεν, γλυκειᾶν 2 Ἡσίοδος πρόπολος 3 Μουσάν, ὃν ἀθάνατοι Ty pact, TOUT@ 4 Kal βροτῶν φήμαν ἕπί εσθαι. 195 5 πείθομαι εὐμαρέως 187 ἀλαθείας Blass; AAHOEIAC ms. 191 τᾷδε Wilamowitz, for τάδε: see comment.—After φώνησεν K. supplies παλαιός : Wilam., λιγειᾶν : Bruhn, γλυκειᾶν (so Blass): Pingel, Baév@pwy.—Housman conj. τάνδε φώνησέν ror’ ὀμφάν. 193 f. ὃν φυλλοφόρων an aye: XV. Vi. 65 dvée ᾿Ολυμπιάδος. Some take pitiehee as ‘a voling-leaf,’ Pind. 7. vil. 43 μηδὲ Νηρέος θυγάτηρ νεικέων πέταλα δὶς ἐγγυαλιζέτω | ἄμμιν, ‘place leaves of strife in our hands’ (force us to vote on opposite sides): a passage which shows that the use of leaves in voting was known long before the Syracusans employed the πέταλον ἐλαίας (Diod. x1. 86) in the form of ostracism called πεταλισμός. (‘ Petalism’ was instituted probably ¢. 454 B.C., and abolished after no long interval: Diod. ΧΙ. 87: Freeman Sicily 11. 332.) Leaves were used in the Athenian Βουλή when the senators voted on the question of expelling one of their own number: Aeschin. or. 1 ὃ 111 7 βουλὴ Katayvotca τουτονὶ ἀδικεῖν καὶ ἐκφυλλοφορήσασα. What, then, would be the exact sense of εὐδαιμονίας πέταλον" It has beenrendered, ‘a token of heaven's favour.’ But that meaning can be reached only through the literal one, ‘a suffrage for (Hieron’s) happiness,’ —given by the god who de- creed the victory. That, however, is too artificial: it seems also too obscure, without help from the context. There is a further objection; viz. that, on the analogy of φέρειν ψῆφον (suffragium ferre), φέρων πέταλον should refer to the voter. 187 ἀλαθείας: the Ms. has ἀλη- here, but the Doric a is found in all the five other places where the poet uses the word (Ill. 96; Vil. 42f.; ΙΧ. 85; XII. 204; fr. 10). Bacchylides refers more than once to the φθόνος which may put constraint on a man’s inward sense of merit in others, and keep him silent, while ‘truth,’ candour, makes the poet speak out : see ΠΙ. 67 ff; vu. 85 ff. σὺν δ᾽ ἀλαθείᾳ βροτῶν x.7.d.: XI. 199 ff. εἰ μή τινα θερσιεπὴς | φθόνος βιᾶται, | αἰνείτω σοφὸν ἄνδρα | σὺν δίκᾳ... | a δ᾽ ἀλαθεία φιλεῖ | νικᾶν κατιλ. His tone is that of one who praises because it is the plain duty of a fair mind. 188 f. ἀμφοτέραισιν χερσίν, ‘with might and main.’ Cp. the proverbial phrase, οὐ τῇ ἑτέρᾳ ληπτέον (Plat. Soph. 226 A).—d&tmwodpevov. Housman would write ἀπωσαμένους, as εἰ follows. The last syllable of the verse is, indeed, long in all the strictly corresponding verses (54, 69, 94, 109, 134, 149, 174). Verses 14 and 29, though holding the same place, are, as we saw, metrically peculiar in having an additional syllable: still, ἐθέλει δέ in v. 14 suggests that here also the final syllable could be amceps. As a matter of idiom, the singular seems here more natural than the plural. 190 εἴ τις εὖ πράσσοι, after χρὴ (187). In general statements or maxims the present indicative is sometimes thus — followed by ei with the optative, where we should rather expect a _ general supposition expressed by εἰ with pres: indic., or ἐάν with pres. subjunctive. Od. 14. 56 ξεῖν᾽, οὔ μοι θέμις Ext, οὐδ᾽ εἰ κακίων σέθεν ἔλθοι, | ξεῖνον ἀτιμῆσαι. Pind. P. vill. 13 κέρδος δὲ φίλτατον, | ἑκόντος εἴ τις ἐκ δόμων φέροι. Similarly when the condition is contained in ἃ relative clause: Soph. Ant. 666 ἀλλ᾽ ὃν πόλις στήσειε, τοῦδε χρὴ κλύειν. 191—194 Hieron’s success and glory Vv] ETTINIKOI 293 We must give praise, for truth’s sake, and thrust envy away from us with might and main, if any man should prosper. Thus spake the Boeotian, Hesiod, servant of the sweet Muses: ‘Whomsoever the immortals honour, the good report of men goes with him also.’ Readily am I won epode 5. -- ἂν ----τιμῶσι τούτῳ... ἕπεσθαι Housman: and Wilamowitz (but with κείνῳ instead _ of τούτῳ). χρῆναι). So also Blass*, but with χρῆμεν after τιμῶσι (Pingel having conjectured 195 πείθομαι] πειθόμεθ᾽ Blass. are so manifestly given dy the gods, that envy is put to silence, and men’s applause cannot be withheld. The poet constantly refers Hieron’s victories to the favour of heaven: cp. above, 36: IV. I—3, and more especially 18—20, τί φέρτερον ἢ θεοῖσιν | φίλον ἐόντα κ.τ.λ. Βοιωτὸς ἀνήρ. Virgil’s Ascraeus senex (Zel. 6. 70); so Homer is Χῖος ἀνήρ (Simonid. fr. 85. 2) ; Simonides, ἀοιδὸς ὁ Κήϊος (Theocr. Xvi. 44); Pindar, Dzrcaeus cygnus (Hor. C. Iv. 2. 25); Alcaeus, Lesbius civis (id. C. 1. 32. 5); Anacreon, ὁ Thios κύκνος (Antipater Sidon. in Anh. 7- 30). τᾷδε, ‘on this wise’: cp. Soph. £7. 643 τῇδε γὰρ κἀγὼ φράσω (where, how- ever, ‘on this wise’ means ‘ darkly,’— not, ‘in these terms’): O. C. 1300 κἀπὸ μαντέων ταύτῃ κλύω (‘and so I hear’...). The Ms. τάδε cannot be sound, if in 151 μίνυνθα is (as it seems to be) corrupt: see n. there. φώνησεν. All Dorian dialects have -σω, -noa in fut. and 1st aor. of verbs in -é#. In Pindar WV. v. 44 Boeckh read φίλασ᾽ (as also in other places of Pindar) ; but recent editors agree in giving φίλησ᾽. In O. xi. 67 W. Christ and others give φώνασε, though φώνησε in NV. X. 76, and φωνήσαις in 7. v.51. The form φωνάω, of which ἐφώνασα would be the Doric aorist, does not seem to occur, though it would be the natural form for the verb from φωνά. The word lost after φώνησεν may have been an epithet of Μουσᾶν (such as λυκειᾶν or λιγειᾶν). Both the poet’s style and the rhythm of the passage suggest this as probable. ὃν ἂν ἀθάνατοι «.7.A. The supple- ment given in the text seems the best (see cr. n.). τούτῳ is not grammatically indispensable, since a dat. could be understood (cp. Soph. Anz. 35 f., ὃς ἂν τούτων Tt δρᾷ, φόνον πρόκεισθαι) : but it makes the sentence clearer; and the emphasis is fitting here.—In Hesiod’s extant poems and fragments there is nothing nearer to this sentiment than the passage in 7heog. 81 ff., ὅντινα τιμήσωσι Διὸς κοῦραι μεγάλοιο | ,... | τοῦ μὲν ἐπὶ γλώσσῃ γλυκερὴν χείουσιν ἐέρσην, | ...08 δέ νυ λαοὶ | πάντες ἐς αὐτὸν ὁρῶσι κ.τ.λ. : where he says that the Muses give winning eloquence to kings, and fame to poets. But Theognis v. 169 is exactly apposite: ὃν δὲ θεοὶ τιμῶσ᾽, ὃν καὶ μωμεύμενος αἰνεῖ, 1.6., a man, though inclined to blame, is constrained to praise. I cannot think that Bacchylides was alluding to Hes. Zheog. 81 ff. Refer- ences of this kind to other poets are, as a rule, verbally close: see, ¢.g., Pind. Z. v. 67 Λάμπων δὲ μελέταν | ἔργοις ὀπάζων Ἡσιόδου μάλα τιμᾷ τοῦτ᾽ ἔπος (alluding to Hes. Of. 410 μελέτη δέ τε ἔργον ὀφέλλει). The saying may have occurred in some lost passage of Hesiod, —possibly the source of Theognis 169: or our poet may have meant the verse of Theognis, and named Hesiod by mis- take. 195 f. πείθομαι κιτ.λ. ‘Readily do I consent to send’... This is a phrase, like many in Pindar, intimating that the - epinikion was written by invitation. Cp. O.X111.96 Motoas γὰρ ἀγλαοθρόνοις Ex wy | ᾿Ολιγαιθίδαισίν τ᾽ ἔβαν ἐπίκουρος : P. V. 43 f. ἑκόντι τοίνυν πρέπει | νόῳ τὸν εὐερ- γέταν ὑπαντιάσαι.---εὐκλέα. scanned ---: Soph. O. 7. 161 has (θρόνον) εὐκλέα (-~~). In Pind. P. XII. 24 εὐκλεᾶ (acc. sing., for εὐκλεέα) 15 -- “ —. εὐκλέα γλῶσ- gay means ‘an utterance fraught with glory’ (for Hieron): cp. Pind. 4. v1. 29 ἐπέων... οὖρον | εὐκλεῖα (=evdxdeéa): O. 11. go εὐκλέας ὀϊστούς (‘shafts of song, winged by fame’).—For γλῶσσαν, cp. Pind. O. IX. 44 φέροις δὲ IIpwroyevelas | ἄστει γλῶσσαν (‘lend thy voice’ to Opus): WV. Iv. 86 xeivos...€uav | γλῶσσαν εὑρέτω κελαδῆτιν, ‘Let him (in the shades) be- come aware that my song is resounding.’ So here the γλῶσσα is a song sent from Ceos. [v, VI 6 εὐκλέα κελεύθου γλῶσσαν οὐκ ἐκτὸς δίκας γὰρ Ζεὺς ἀκινήτους ἐν εἰρήν[ᾳ φυλάσσοι. ΚΕΙΩΙ 204 BAKXYAIAOY 7 πέμπειν ἹἹέρωνι" τόθεν 8. πυθμένες θάλλουσιν ἐσθλ! ὧν, 9 τοὺς ὁ μεγιστοπάτωρ 200 τὸ VI. AAXQNI STAAIE! OAYMITTIA στρα. Λάχων Διὸς peyiotou λάχε φέρτατον πόδεσσι κῦδος ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αλφεοῦ προχοαῖς, [κάλ᾽ αὔξων δι ὅσσα πάροιθεν 5 ἀμπελοτρόφον Κέον + ’ > > ΄ ἄεισάν ποτ΄ ᾿Ολυμπίᾳ 196 After γλῶσσαν only the letter o remains, the rest of the verse having been torn off.—ovx ἐκτὸς δίκας J. (1898), and (independently) A. Drachmann: οὐκ ἐκτὸς θεῶν Blass: οὐκ ἐκτὸς mpoels Jurenka: οἰακοστρόφον. Κ. : οἰωνὸν καλᾶς Platt. 200 φυλάσσοι Wilamowitz, Platt. Jurenka, Blass: ἐσθλοί K. supplied by Palmer. 198 ἐσθλῶν φυλάσσει was οὐκ ἐκτὸς (κελεύθου) δίκας : the poet’s strain of praise kas not wandered from the path of justice. Cp. X. 26 δίκας κέλευθον: and for ἐκτὸς, 1X. 51 f. τί μακρὰν γλῶσσαν ἰθύσας ἐλαύνω | ἐκτὸς ὁδοῦ; Both Bacchylides and Pindar fre- quently claim that their praise is in accord with δίκα: XII. 201 f. aiveirw σοφὸν ἄνδρα | σὺν δίκᾳ : X. 123 f. δικαίας ὅστις ἔχει φρένας εὑρήσει κιτ:λ. : Pind. }. VIII. 7of. κώμῳ μὲν ἁδυμελεῖ | Δίκα παρέ- στακε: NV. Ill. 29 ἕπεται δὲ λόγῳ δίκας dwros, ἐσλὸς (acc. pl.) αἰνεῖν. 197 2. τόθεν, ‘thence,’ referring to εὐκλέα γλῶσσαν : by means of the just praise of the poet. Αβθάλλουσιν indicates, πυθμένες ἐσθλῶν are (literally) ‘the stocks or stems of happy fortunes’ (ἐσθλά), here compared to plants or trees. The just praise of the poet is as the dew which makes them flourish. The poet confers a glory which is the flower and crown of established prosperity. (For the diction, cp. Aesch. Suppl. τος f. νεάζει πυθμὴν | .. τεθαλώς, the old stock puts forth new buds and blossoms.) Pindar has a like thought in WV. ν ΠΙ. 40 ff., αὔξεται δ᾽ ἀρετά, χλωραῖς ἐέρσαις ws ὅτε δένδρεον docet, | ἐν σοφοῖς ἀνδρῶν ἀερθεῖσ᾽ ἐν δικαίοις τε πρὸς ὑγρὸν | αἰθέρα: ‘As, watered by fresh dews, a tree shoots upward, so grows the fame of manly worth, when it is lifted towards the liquid air of heaven by masters of song who give just praise.’ For ἐσθλῶν, cp. IV. 20 μοῖραν ἐσθλῶν : XVI. 132 ἐσθλῶν τύχαν : Hom. hymn, Cer. 225 θεοὶ δέ τοι ἐσθλὰ πόροιεν. 199 f. μεγιστοπάτωρ = μέγιστος πατήρ: SO XVIII. 21 μεγιστυάνασσα: Soph. PA. 1338 Ἕλενος ἀριστόμαντις.---ἀκινήτους : the πυθμένες of MHieron’s ἐσθλά are already well-set; the prayer is that they may never be uprooted.—eipyve : for the form, see on II. 1. There is an allusion to the security gained for Sicily by the victory at Himera four years earlier (480 B.c.). Cp. ΧΙ. 188 f. (of Eévouia) ἄστεά T...| ἐν εἰρήνᾳ φυλάσσει. Here φυλάσσοι is preferable. Pind. O. vin, ends with a like wish,...ar7juavtov ἄγων βίοτον | αὐτούς τ᾽ ἀέξοι καὶ πόλιν (sc. Ζεύς) : while O. x11l. and 4. 1x. end with a direct prayer to Zeus. V, VI] ETTINIKOI 295 to send Hieron the song that tells forth his fame, without swerving from the path of justice; for by such praise it is that happy fortunes, once firmly planted, flourish: and may Zeus, the supreme father, guard them steadfast in peace. VI. For Lachon of Ceos, victor in the foot-race for boys at Olympia. (452 B.C.) Lachon has won from great Zeus surpassing glory by his str. s. speed, where the waters of Alpheus seek the sea; enhancing those goodly deeds for which ere now vine-nurturing Ceos has been sung at Olympia, Vi. The title has heen added by A? in the left margin. ΠΑΙΔῚ is inserted by Blass, as the Oxyrhynchus fragment of the Olympic register shows that Lachon’s victory was in the παίδων στάδιον. 8 AAPELOT A: corr. K.—After προχοαῖσ K. supplies -ἰ σεμναῖς (and so Jurenka), Housman ἀέθλων, Blass -ἰ νικῶν (with a full stop): J., κάλ᾽ αὔξων. VI. 1£. Λάχων. Inthe Oxyrhynchus fragment of the Olympic register the entry referring to this victory gives the name as Λάκων. But Λάχων is confirmed by the agonistic inscription of Ceos (see Intro- duction to Ode 1. ὃ 3), where [Λ]άχων ᾿Αριστομένεος παίδων occurs (twice) among the Nemean victors. The origin of such short names as Λάχων and Λάχης is illus- trated by the Attic Λαχέμοιρος (C. 7. A. 11. No. 1512 ὁ 2add.): cp. Fick-Benseler, Griech. Personennamen, Ὁ. 184.—The play on words in Λάχων.. λάχε is not sportive; it brings out the omen of the name, in this case a happy one. So Pindar fr. 105 (of Hieron), ζαθέων ἱερῶν ὁμώνυμε πάτερ. Cp. Soph. Az. 430f., n. -Διὸς.. λάχε, 2.4. παρὰ Διός : cp. Soph. O. 7. 580 πάντ᾽ ἐμοῦ κομίζεται : 1b. 1163 ἐδεξάμην δέ του. Sf. ᾿Αλφεοῦ. The distance of Olym- pia from the mouth of the Alpheus was in ancient times about eight miles, and is now about ten. But the poet’s phrase, ἐπὶ mpoxoats, is correct in a broad sense. Olympia is near the point where the Alpheus, descending from the Arcadian highlands, enters on the last stage of its course amidst the sandy levels near the coast, and then passes between lagoons to the sea. A After ILPOXOAIC the ms. has lost three syllables, ~--.- Compare 11. 6 ff., referring to the Cean victor Argeios :— καλῶν δ᾽ ἀνέμνασεν, ὅσ᾽ ἐν κλεεννῷ | αὐχένι (ισθμοῦ... ἐπεδείξαμεν : ‘he has renewed the memory of αὐ those goodly feats which we (Ceans) have displayed’ at the Isthmus. So, here also, ὅσσα clearly refers to the whole series of victories won by Ceans in the national games. Lachon had now gained a signal success at the chief festival. (1) The poet may conceivably have said that this victory was the most brilliant of all which had.brought fame to Ceos: if so, we might read. προχοαῖς, ἀέθλων (Housman), or προχοαῖσι, πάντων (the genitive, with either word, depending on géprarov). (2) Or, as is perhaps more probable, Lachon may have been de- scribed as enhancing the previous glories of Ceos. That sense would be given by κάλ᾽ αὔξων, where καλά would have the same meaning as in 11. 6.—See Appendix. 5 ἀμπελοτρόφον. The word πολυάμ- πελος, traceable in frag. 7 (K.), was also doubtless applied to Ceos. Coins of that island sometimes bore a grape (Broéndsted, Voyages 1. pl. XXVII., quoted by Jurenka here). 6 ff. Join ᾿Ολυμπίᾳ with dacay, not with kpatedoay. These tributes of song were paid by young men of Ceos at Olympia; the occasion would be a festal procession, escorting the Cean victor to the temple of the Olympian Zeus, where he would give thanks; or it might be a banquet. The formal ἐπινέκιον was more usually sung after the victor’s re- turn to his home. 296 BAKXYAIAOY [VI, VII πύξ τε Kal στάδιον κρατεῦ- σαν] στεφάνοις ἐθείρας στρ. β΄. νεανίαι βρύοντες. το σὲ δὲ νῦν ἀναξιμόλπου Οὐρανίας ὕμνος ἕκατι νίκ[ ας ᾿Αριστομένειον ὦ ποδάνεμον τέκος, γεραίρει προδόμοις ἀοι- 15 dais, ὅτι στάδιον κρατή- σας Κέον εὐκλέϊξας. VII. ΤΩΙ AYTQI Ὦ λιπαρὰ θύγατερ Χρόνου τε κὶ αἱ Νυκτός, σὲ πεντήκοντα μ[ῆνες ἄγαγον ἑκκαιδεκάταν ἐν ᾿Ολυμπί ia φανεῖσαν, ἫΝ Col. 13 ᾧ mjap[’ ᾿Αλφειῷ Πέλοπός τε τάφῳ χαίρ- %~ 5 ov |ros αἷμ! ακουρίαις πέπρωται “κρίνειν ταὶ χυτᾶτά τε] λαιψηρῶν ποδῶν Ἕλλασι. καὶ γυίων ἀρισταλκὲς σθένος: ᾧ δὲ σὺ πρεσβύτατον νείμῃς γέρας ἼΣΟΣ ἐπ’ ἀνθρώποισιν εὐδοξος κέκλη- 10 ται καὶ πολυζήλωτος. *Ap| ἱστομένει lov 18 ΠΟΔΑΝΈΕΈΜΟΝΊ] Ο has been deleted after A. vir. The title has been written over an erasure of three lines, by A’, in the left margin. 1 AIIIAPA corrected from AIILAPO. (ἁμέραν Blass): μηνῶν φθιμένων Jurenka. 2 μ[ῆνες ἄγαγον J. 4—11 Column XII. ends with verse 3. Bptovres denotes the luxuriance of leaves or flowers in the wreaths. Cp. XII. 69 f. πανθαλέων στεφάνοισιν | ἀνθέων χαίταν ἐρεφθείς. Eubulus (a poet of the middle comedy), in his Κυβενταί fr. 1. 6, describes a wreathed drinking-cup as κισσῷ κάρα βρύουσαν. 10 f. ἀναξιμόλπου : cp. XVI. 66 ἀναξι- βρόντας : ΧΙΧ. 8 ἀναξίαλος. So Pindar O.11. 1 ἀναξιφόρμιγγες ὕμνοι.---Οὐρανίας : see n. on V. 176. 12 £. ᾿Αριστομένειον... τέκος : see ἢ. on V. 71. 14 προδόμοις, Aesch. fr. 388 ᾿Εκάτη | τῶν βασιλείων πρόδομος μελάθρων. The ode in honour of a victor was sometimes sung before the doors of his house: Pind. I. Vil. 1—4 Κλεάνδρῳ τις...παρὰ πρόθυρον ἰὼν | ἀνεγειρέτω κῶμον : Nent.1. 19 ἔσταν δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐλείαις θύραις. 16 εὐκλέϊξξας. The Doric aor.: so X. 87 δοίαξε: XVI. 129 παιάνιξαν. Cp. Tyrtaeus 12. 24 ἄστυ ἐϊκλεΐσας: Simo- nides 125. 2 πατρίδ᾽ ἐπευκλεΐσας. VII. 1-- 8 λιπαρὰ, ‘resplendent’ (cp. v. 169 n.). The ‘daughter of Time and Night’ is Day: Hes. Zheog. 124 Νυκτὸς δ᾽ abr’ Αἰθήρ re καὶ Ἡμέρη ἐξεγένοντο. πεντήκοντα (μῆνες) are the fifty lunar months which have elapsed since the last preceding festival at Olympia. There VI, VIT] ETTINIKOI 297 as foremost in boxing or in foot-race, by youths crowned with luxuriant wreaths. And to thee now, son of Aristomenes, thou whose feet are swift as the wind, the hymn of Urania queen of song renders honour for thy victory, in strains chanted before thy house; because by thy triumph in the foot-race thou hast brought renown to Ceos. VII. For the same. Radiant daughter of Time and Night, the fifty months have brought thee, sixteenth day of the month at Olympia; [thee, to whom by the Alpheus, near the tomb of Pelops who rejoices in blood-offerings, it has been allotted] to give judgment for the Greeks on pre-eminence in speed of foot and strength of limb. To whomsoever thou awardest the foremost prize of victory, his name is thenceforth famous and admired among men. 4 Column xiII. is lost; but a few syllables, belonging to the ends of verses in the upper third of it, remain in the left margin of col. xiv. Verses 4-11 have been put together by Blass from several small fragments; and, of these, verses 6-11 have been com- bined with the endings of verses left from col. XIII. Wackernagel. 6 ralxurard re] Platt, was an Olympic cycle of gg lunar months, making up eight years. The interval between two Olympic festivals was al- ternately one of 40 lunar months and one of 50 such months. See schol. Pind. O. Ill. 5 γίνεται δὲ ὁ ἀγὼν ποτὲ μὲν διὰ τεσσα- ράκοντα ἐννέα μηνῶν, ποτὲ δὲ διὰ πεντή- κοντα. Hence the festival fell sometimes in the Olympian (or Elean) month ᾿Α πολ- λώνιος, sometimes in the month Παρθένιος. In an old legend of Elis, the 50 lunar months of this cycle appear as fifty daughters borne by Selene to Endymion (Paus. 5. 1 § 3). ἑκκαιδεκάταν. The Olympian festival began on the rth day of the month, and ended on the 16th: schol. Pind. O. IV. 14 ἐπὶ πέντε ἡμέρας ἐγένετο τὰ ᾿᾽Ολύμ- πια, ἀπὸ ἑνδεκάτης μέχρις ἑκκαιδεκάτης. On the 16th, the last day, the prizes were given to the victors; processions, sacrifices and banquets took place. This exordium suggests that the ode may (like Pindar’s eighth Olympian) have been sung at Olympia. 4f. The letters TOCAIM in v. 5 recall Pind. O. 1. gof. viv δ᾽ ἐν aiuaxov- plats ἀγλααῖσι μέμικται | ᾿Αλφεοῦ πόρῳ κλιθείς, ‘and now (Pelops) hath part in the honour of blood-offerings at his grave by Alpheus’ stream.’ Hence the supple- ment which I suggest above. 6—10 κρίνειν κιτ.λ. There isa general parallelism between this passage and Pindar O. 1. 95 ff., wa ταχυτὰς ποδῶν ἐρίζεται | dxual τ᾽ ἰσχύος θρασύπονοι" ὁ νικῶν δὲ λοιπὸν ἀμφὶ βίοτον | ἔχει μελιτόεσ- σαν εὐδίαν ἀέθλων γ᾽ ἕνεκεν. ἀρισταλκὲς σθένος : note the adj. com- pounded with a noun (ἀλκή) akin in sense to σθένος : cp. Soph. O.7. 518 βίου...τοῦ paxpaiwvos: Tr. 791 δυσπάρευνον λέκτρον. ἐπ᾿ ἀνθρώποισιν, ‘among men’: cp. Soph. 77. 356 τἀπὶ Λυδοῖς (λατρεύματα), his servitude in Lydia (nearly the same as ἐν Λυδοῖς 7b. 248). This use of ἐπέ with dat., though rare, seems tenable. Blass joins νίκας ἔπ᾽, 7.6., ‘on the occasion of victory’; a phrase which seems some- what weak here. vixas would naturally go with γέρας. ᾿Αριστομένειον : VI. 12 n. str, 2. [VII νῦν γ᾽ ἐκόσμη[ σας ore|par| ovo. Adyw |va * * 298 BAKXYAIAOY παῖδα Πυθῶνά τε μηλοθύταν Col.1440 ὑμνέων Νεμέαν τε καὶ Ἰσθμόν" γᾷ δ᾽ ἐπισκήπτων χέρα κομπάσομαι: σὺν ἀλα- θείᾳ δὲ πᾶν λάμπει χρέος" οὔτις ἀνθρώπων Kal Ἕλλα- 45 νας ἐν ἅλικι χρόνῳ παῖς ἐὼν ἀνήρ τε πἰλεῦ- νας ἐδέξατο νίκας. > A ΄, rs ὦ Ζεῦ Kepavveyyés, kal t ἐπ᾿ apyv |podiva ὄχθαισιν ᾿Αλφειοῦ τέλεσσ᾽ as μεγ])αλοκλέας 50 θεοδότους εὐχάς, περὶ κ[ ρατί τ᾽ 6 |ralooa|s γλαυκὸν Αἰτωλίδος avonp ἐλαίας (15) ἐν Πέλοπος Φρυγίου “ 57 κλεινοῖς ἀέθλοις. 11 νῦν γ᾽] Blass.—éxéoun[oas στε͵φάν[οισι Ewald, Bruhn, Housman, Wilamowitz. 14 OMOQI] These letters were the last of the r1th verse in the lost col. ΧΙΠΙ. After that v., about 24-more were needed to complete col. XIII. Blass finds vestiges of 14 of these in some minute fragments which he prints here,—mostly single words, or parts of two words. Ἕλλανας Blass. I give them in the Appendix. 46 πἰίλεῦνας Blass: ποσσὶ πλεῦνας Sandys, Jurenka. 44 f. καθ᾽ 48 xali 11 νῦν γ᾽, though only conjectural, derives support from VIII. 25 Αὐτομήδει νῦν γε νικάϊσαντί νιν δαίμων ἔδωκεν. 89 2. Ιυθῶνά τε. After the verse (no. 14 of the ode, and no. 11 in the lost column XIII of the papyrus) which ended with the letters ope, 24 verses (15—38) have been lost: see cr.n. The poet is now singing (tpvéwv) of Delphi, Nemea, and Isthmus. The reference is doubtless to successes gained by Lachon before his victory at Olympia.—pndodbrayv: an epi- thet of altars in Eur. 7. 7. 1116. Αἱ Delphi those who wished to consult the oracle offered sacrifice before entering the adyton: id. /o 229 πάριτ᾽ és θυμέλας" ἐπὶ δ᾽ ἀσφάκτοις | μήλοισι δόμων μὴ πάριτ᾽ ἐς μυχόν. So Pind. P. 111. 27 μηλοδόκῳ Πυθῶνι. 41 ff. γᾷ δ᾽ ἐπισκήπτων: see V. 42 n. --κομπάσομαι. The passive of this verb occurs in classical poetry; but is there any other instance of the middle? For the fut., cp. X. 24 gacw: Soph. Az. 422 f. ἔπος | ἐξερῶ μέγα: Pind. O. Iv. 17 οὐ ψεύδεϊ τέγξω λόγον.---σὺν ἀλαθείᾳ (a phrase which recurs in VIII. 85): it is only ‘with the aid of truth,’—z.e. by speaking out frankly,—that any matter (xpéos) can be set in a clear, full light (λάμπει). He means that anything short of the strong statement which follows would be less than just to this victor’s merits. Cp. n. on v. 187 f. 44 f. It is doubtful how the gap in the Ms. between K at the end of v. 44 and NAC at the beginning of v. 45 should. be filled. There is no clue to the exact vit] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 299 And now thou hast given the honours of the wreath to Lachon, son of Aristomenes... * * * * * ¥ ...singing of Pytho, where sheep are sacrificed, and of Nemea, and of the Isthmus. And laying my hand on the earth as a witness, I will make this vaunt ;—for only by the voice of truth can anything be set in a full light,—no one among the Greeks, as boy or as man, has gained more victories in an equal time. O Zeus, whose spear is the thunder-bolt, on the banks of silver-eddying Alpheus also hast thou fulfilled his prayers, for his great fame, by gift divine; and hast set upon his brow the gray wreath of the Aetolian olive, in the glorious games of Phrygian Pelops. ἐπ᾽ ἀργυ]ροδίνα Blass, taking podwa from frag. 17 (K.). . 49 After TEAECC in the MS. there is a lacuna equal to about 11 or 12 letters, and then C, the final letter of the last word in the verse. τέλεσσον K.: so Jurenka, adding <és μέγιστόν οἱ yépa>s, which is too long for the space. λοκλέας (which fits the gap) from frag. 17 K. Blass, taking πα from frag. 17 K.—zepi κ[ρᾶτά τέ οἱ τίθει] K.: 52 dvinu’} ANAH A: μ᾽ added above the line by A*. θές instead of τίθει. τέλεσας Blass, adding pey]a- 50 περὶ κ[ρατί τ᾽ ὄδ]πα[σσα]ς so Jurenka, but with number of letters lost after K, nor to the quantity of NAC. To the obvious κ[λεεν]νὰς it might be objected that its position in the sentence.is awkward. I prefer Blass’s κ[αθ᾽ “Εἰλλα]νας, though without regarding it as certain. The sense (‘among the Greeks’) might be illustrated from Pind. O. 1. 120 πρόφαντον σοφίᾳ καθ᾽ “Ἑλλανας. ἐν ἅλικι χρόνῳ. 7A = ‘of the same age’: ἡλιξ χρόνος here is ‘a time of the same duration,’ ‘an equal space of time.’ 46 ΖΦ. παῖς ἐὼν ἀνήρ τε, ‘whether as boy ov as man.’ Following οὔτις ἀνθρώ- πων, this is a short equivalent for οὔτε mais ἐὼν οὔτ᾽ ἀνήρ. The phrase in Aesch. Eum. 521 ff. ris...4 πόλις βροτός τε (‘who —be it city or be it man—?’) is so far similar that τε there marks the second of two alternative cases included under τίς (an interrogative implying a negative), and must therefore, in our idiom, be rendered by ‘or.’ But the irregular co- ordination of # and τε is special to that passage.—Note that the words here could also mean, ‘as boy azd man.’ This would imply that the subject of ἐδέξατο was no longer a boy. (See In- troduction to the Ode.) 48—50 κεραυνεγχές: a word found only here: but cp. Pind. P. Iv. 194 ἐγχεικέραυνον Ζῆνα.--- καὶ ἐπ᾽ ἀργυροδίνα. The fragment (17 K.) which gives the endings of 48 and 49, and the letters wa of ὄπασσας in 50, has been rightly pieced on here by Blass. It cannot be an accident that it helps three consecutive verses... And the word μεγ]αλοκλέας, while suiting the sense, also fits the gap in 49. TEAECC in the Ms. was probably. τέλεσσας. Blass writes τέλεσας: but there is at least a presumption in favour of the oo, and there is nothing to show that it is metrically inadmissible. (We have no strophic test here.)—The alter- native τέλεσσον would imply that the athlete concerned had not yet been vic- torious at Olympia, and therefore that the ode to which these verses belong was distinct from Odevit. (See Introduction.) τέλεσσας... εὐχάς : ‘thou hast fulfilled his prayers, for his great glory (peya- λοκλέας), by gift divine (®eoddrovs).’ εὐχάς here are the things prayed for, viz., victorious feats in the games. Cp. Pind. I. τν. 23 θεοδότων ἔργων. 51 γλαυκόν: Pind. O. II. 13 ἀμφὶ κόμαισι βάλῃ Ὑλαυκόχροα κόσμον ἐλαίας. --αἰτωλίδος.ς The Aetolian Oxylus was one of the leaders of the Heracleidae at their return, and received Elis. Hence the Eleans are poetically called Aetolians. Her. vill. 73 Δωριέων μὲν πολλαί τε καὶ δόκιμοι πόλεες, Αἰτωλῶν δὲ Ἦλις μούνη. Cp. Pind. Ὁ. 111. 12 ἀτρεκὴς ᾿Ελλανοδίκας «Αἰτωλὸς ἀνήρ. 300 VIII. BAKXYAIAOY [VIII [IX.] AYTOMHAEI! ΦΛΕΙΑΣΙΩΙ TTENTAOAQI στρ. α΄. NEMEA > : Δόξαν, ὦ χρυσαλάκατοι Χάριτες, 2 πεισίμβροτον δοίητ᾽, ἐπεὶ 3 Μουσᾶν γε (ξ)ιοβλεφάρων θεῖος προφάτας «εὔτυκος Φλειοῦντά τε καὶ Νεμεαίου 5 Ζηνὸς εὐθαλὲς πέδον ε a 9 sh 6 ὑμνεῖν, ὅθι μηλοδαΐκταν 7 θρέψεν ἁ λευκώλενος 8 Ἧρα περικλειτῶν ἀέθλων ο πρῶτον Ἡρακλεῖ βαρύφθογγον λέοντα. ἀντ. α΄. 10 κεῖ θι φοι]νικάσπιδες ἡμίθεοι Vint. The title written by A® in the left margin. 2 The first hand wrote N instead of M in πεισίμβροτον: but the N has been retouched as if to correct it (by A)? K.: Μουσᾶν γε Blass!, -τοι BI.* Cp. v. 33.--ἐπεὶ Blass and others: ἔπει K. 6 ὅθι K.: ὅτι MS. 8 Μουσᾶν τε MS., 10 κε[ῖθι φοι]νικάσπιδες VIII. 1--8 δόξαν.. πεισίμβροτον, the ‘repute’ that is gained by a poet who ‘ persuades’ his hearers, z.e., carries them with him, wins their favour. In Aesch. Cho. 362 the Laurentian Ms. has πισίμ- Bporov, where the editors rightly give πεισιβρότῳ (epithet of βάκτρῳ, the sceptre that wins reverence). If that was our poet’s source for the rare word, this ode would be later than 458 B.c.: but we cannot assume it. For the form with euphonic p inserted, cp. ἀλεξίμβροτος, μελησίμβροτος, ὄμβριμος, etc. ἄκατοι. The ἠλακάτη, ‘distaff,’ is the attribute of a woman; in the case of a goddess, it is of gold. The epithet is general, not distinctive of the Charites as such. Pindar gives it to Amphitrite (O. vi. 104 f.), the Nereids (Vv. v. 36), Latona (4. vi. 37 f.), etc. In the par- ticular case of Artemis, however, the sense is different (cp. X. 38 n.). ἘΠΕῚ in τ. 2 is probably éwel. If so, the te after Μουσᾶν in 3 must be cor- rected. (τ) ἐπεί ye, a strengthened ἐπεί, is not uncommon: in ἐπεί... γε, however, ‘ye normally emphasizes the word next before it, as in //. 1. 352, μῆτερ, ἐπεί μ᾽ érexés ye μινυνθάδιόν περ ἐόντα : Hes. Theog. 171 ἐπεὶ πατρός γε δυσωνύμου οὐκ ἀλεγίζω. Here,.a stress could scarcely fall on Movody. (2) ἐπεί... τοι is also frequent (Soph. 77. 320f., etc.), and roe might become τε through less of « before io-: but the sententious ro: (little used by this poet) is less suitable here than in {. 58 or VIII. 82. The alternative for ἐπεί is to write ἔπει (depending on δοίητ᾽), the poet’s ‘word’ or utterance. Cp. Pind. 45. I. 66 βουλαὶ δὲ πρεσβύτεραι | ἀκίνδυνον ἐμοὶ ἔπος σὲ ποτὶ πάντα λόγον | ἐπαινεῖν παρέχοντι. Then the te after Μουσᾶν in 3 must be changed to τὸ (as Hous- man proposed, assuming AoS\epdpwr): or to ὅτ᾽ (as I formerly suggested, as- suming ἰοβλεφάρων). For ὅτ᾽ it may be said that, if it had been written as ὅτε without elision (on an assumption of F), that would help to account for the actual τε. (As to the poet’s inconstant use of F before co-, see p. 82.) θεῖος, ‘inspired’; cp. θεῖος ἀοιδός (Od. 4. 17, etc.).—mpopdaras, 2.6. the poet. Cp. Plato Phaedr. p. 262 Ὁ (speaking of the birds) of τῶν Μουσῶν προφῆται οἱ ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς ᾧδοί. Pindar fr. go calls himself ἀοίδιμον Πιερίδων προφάταν. Vu] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 301 VII. ΠΣ For Automedes of Phlius, victor in the pentathlon at Nemea. Graces of the golden distaff, may ye grant the charm that wins mortal ears; for the inspired prophet of the violet-eyed Muses is ready to sing Phlius and the verdure-clad domain of Nemean Zeus; where white-armed Hera nourished the deep- voiced lion, slayer of sheep, first of the foes on whom Heracles was to win renown. There the heroes with red shields, Housman, Wilamowitz, Blass: κεῖθι γὰρ νικάσπιδες K. (κινάσπιδες Richards). κεῖθι γὰρ χαλκάσπιδες Nairn: κεῖθι καὶ λευκάσπιδες Jurenka and others: but the letters NI are certain. 4 f. εὔτυκος (supply ἐστί), z.¢. εὐτρεπής, ἕτοιμος : with infin., as in Aesch. Supfp/. 973 f. πᾶς τις ἐπειπεῖν ψόγον ἀλλοθρόοις | εὔτυκος. Φλειοῦντά τε κιτιλ. The spelling in the ms. here (with «) is confirmed by Φλειάσιος in Corp. Iuscr. Att. τ. 45. 15 (421 B.c.), and 11. add. 576 2. 15 (362 B.c.): Meisterhans, Gramm. der Att. Inschr, p. 26. As to Phlius, see Introd. to this Ode. Nepeatov Ζηνός. The vale of Nemea is next on the east to that of Phlius, from which it is divided by the ridge of Trikaranon. Hence Pindar says of a Nemean victor (4. vi. 47 ff.), Borava τέ viv ποθ᾽ ἁ λέοντος | νικῶνθ᾽ ἤρεφε δα- σκίοις | Φλιοῦντος ὑπ᾽ ὠγυγίοις ὄρεσιν, ‘the lion’s herb (the σέλινον or wreath of parsley) shadowed his victorious brow beneath the forest-clad primeval hills of Phlius.” The temple of the Nemean Zeus stood on moist ground in the lower part of the vale, surrounded by a grove of cypresses. In the time of Pausanias (2. 15 §2), ὦ. 170 A.D., the roof had fallen in; though games and sacrifices were still held in winter, the immemorial Zeus- cult being maintained, doubtless, at Bw- μοὶ ὑπαίθριοι. Three columns are still standing in the lonely valley. εὐθαλές, Doric for εὐθηλές (θηλέω): the syllable answering to @a is long in the corresponding verses. So Pind. P. Ix. 79 εὐθαλεῖ τύχᾳ: Ar. Av. 1062 εὐθαλεῖς καρπούς. Aesch. frag. 300. 5 has ed@adjs (θάλλω). Cp. XII. 69 πανθαλέων : but in ΧΙ]. 229 tav@adyjs.—Nemea was well- watered (εὔυδρος, Theocr. xxv. 182); wood throve there (εὐφύλλονυ Νεμέης, Pind. 7. v. 61), and the vale afforded cool pastures. (Cp. E. Curtius Pe/of, 11. 506.) 6—9 μηλοδαΐκταν. Cp. Aesch. Pers. 104 πολέμους πυργοδαΐκτους (‘destroying walled cities,’ where we should perhaps read mupyodatxras): αὐτοδάϊκτος (Theb. 735), and λουτροδάϊκτος (Cho. 1071) are passive in sense. The Nemean lion was a ζῷον ἄτρωτον, ἐκ Τυφῶνος γεγεννημένον (Apollod. 11. 5. 1): a legend which symbolized the de- structive force of the winter-torrent rushing down from the hills. In Zeno- bius vi. 39 the monster is xapadpatos λέων, from the Νεμεὰς χαράδρα: cp. Aeschin. or. 2 ὃ 168. He is described by Hesiod (Zheog. 331) as κοιρανέων Tpnroto Neuelns ἠδ᾽ ᾿Απέσαντος. Treton (‘the cavernous’) was a hill Ε. of Nemea, in which the lion’s cave was shown (Paus. 2. 15. 2, Diod...Sic. Iv.. 11): Apesas, a rocky height on the N.E. of the vale. Pindar denotes Nemea by the phrase χόρτοις ἐν λέοντος (‘pastures of the lion’), O. XIII. 44. ἀέθλων πρῶτον. The order of the twelve ἄθλοι of Heracles was probably first established in legend by the Dorians of Argolis. Peisander of Rhodes in his Ἡράκλεια (6th cent. B.Cc.?) may have helped to popularize it. The Nemean lion always comes first (see, ¢.g., Eur. HF. 359 ff.: Soph. Tr. 1092 f.). 10 φοινικά is the only conjec- ture which satisfies the data in the papy- rus, if νικάσπιδες be rejected. In Tragedy str. I. ant. 1 302 BAKXYAIAOY [VIII 3 πρώτιστον ᾿Αργείων κριτοὶ ‘ 3 ἄθλησαν ἐπ᾿ ᾿Αρχεμόρῳ, τὸν ξανθοδερκὴς 4 πέφν᾽ ἀωτεύοντα δράκων ὑπέροπλος, ς σᾶμα μέλλοντος φόνου. 15 6 ὦ μοῖρα πολυκρατές᾽ οὔ νιν γ πεῖθ᾽ ᾿Οἰκλείδας πάλιν 8 στείχειν ἐς εὐάνδρους ἀγυιάς. ᾿ 9 ἐλπὶς ἀνθρώπων ὑφαιρὶ εἴται προνοίας. ἐπ. α΄. τἃ καὶ τότ᾽ ΓΑδραστον Ταλί αϊονίδαν 12 ἄθλησαν ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρχεμόρῳ, τὸν] The scribe omitted E before II, wrote M instead of X, and CYN instead of TON. 4435 has corrected the last two errors above the line, the Argive warriors have white shields (Aesch. 7h. go, Soph. Ant. τού, Eur. Phoe. 1099). Red shields are nowhere mentioned in classical Greek literature. Pindar (P. ν111. 46) describes the Argive Alcmaeon, son of Amphiaraus, as δρά- κοντα ποικίλον αἰθᾶς νωμῶντ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἀσπίδος: and Bacchylides (fr. 3. 6 f.) has αἰθᾶν ἀραχνᾶν, where the sense seems to be ‘reddish-brown.’ In the Pindaric verse, however, αἰθᾶς, as epithet of the shield, would naturally mean ‘bright,’ ‘glittering’ (like αἴθων and αἴθοψ, said of burnished metal), rather than ‘of a bright colour. (Quintus Smyrnaeus v. 27, imagining a scene of slaughter depicted on the shield of Achilles, says, πέδον δ᾽ ἅπαν αἵματι πολλῷ | δευομένῳ ἤϊκτο, ---ἃ5 if the ground were painted red; but that scarcely helps us.) On the other hand it should be noted that Bacchylides has φοινικόθριξ (X. 105), φοινικοκράδεμνος (X. 97, XII. 222), and φοινικόνωτος (V. 102). As to νικάσπιδες, it would clearly be infelicitous: the heroes were not ‘vic- torious’ at this moment, nor would that epithet be suitable to ‘shields’: the only question is whether it is possible. Our poet has some strange compounds, such as πολεμαιγίς (XVI. 7), ‘with warlike aegis’; dpératxpmos (XV. 47), ‘valiant with the spear.’ But νίκασπις would be stranger than these. There are such forms as νικόβουλος and vixoudyas, but no example in which νίκη is compounded witha word denoting the instrument of victory. ἡμίθεοι,-Ξ- ἥρωες, as in X. 62, XII. 155, Pindar P. Iv. 12: the seven Pelopon- nesian chiefs (including Adrastus king of Argos, the leader) who marched against Thebes to restore Polyneices (Aesch. Theb. 377 ff., Soph. O.C. 1313 ff.). 11f. πρώτιστον... «ἄθλησαν : these, ac- cording to the legend, were the first contests ever held at Nemea, and gave origin to the festival. ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρχεμόρῳ, in his memory. Apol- lod. 111. 6. 4 οἱ δὲ ἔθεσαν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ τὸν τῶν Νεμέων ἀγῶνα. Marching from Argos towards the Isthmus of Corinth, Adrastus and his comrades made their first halt in the vale of Nemea. Opheltes, the infant son of Lycurgus king of Nemea by Eurydice, was there in charge of his nurse Hypsipyle (formerly queen of Lem- nos). She guided the thirsty warriors to a spring; and meanwhile the child was killed by a huge dragon. The heroes came back in time to slay the monster; then they buried the child, and changed his name from Opheltes to Archemorus, because his death was a beginning of doom. And in his memory they insti- tuted the Nemean games. (Apollod. /c.: Statius 7hebazs v. 624 ff.: Hyginus Fad. 74, cp. Fab. 273.)—Simonides alludes to the grief of the warriors, fr. 52 : (Evpvél- kas) loorepdvov | γλυκεῖαν ἐδάκρυσαν | ψυχὰν ἀποπνέοντα γαλαθηνὸν réxos.—The grave of Opheltes was shown at Nemea; also a mound commemorating his father Lycurgus; and a πηγὴ ᾿Αδραστεία (Paus. 2. 15. ὃ 3).—Pindar [/V.] x. 28 speaks of the Nemean festival as held ἐν ’Adpacr- ely νόμῳ, ‘according to the institution of Adrastus.’ ξανθοδερκής, with fiery eyes. Cp. II. 56 ξανθὰν proya. Arist. De Color. p. 791a 4, τὸ δὲ wip καὶ ὁ ἥλιος ξανθά. Statius v. 508 (with reference to this dragon), Livida fax ocults. 13 ἀωτεύοντα, ‘sleeping’ (R. A. Neil’s Vil] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 303 the flower of the Argives, held the earliest games, in memory of Archemorus, who was slain in his sleep by the huge dragon with fiery eyes, an omen of slaughter to come. Ah, Fate of mighty power! The son of Oicles could not persuade them to return to the streets of the good city. Hope robs men of prudent thoughts,— she who then sent Adrastus son of Talaiis and may have written ε above 7, where the papyrus is mutilated. The letter Ὑ is a correction (from P?) by 443, 19 ἃ καὶ A®: δὴ (without a) A. R. A. Neil. ACAIETONTA Ms. 16 ᾿Οἰκλείδας] kX from AXA by A. 13 dwrevovra excellent. correction), could have been corrupted into the ACATETONTA of the papyrus through ὦ being read as σα. Such a form of oa, from a papyrus of 162 B.C., may be seen in Gardthausen’s Griech. Palaeographie, table 3 (at the end of the book). The change of T to T would do the rest. Hesychius has ἀωτεύειν" ἀπανθίζεσθαι. This suggests that the word here might mean, ‘while gathering flowers’: Eur. fr. 754 (from the "Ὑψιπύλη, ap. Plut. Aor. p. 93 D) described the child as thus engaged: ἕτερον ἐφ᾽ ἑτέρῳ αἰρόμενος | ἄγρευμ᾽ ἀνθέων κιτ.Ὰ.: though we do not know how Euripides told the story of the death. According to Statius (Vv. 502—504), Opheltes was killed while s/eeping on the grass (cp. Paus. 2. 15. 2 τεθέντα és τὴν πόαν). Now Simonides has ἀωτεῖν (with- out the Homeric addition of ὕπνον) as meaning ‘to sleep’: fr. 37-6 σὺ δ᾽ ἀωτεῖς γαλαθηνῷ τ᾽ ἤτορι κνώσσεις. It seems very probable, then, that his nephew used dwrevovra in the sense of ἀωτέοντα. Cp. ἑατεύω (Alcman fr. 33. 8), ἀχεύω, οἰνοχοεύω, at the side of the forms in τέω. ὑπέροπλος, of huge size and strength ; cp. Hes. Zheog. 670 βίην ὑπέροπλον ἔχοντες. 14 σάμα, ‘omen’ (as in Pind. fr. 107): φόνου, their overthrow at Thebes. 152. ov νιν πεῖθ᾽ : ‘could not persuade them’ (impf.). vey is plural (referring to the heroes), as in fr. 5 (K.), προσεφώνει τέ vw(placed by Blass as νυ. 76 of Ode I., and ed. p. 25), where Apollonius De pronom. p. 368 A noticed the use. The plural vw occurs also in Pindar (fr. 7. 2), Sophocles (0.7. 868 etc.), and Euripides (Suppl. 1140). 16 ’OixAcSas. Amphiaraus, the great warrior and seer (Soph. O.C- 1313), was the son of Οἰκλῆς (an Argive hero who had gone with Heracles against Laome- don, Apollod. 11. 6. 4). 17 evdvdpous, in contrast with the lonely vale of Nemea.—dyuids, of Argos. It is noteworthy that Pindar P. ὙΠ]. 52 ff. (where Amphiaraus predicts the return of Adrastus) denotes Argos by the phrase” Ἄβαντος εὐρυχόρους ἀγυιάς. 18 ὑφαιρεῖται : this rare middle occurs in Eur. £/. 271 σιγῇ τοῦθ᾽ ὑφαιρούμεσθά vw. The middle of ἀφαιρεῖν is used by Pind. P. τν. 218, and /. 1. 62.—The lost object of the verb ought to express the idea of ‘ prudence,’ ‘ caution,’ or ‘ fore- sight.’ W. Christ reads πρόνοιαν (and so Weir Smyth, Greek Melic Poets p. 104). A long final would be preferable: for that reason, and also on poetical grounds, I suggest the plur. προνοίας, as used by Aesch. Ag. 684 (‘ Helen’ was so named by some one) προνοίαισι τοῦ πεπρωμένου, ‘with forebodings of her doom.’ This ode shows distinct traces of Aeschylean diction (see on v. 2 πεισέμβροτον, and v. 6 pmdodatxray).—Blass gives νόημα (referring to X. 54): but its normal sense, as there, is ‘a thought,’ rather than ‘thought’ or ‘forethought.’ μερίμνας (Wilamowitz) also seems less suitable (cp.. ἢ. on XVIII. 34).—Jurenka supplies φρέν᾽ ὀρθάν, which is possible, if somewhat too general.—Kenyon, reading ὑφαιρεῖ, suggests μῆτιν ἐσθλάν. It is perhaps worth noting that such a caesura as that made by ὑφαιρεῖ does not occur in any of the corresponding verses. 19 Tadaiovidav, son of Talaos (a name ominous of suffering). The double patronymic (-fw combined with -ἐδης) is sometimes used by poets metrt causa: cp. ἸΙαπετιονίδη in Hes. ΟΖ. 54- epode τ. 304 Col. 15 BAKXYAIAOY [VIII 2 πέμπεν ἐς Θήβας Πολυνείκεϊ thal -yxt@ | πρόξεινϊ ον.. ’ Fe | > / > ’ὔ 3 κείνων ἀπ᾽ εὐδόξων ἀγώνων 3 la Ν σὰ . ἐν Νεμέᾳ κλεινοὶ βροτῶν ee ἃ td , 5 οὗ τριέτει στεφάνῳ 6 ἕανθὰν ἐρέψωνται κόμαν. 25 7 Αὐτομήδει νῦν γε νικά- 8 σαντί νιν δαίμων ἔδωκεν. στρ. β΄. / ‘ a Ve ε t πενταέθλοισιν γὰρ ενεπρέπεν ως "ἄστρων διακρίνει φάη 3 νυκτὸς διχομήνιδος εὐφεγγὴς σελάνα:" 30 «τοῖος “Ἑλλάνων δι ἀπείρονα κύκλον 5 φαῖνε θαυμαστὸν δέμας, 6 δισκὸν τροχοειδέα ῥίπτων, γ καὶ μελαμφύλλου κλάδον 8 ἀκτέας ἐς αἰπεινὰν προπέμπων > Ως 3 Ν Ν » lal 35 9 αἰθέρ᾽ ἐκ χειρὸς βοὰν ὥτρυνε λαῶν, 25 The final ¢ οἵ Αὐτομήδει and the y of γε have been added by A® above the line. 26 ἔδωκεν] The first hand wrote E. HKEN: A? wrote w over H. 29 διχομήνιδος] 20. After Πολυνείκεϊ the letters tha alone are certain. πλαγκτῷ πρόξενον Blass, ‘a patron’ (or ‘protector’) for the wandering (i.e. exiled) Polyneices. Cp. Eur. Supp/. 961 where the chorus of Argive matrons, who have come from Thebes to Eleusis, say, πλαγκτὰ δ᾽ ὡσεί τις νεφέλα | πιευμάτων ὑπὸ δυσχίμων ἀΐσσω. For πρόξενον, cp. Aesch. Suppi. 418f., γενοῦ | πανδίκως εὐσεβὴς | πρόξενος (Ἢ protector’). Blass takes the word from fr. 35 (K.), προξεν : it is only a conjecture, however, that it belongs here. There is a metrical objection to this reading, viz. the caesura after πλαγκτῷ, which is against the poet’s usual practice (see p- 97). No such caesura at that point occurs in any one of the corresponding verses (46, 72, 98). Nevertheless πλαγκτῷ πρόξενον appears more probable than any- thing else. The number of other possible supplements is narrowly limited by mAa : they are such as πλαθέντα ξένῳ, πλαξίππῳ πέλας (or mwapal), πλάξοντα πτόλιν, πλα- γχθέντι ξένον : and not one is satisfactory. In this context, σύμμαχον might seem a fitter word than πρόξενον : but the ally of an exile, who supports him with armed forces, could be called his ‘patron.’ 22 £. Νεμέᾳ, ~— by synizesis, as in XI. 8 (probably), and Pind. J. Iv. 75.— τριέτει : the fact that the MS. gives the older Attic accent here seems a reason for keeping it: the later τριετεῖ is pre- ferred by Blass.—The Nemean games were held in the second and fourth years of each Olympiad. The older view, sup- ported by Scaliger, that the season of the festival was alternately summer and winter, has been abandoned, since it has been shown by G. Unger (PAz/ol. XxXxIv. 50 ff., XxXxXvil. 1 ff.) that in the fifth century the Nemea always took place at midsummer, in the Argive month Πάνα- μος (Πάνημος). The στέφανος was of parsley, a symbol of mourning for the death of Archemorus. 24 ἐρέψωνται : for the midd., cp. Eur. Bacch. 323 κισσῷ τ᾽ ἐρεψόμεσθα καὶ χορεύσομεν. 27 πενταέθλοισιν, the competitors in the pentathlon: Her. Ix. 75 ἄνδρα πεν- τάεθλον. 28 διακρίνει. Only two interpreta- tions are possible. (1) ‘The moon distinguishes the lights of the stars’ (from VIII] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 305 to Thebes, as patron of the exile Polyneices. Illustrious are the mortals who, from those famous contests at Nemea, crown golden hair with the triennial wreath. To Automedes the god has now given it for his victory. For he shone among his rivals in the pentathlon as the str. 2. brilliant moon of the mid-month night makes the rays of the stars seem pale beside her own. Even thus, amidst the vast concourse of the Greeks, showed he his wondrous form, as he threw the round quoit, and roused the shouts of the people when he sped the branch of the dark-leaved elder-tree from his hand to the high heaven, dixounvidos MS.; a wrong accent, it would seem. 33 μελαμφύλλου] The second M made by A? from N: cp. v. 2. 32 ῥίπτων Blass. : ῥιπτῶν MS. 35 f. Housman conj. βοάν τ᾽ wpwe λαῶν | of τελευταίας κ.τ.λ. her own): 7.¢. ‘makes them seem different from her own,’ and inferior to it. This is forced; to me it seems barely possible; yet, if διακρίνει be sound, it is the view in which I should acquiesce. (2) ‘The moon farts the stars,’—7.¢., ‘moves a- mong them.’ For this sense of the verb cp. Plat. Crat. 388 Β κερκίζοντες δὲ τί δρῶμεν; οὐ τὴν κρόκην καὶ τοὺς στήμονας συγκεχυμένους διακρίνομεν ; But, as there a movement of the things ‘ parted’ is in- volved, so here the phrase would imply that the stars yield place to the moon ‘as she cleaves her path among them.— Blass writes Svakptvet (adjective), a form not extant, but analogous to εὐκρινής, and alters φάη to φάει. This would mean (I suppose), ‘as the moon is conspicuous (ἐμπρέπει, supplied from ἐνέπρεπεν) amidst the different light of the stars’: or, ‘is conspicuous with a light different from (that of) the stars.’ The syllable answering to the second of διακρινεῖ is, however, long in the corresponding vv.; and δια- κρίνει is so accented in the papyrus. It must be added that there is no reason to suspect φάη. The plural φάεα (as ‘eyes’) was familiar from the Odyssey (16. 15 etc.), and is not rare in later poetry (Callimachus Hymn. Dian. 71, Anthol. 8. 77, etc.). Aratus uses it in exactly the sense which it has here, Phaenom. go ἀλλ᾽ ai μὲν (the constellation called Χηλαί) φαέων ἐπιδευέες, οὐδὲν ἀγαυαί. I would suggest διωχραίνει : ‘the moon spreads paleness over the radiance of the stars.’ Cp. the Orphic Argonautica 1315 δέος δ᾽ ὥχραινε παρειάς. If διωχραίνει had been partly mutilated or obscured in the archetype, a copyist might have written J. B. διακρίνει, which occurs in v. 80 of this ode.—Tyrrell proposed διαχραίνει, in the sense ‘ blurs.’ 29 νυκτός, gen. of time, rather than depending on geddva. — διχομήνιδος : Pind. O. 111. 19 διχόμηνις Μήνα : 7. VII. 47 διχομηνίδεσσιν ἑσπέραις.---σελάνα : the Doric α in two consecutive syllables is against the poet’s general rule (see n. on Φήμα in 11. 1): but cp. XII. 195 ᾿Αθάνα. 80 κύκλον: so Pind. O. IX. 93 διήρ- xeTo κύκλον ὅσσᾳ Bog. 32 δίσκον. The order of the contests in the pentathlon was probably (1) jump- ing, (2) quoit, (3) javelin-throwing, (4) foot-race, (5) wrestling. So Eusta- thius p. 1320 (7. 23. 621), quoting ἅλμα ποδῶν δίσκου τε βολὴ καὶ ἄκοντος ἐρωὴ | καὶ δρόμος ἠδὲ πάλη, μία δ᾽ ἔπλετο πᾶσι τελευτή (1.6. ‘one result,’ decided by a majority of feats). Simonides fr. 153, for metre’s sake, puts no. 4 between I and 2: ἄλμα ποδωκείην δίσκον ἄκοντα πάλην. Here the poet mentions guoit, javelin, wrestling: probably Automedes lost the jump and the foot-race. Three feats gave the prize: Aristeides Pana- then. 111. 339 (ed. Dind.) ἀρκεῖ τοῖς πεντάθλοις τρία τῶν πέντε πρὸς νίκην. ῥίπτων. The papyrus gives ῥιπτῶν with the circumflex: but, on its own evidence, B. regularly has -éwy in the participle: see 111. 96 n. (Cp. Soph. Ai. 239, τ. on ῥιπτεῖ.) 34 f. ἀκτέας, the elder-tree. Theo- phrastus Hzst. Plant. 11. v. 4 remarks that its wood has few knots or branches (ἄοζα...τὰ τῆς axr7s),—one of the qualities which fitted it to furnish ἀκόντια. 852. βοὰν.. πάλας. The Ms. has 21 BAKXYAIAOY [VIII ey , Vie. , τ ἢ τελευταίας ἀμάρυγμα πάλας" . τοιῷ] δ᾽ ὑπερθύϊμῳ σί θένε]" 3γυιαϊ λκέα σώματα [πρὸς ylaia πελάσσας , ἵκετ᾽ [᾿Ασωπὸν παρὰ πορφυροδίναν, 40 «τοῦ κλέος πᾶσαν χθόνα 690 v καὶ] ἐπ᾿ ἔσχατα Νείλου" γταί τ᾽ ἐπ᾽ εἰ ὑν αε πόρῳ 8 οἰκεῦσι Θερμώδοντος, ἐγχέων ν A ‘4 +>, οἵστορες κοῦραι διωξίπποι᾽ “Apyos, ἐπ. β΄. 45.. σῶν, ὦ πολυζήλωτε (ξ)άναξ ποταμῶν, “ ἐγγόνων γεύσαντο, καὶ ὑψιπύλου Τροίας ἕδος. 3 στείχει Ou εὐρείας κελεύθου 4 μυρία παντᾷ φάτις 5 σᾶς γενεᾶς λιπαρο- ’ ’ ἃ Ν ζώνων θυγάτρων, ἃς θεοὶ 37 Restored by K. meddooas] ITEAACCQ[N A: A? drew a stroke through ὦ (also transfixing 5O 6 πάλας] II made from T by A*. Jurenka. 38 [πρὸς γ]αίᾳ K.: πέντ᾽ alg the second σὴ), and seems to have written ag above; but the papyrus is mutilated. no point either after λαῶν or after πάλας. (1) With the text as it stands, I should place only a comma after λαῶν, and suppose that from προπέμπων we are to supply some participle of a more general sense (such as φαίνων or προδεικνύς) to govern the acc. ἀμά ‘ He roused the shout of the people as he sped (προ- πέμπων) the javelin from his hand..., or as he put forth (sc. φαίνων or the like) his flashing swiftness in the final wrestling- match.’ It is then a kind of ‘zeugma,’ like that in Soph. Az. 1035 dp’ οὐκ ’Epwis τοῦτ᾽ ἐχάλκευσε ξίφος | κἀκεῖνον Acdys...; where for κἀκεῖνον (the girdle) we supply εἰργάσατο or the like. This view seems to me, on the whole, the best. (2) The construction would be clearer, if we placed a comma after χειρός, and read βοάν [τ] ὦτρυνε λαῶν | ot τελευταίας ἀμάρυγμα πάλας" as Prof. Housman pro- posed (who also changed wrpuve to ὦρινε). But of as a correction of the Ms. ἢ is not quite satisfactory: still less so is δή (which I formerly suggested); though δή can commence a verse, and even a sentence (Od. 13. Ὁ»: Pind. 0. III. 25). (3) Blass puts a full stop after λαῶν. He does not, however, explain how he takes ἢ...πάλας. With that punctuation, only two resources seem open. (a) To regard v. 36 as a sort of exclamation: ‘ or think of his flashing movement in the wrestling-match!’ (ὁ) to read ἦν for ἡ, with a stress on ἀμάρυγμα: ‘Flashing movement was there in the wrestling- match ...; with such might did he bear his men to earth.’ @tpuve, as in 71. 5. 470 ὥτρυνε μένος kal θυμὸν ἑκάστου, or 12. 277 μάχην @rpuvoy: ‘stirred up,’ ‘roused.’ ἀμάρυγμα, the ‘flash’ of quick motion: Hes. fr. 225 Χαρίτων ἀμαρύγματ᾽ ἔχουσα (in dancing): Ar. Av. 925 οἷάπερ ἵππων ἀμαρυγά (with epic v, as in Hom. hymn. III. 45). 88 πρὸς yala. The redundant pre- position, though only a conjecture, is partly supported by xX. 23 πρὸς γαίᾳ πεσόντα. As Jurenka observes, there is no other example of a prep. being added to the dative after πελάζω. The only objection to his ingenious πέντ᾽ alg is that aia is not elsewhere found in Bac- chylides. 39 ᾿Ασωπόν. See Introduction to the Ode.—The long a in this name (Z/. 4. 383, Pind. WV. ΙΧ. 9, Ovid Amor. 111. 6. 33, etc.) is against connecting it with dovs, ‘mud,’ ‘silt’ (Ztym. .,7.)}, which has @ (1. 21. 321). . 41 καὶ ἐπ᾽ ἔσχατα Νείλου, 7.c. to the vill] ETTINIKOi 307 or put forth his flashing swiftness of movement in the wrestling- match at the end. Such was the mighty spirit and strength with which he brought stalwart forms to earth, ere he returned to the Asopus with dark-eddying tide; that river whose faghe has gone out into all lands, even to the uttermost regions of the Nile. Yea, the maidens who dwell by the fair-flowing stream of Thermodon, the skilled spear-women, daughters of horse-urging Ares, have tasted the valour of thy descendants, O thrice-glorious lord of streams: Troy also has known it, city of lofty gates. The vast fame of thy children goes forth on a wide path in every land,—those bright-girdled daughters whom the gods 39 [᾿Ασωπὸ]ν Blass, Housman, Richards, Wilamowitz. 43 κοῦραι K.: κόραι MS. corr. Δ, 42 εἰ ν]αεῖ J. Housman and others: πολυζήλωτ᾽ ἄναξ MS. 41 ἤλθεϊν] MAGE A: 45 πολυζήλωτε (ρ)άναξ 46 ἐγγόνων Jurenka, Weil, Wilamowitz (cotv...éyyévow or ἐκγόνοιν Housman): ἔγγονοι MS. remotest regions ; an image like Pindar’s in /. v. [VI.] 22 f. (‘countless roads...are cleft for the onward course of noble deeds’) καὶ πέραν Νείλοιο παγᾶν καὶ δι᾽ Ὑπερβορέους.---ἰ scarcely think that there is an allusion to Memnon and his Aethio- pians at Troy, as having carried the fame of the Aeacidae home with them. 42 ff. εὐναεῖ. εὐναής occurs nowhere else, nor is εὔναος found : but cp. dewarjs in a quotation by Athenaeus (p. 61 A) from Nicander. μώδοντος, a river of Pontus, now the Zermeh. Near its mouth on the coast of the Euxine was the town of Θεμίσκυρα, with a fertile plain which fed great herds of oxen and horses. This was the legend- ary seat of the Amazons. . (Aesch. P. V. 723 ff.: Verg. Aen. xI. 659: Apoll. Rhod. 11. 995 Θεμισκύρειαι ᾿Αμαζόνες.) The Amazon-myth first came into Greek poetry with the Cyclic epic Αἰθιοπές (c. 775—700 B.C.?), ascribed to Arctinus.— ἐγχέων ἵστορες, skilled with the spear. Poetry armed the Amazons, however, not only with the spear and sword of the Greek hero, but also with the bow (Pind. O. Χμ. 89 τοξόταν στρατόν), and with the axe, either single-edged (σάγαρις, Xen. An. Iv. 4. 16), or double (πέλεκυς, bipennis, Quint. Smyrn. 1. 597). Their shield was πέλτα or γέρρον (like that of Thracians or Persians).—kodpat...”Apnos. Penthesileia, their queen, is called “Apnos θυγάτηρ in the verse which linked the Aethiopis to the /liad (schol. 71. 24. 804). The Amazons figure in legend as wor- shippers of the war-god, sacrificing to him at an island-shrine near Themiscyra (Ap. Rhod. 11. 385 f.), as on the [Ἄρειος πάγος at Athens (Aesch. Zum. 689 ; cp. schol. Ar. Lys. 191). 45f. f is assumed before ἄναξ here, but not in 11. 76 (ὁ δ᾽ ἄναξ) or ν. 84 (θάμβησεν δ᾽ ἄναξ). Cp. Il. 2 n.—oev... ἐγγόνων γεύσαντο : ‘the Amazons tasted the valour of thy offspring,—and so did Troy.’ Cp. 77. 20. 258 γευσόμεθ᾽ ἀλλήλων χαλκήρεσιν éyxelyow. The ‘descendants’ meant are Telamon, Ajax, and Achilles ; perhaps also Peleus and Neoptolemus. Telamon (and according to one account, Peleus) went with Iolaus on an expedition against the Amazons, and slew Melanippe, the sister of their queen (schol. Pind. 4. 11. 64=38). Telamon took part with Heracles in his war on Laomedon. When the Amazons came to Troy as allies of the Trojans, Achilles slew Penthesileia (as told in the Aethiopfis). Ajax fought against Troy; and Neoptolemus was its captor. (See Introd. to this Ode, § 2, note 2.)—The Ms. corruption of ἐγγόνων into ἔγγονοι may have been prompted by the desire of a subject for γεύσαντο (κοῦραι being so far back).—éxyévev (XVI. 16) might seem preferable, but is not neces- sary. 47 £. στείχει x.7..: ‘Everywhere on a broad path goes forth the vast renown...’ Cp. ν. 3ν μυρία πάντᾳ κέλευθος, n. ant. 2. epode 2. 49 Σ σᾶς γενεᾶς... θυγάτρων. Πϊο- ἡ 2I—2 308 BAKXYAIAOY [VII γσὺν τύχαις ῴκισσαν ἀρχα- 8. γοὺς ἀπορθήτων ἀγυιᾶν. :τίς γὰρ οὐκ οἷδεν κυανοπλοκάμου 2 Θήβας ἐύδδμ[ατον πόλι |v, 3ἢ τὰν μεγαλώνυ μον Αἴγιναν, μεγίστου 56 4 al Se ἃ πλαθεῖσα λέϊΪχει τέκεν ἥρω - δεσῳ ἐπεὶ τς OE Ὶ 6 ὃς y las Bacal vourw ᾿Αχ]αιῶν VY 60 5-- —-V---V--= σα — — — Y εἰύπ[ εἶσλον [Κλεώναν > , αντ. Ἃ . 17 δὲ Tepavjav ἑλικοστέφαϊ νον 4 9 > ¥ ~ 2k|ovpav, ὅσαι T ahha θεῶν 35 εἰ wats ἐδ ἰάμησαν ἀριγνώτοις a αἸλαι[ od 65 «παῖδες αἰ]δοῖαι ποταμοῦ κελάδοντος" ςτοῦ νυν ἀρχαί]αν πόλιν 6 κώμοι κατέχου lot τε νίκα ς Ν ’ > ga Ν γ καὶ λύραις αὐλῶν Boat 8 σύμφωνα πνείο Ἰυσαι" pel γίστου Ἴο οχρὴ Διὸς πρῶτον σέβας θ᾽ Ἥραν 7 ἀείδειν" 51 dpxa-] APXAI A: corr. A’. 55—88 These 34 verses were contained in column XvI., of which only mutilated fragments remain. The fragments have been combined by Kenyon and Blass, on the evidence of metre, contents, colour of the papyrus, etc. : 55 f. : but the combination is necessarily in some measure conjectural. -MNON A, ‘corrected to -μον by AS: ending in -vpoy, taken by the scribe for ὕμνον. this (as K. saw) was from an adj. Blass supplies ἢ τὰν μεγαλώνυμον dorus (IV. 72) says that Asopus, ‘ having made his home (xatrocxnoas) in Phlius,’ married Μετώπη (Pind. O. Vi. 84), daughter of Ladon (the river of Elis), by whom he had two sons, Pelasgus and Ismenus, and ¢welve daughters,—Corcyra, Salamis, Aegina, Peirene, Cleone, Thebe, Tanagra, Thespia, Asopis, Sinope, Oinia, and Chalcis. (In c. 73 Diodorus mentions a thirteenth, Harpina.) Apollodorus (111. 12. 6) raises the number of daughters to twenty (but does not enumerate them). At Olympia the Phliasians dedicated a group representing Asopus and five of his daughters, viz. Nemea (not mentioned by Diodorus), Aegina (with Zeus beside her), Harpina (the mother of Oenomaus by Ares), Corcyra, and Thebe (Paus. v. 22. 5).—The wide geographical range of these names (from Corcyra to Sinope) illustrates the μυρία φάτις of v. 48. In the mutilated text of this ode the names of only two daughters remain, — Thebe and Aegina, who, according to Pindar, were the youngest,— Acwrldwy ὁπλόταται (7. Vil. 17 f.): see, however, n. on 61:—65. 51 2. σὺν τύχαις. Cp. Χ. 115 σὺν... τύχᾳ. Here the plur. is used because several persons and cities are concerned: it is, in fact, a distributive σὺν τύχᾳ.--- ἀρχαγούς. This term is applied to the founder of a city, or the eponymous an- cestor of a family. Plat. 77%. 21 Ε τῆς πόλεως θεὸς ἀρχηγός τίς ἐστιν. Cp. Soph. O. C. 60 νυ.---ἀάκπορθήτων is proleptic in sense: the gods decreed that the places founded by the Asopides should ever be VIIT] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟ! 309 established, with happy fortunes, as ancestral heroines of cities which should defy the spoiler. Who does not know the well-built town of dark-haired Thebe ? Or Aegina of glorious name, who in wedlock with mighty Zeus bore the hero (Aeacus)? , τ : ὲ ‘ : : : Exepobed Cleone, and Peirene with diadem on her brows, and all those other gracious daughters of the ancient river-god, lord of sounding waters, who became the illustrious brides of gods. [ Verses 66—81, as partially restored. Now is the ancient city of Asopus filled with revelry for victory, and with the blended strains of flutes and lyres....It is meet to hymn first the majesty of great Zeus and Hera; (ἐρατώνυμον Wilamowitz): Piccolomini and others, καὶ τὰν (ris δ᾽ οὐ Housman) χαριτώνυμον : Ellis, τίς δ᾽ οὐ δολιχήρετμον (Pind. O. νΠΙ. 20).—peyicrou (μέγιστον Housman) ἃ Διὸς πλαθεῖσα λέχει Blass, Housman: μεγίστῳ Ζηνὸς ἁ πλαθεῖσα λέχει Wilam. 57 2. Blass supplies τοῦ]δε ow[ripa πέδ]ου, | ὃς γ]ᾶς βασάϊνοισιν ᾿Αχ]αιῶν. 61 If the letters ὑπ are rightly read, εὔπεπλον (or ἐΐπεπλον) is certain. 63 Blass prints κ[-- -- -Ἴς, alr’ ἄλλαι: but the o belonged (I think) to ὅσαι. Read κούραν, ὅσαι τ᾽ ἄλλαι. 65 παῖδες αἰ]δοῖαι 7. : παρθένοι] δοιαὶ Blass: but see comm. virgin cities, unravaged by foes. Cp. Lysias or. 33 ὃ 7 (of Sparta) μόνοι... οἰκοῦντες ἀπόρθητοι καὶ ἀτείχιστοι. Eur. Hec. 906 (of Troy) τῶν ἀπορθήτων πόλις οὐκέτι λέξει. Below, in v. gg, the word was probably applied to Phlius. 55 f. These verses refer to Aegina, bride of Zeus, and her son Aeacus (ἥρω). Verse 55 may have begun with kal τὰν (Jurenka),—1{s δ᾽ οὐ (which is rather too rhetorical),—or ἢ καὶ (Blass, who com- pares Pind. O. xIII. 20 ff.). 57 f. As to the conjecture τοῦ]δε σωϊτῆρα πέδ]ου (Blass), all the four letters Seow (fr. 37 K.) are uncertain. The syllable answering to the a of σωτῆρα is long in all the corresponding verses (5, 14, 31, 40, 66, 83). That might be cured by changing πέδ]ου to στρατ]οῦ (45 -- δήμου). But the restoration séems doubtful.—In v. 58 βασαίνοισιν Ὁ») pro- bably referred to some tests of valour or wisdom which Aeacus had successfully borne. He must have been the subject of v. 59, if not also of 60. 61—65. In these five verses the mention of the Asopides was continued and ended. Verses 61 and 62 evidently contained two proper names. I conjec- ture with some confidence that v. 61 ended with Κλεώναν, and v. 62 began with ἠδὲ ILepdvav. For the place in v. 61, Tavaypay or Σινώπαν is also pos- sible. But the poet would probably prefer Peloponnesian names, appealing to Cleonae and to Corinth. In 62 metre would not admit Κέρκυραν or (ἢ καὶ) “Αρπινὰᾶν (Lycophron 167 ἽΑρπινναν ‘Ap- πυίαις ἴσην). str. 3. ant. 3. 63 £. ὅσαι 7’...KeAdSovros: 1.6. ἀπά all the other daughters of the ancient river-god Asopus who became the brides of gods. The conjectures κούραν, ὅσαι τ᾽, and παῖδες αἰ]δοῖαι, are (I venture to think) hardly doubtful. Blass’s παρθένοι] δοιαὶ cannot be right, since, as the con- text shows,-more than two maidens are in question. 66 ff. Here the poet turned from the Asopides to speak of the rejoicings at Phlius for the victory of Automedes. Sounds of revelry fill the ‘ancient city.’ Praises are due to the gods. 69,70 These and the next five or six verses doubtless referred to the principal deities worshipped at Phlius. I suggest a partial restoration (exempli gratia) a- bove.—"Hpav τ᾽ ἀείδειν. There was a temple of Hera at Phlius (Paus. 2. 13. 4). 310 BAKXYAIAOY [VIII ἐπ. γ. «Ἥβαν τ᾽ ἔπειτα Ζηνὸς ἐρισθε]νέος ΄ ? ΄ 35. 5 Μ᾿ , 2 χρ]υσέα[ν προσ Ἰθέντα (Εγιόπλοκον εὖ εἰπεῖν | κόραν, 3 καὶ μ᾽]ατί ἐρ᾽ ἀγ)νάμπτων ἐρώτων πῷὺ — κλε)ινὰν βροτο[ῖς 75 5-VY -- υἹλέων ες ἘΞ a, τὰν το νον fs aaa. νασι]ώταν ΒΞ} δεν ΑΌΡΗΝ, καὶ τὴ Up ὕμνον, στρ. δ. :.--ἢοἡ ---- --ἰ καὶ ἀποφθιμένῳ Ν ’ > > ¥ , 80 ςτὸν πάντ᾽ ἐς ἄτ]ρυτον χρόνον, 3 καὶ τοῖς ἐπιγ Ἰιγνομένοις αἰεὶ πιφαύσκοι «σὰν Νε]μέᾳ νίκαν: τό [γέ] τοι καλὸν ἔργον 5-γνησίων ὕμνων τυχὸν αὑψοῦ παρὰ δαίμοσι κεῖται" 85 γσὺν δ᾽ ἀλαθείᾳ βροτῶν 8 κάλλιστον, εἴπερ καὶ θάνῃ τις, ~ A » ο λείπεται Μουσᾶν [ἀγακλειτᾶν ἀθυΐρμα. ἀντ. δ. τεἰσὶ δ᾽ avOp| ώὥπων ἀρεταῖσιν ὁδοὶ Ο0].17 «πολλαί: διακρίνει δὲ θεῶν 90 3 βουλὰ [τὸ καλυπτό]μενον νυκτὸς [δνόφοισιν'᾽ ¥ + τὸν δὲ χείρω τ᾽ ayalye \ x ὧν" g και TOV αρειω 5 Ζηνὸς aio’ ὀρσικτύ]που. ὁ κρυπτὸς yap ὅ τ᾽ ἐσθλὰ φυτ]εύσων 7 ἔργα χὡὼ μὴ πρὶν μολεῖν 95 ὃ ἐς πεῖραν" ὥπασσαν δὲ π᾿ ἰαύροις ο ἀν ἰδρὶ dow Μοῖραι τεκμαίρεσθαι] τὸ μέλλον᾽ 77 νασι]ώταν Herwerden: Αὐτόμηδες, νασιώταν Blass: but see p. 97. 82 τό [γέ τοι] Headlam. has a point, level with the bottom of the letter; cp. XIV. 47 cr. ἢ. K.: βαθυζώνων Blass: μελιφθόγγων Piccolomini and Jurenka. émcy|vyvouévas Headlam. 81 [kai τοῖς 83 After TYXON the ms. 87 ἀγακλειτᾶν 89- 94 Column XVII. began with v. 89, but the upper part (containing 89-104 and ΙΧ. 1-5) was torn 71 £. Hebe, worshipped at Phlius and Sicyon under the name of Ala (Strabo 8, p. 382), had an ancient shrine of peculiar sanctity (ἁγιώτατον Paus. II. 13. 3) on the acropolis of Phlius. Dia-Hebe, then, would fitly be named here, after her parents (Hes. Theog. 922) Zeus and Hera. Her spouse Heracles was also commemorated at Phlius, along with Cyathus, the cup- bearer whom he accidentally killed (Paus. 7. c.). The epithet χρυσέα is elsewhere given by B. not only to Aphrodite (v. 174), but also to Artemis (xX. 117) and to Io (xviii. 16). If, on the other hand, Aphrodite was the subject of these two verses, we could read in 71 κἄπειτα κούραν Ζηνὸς ἐρισθ., and at the end of 72, εὖ εἰπεῖν Κύπριν. I incline to think, however, that the first mention of her came in v. 73. 73 καὶ patép ἀγνάμπτων ἐρώτων, Aphrodite: Pindar fr. 122. 4. calls her ματέρ᾽ ἐρώτων. The καί, for which there Vill] then also to praise Hebe, daughter of mighty Zeus, maiden divinely epode 3. ETTINIKOI 311 fair, with violet locks,—and the Mother of the pitiless Loves....... Automedes, we have brought thee the song of the island Muse, which shall remain for thee, in thy life and after thy death, for endless str. 4. years, to tell all generations of thy victory at Nemea. ] A goodly deed that has won the strains of a true poet is laid up on high with the gods. When mortal lips give honest praise, there is a glory that survives death in song, the joy of the [glorious] Muses. [Zn verses 88—-104 the general sense is fairly clear: the details ant. 4. are partly conjectural.| There are many paths for the excellences of men: but it is the counsel of the gods that decides what is veiled in the gloom of night. alike led on their way by the doom of Zeus the thunderer. [The weaker man and the stronger are Who is to: put forth high deeds, and who is to fail, is a secret, till they come to the trial;] and to few mortals have the Fates granted the gift of conjecturing the future. away. The remains of 89-94 have been put together by Blass from small fragments, metre giving the clue. which K. placed here because the metre suits this poem and no other. 95—99 The endings of these verses are on a fragment 96—99 The earlier parts of these verses, also the remains of 1oo—104 and of IX. I, 2, are on a is not room in 73 before .ar, may have been added to v. 72: something similar has happened in vv. ror f., and there are other instances of wrong division (as in ΙΧ. 15 f., 33 ἢ, 43 [.--ἀγνάμπτων, inflexible, not to be resisted or subdued. The older Greek poets are apt to speak of Eros, not in his gentler aspects, but rather as a stern and terrible power: see e.g. Sappho fr. 40 “Epos...u’ ὁ λυσιμέλης δόνει: Ibycus fr. 1 “Epos...éyxparéws... τινάσσει : Soph. 77. 441 f.: id. fr. 855. 13 (of Κύπρι) τίν᾽ οὐ παλαίουσ᾽ és τρὶς ἐκβάλλει θεῶν; 74 ξ. In these two verses there may have been a mention of Demeter and of Dionysus. Cp. 97 f. 76—87 The fame of the victor will endure in song. νασιώταν.. ὕμνον, the Cean -poet’s ode: so IX. 10 νασιῶτιν... μέλισσαν. 79- 81 πιφαύσκοι in 81 cannot have expressed a wish (‘may it de- clare!’). We need, then, κε, κεν, or ἄν. This probably stood in 79 (¢.g., κῦδος ὅς x’ αὔξων καὶ ἀποφθιμένῳ): or possibly in 80 (e.g., Tov πάντα κ᾽ ἄτρυτον χρόνον) ..--- ἄτρνυτον, ‘unending’: see n. on V. 27. 82-- 84 τό γέ τοι καλὸν ἔργον : cp. XII. 83 τό γε σὸν κλέος αἰνεῖ.---γνησίων, ‘of genuine strain,’ 2.6. genuinely in- spired.—twod...xetrat: ‘is laid up on high with the gods’; is consigned to immortality. 85—87 σὺν δ᾽ ἀλαθείᾳ βροτῶν k.7..: lit., ‘and, with the help of truth on the part of men, most glorious (for the dead man) is that joy of the Muse (the ode) which is left, even after his death.” For σὺν ἀλαθείᾳ, see VII. 41 ff. . ῃ.---εἴπερ.. θάνῃ: the epic εἰ with subjunct., found also in tragic lyrics (Soph. O. 7: 198 n.).—dOvppa: cp. the poet’s first efigramma, v. 3, ἐν ἀθύρμασι Μουσᾶν. In Pindar P. v. 21 the κῶμος is ᾿Απολλώνιον ἄθυρμα, his favourite ‘pastime,’ or ‘delight.’ So ἀθύρειν, of the poet’s efforts, 7. 111. 57: Lat. /usus, ludere. As regards the lost epithet of Movody here, ἀγακλειτᾶν or πολυκλειτᾶν would perhaps best suit the context. 88-. 96 εἰσὶ δ᾽... τὸ μέλλον. A ‘gnomic’ passage, consisting of general reflections suggested by the athlete’s success in his special line of effort. The hints in the mutilated text plainly indicate the general tenor: the supple- ments which I suggest may serve to illustrate it. For the Doric ἃ of ἄγαγε in 312 BAKXYAIAOY [VIlI, IX ἐπ. δ. εὕὔμ]μι(ν δὲ καὶ Δάματρος ἔδωκε χάριν . κ]αὶ Διων ύσου Κρονίδας θεοτίματον πόλιν svatew ἀπο ρθήτους Bad Ἰεῦντας᾽ 100 4 vocookamtp|ov Διὸς 9 Ν as ti καλὸν él perar, 6 πᾶς ailvéor- Tipo€| ένου γπα]ιδὲ σὺν Kol pos apap- 8 τέ]οιτε πεντὶ dOdov (F)éxare. ΧΟ ΕΣ ΖΑΓΛΑΩΙ (2) ΑΘΗΝΑΙΩΙ ΔΡΟΛΛΕΙ ICOMIA> :Φή]μα, σὺ ylalp ἀϊγγελίαις θνατῶν ἐπ᾿ ]οιχνεῖς φῦ]λα, καὶ πᾶ σιν πιφαύσκεις 3 τηλόσ |e λαμπί ομένα στρ. α΄. separate fragment, placed here by Blass (in K.’s edition). 917 The verse began with ..MI. The letter before MI was M or I. The letter after MI had a base like that of A or Ptolemaic w. These traces suit TMMI(N)A. For omission of N in the ms., see p. 128, 2. (i).—Blass (1st ed.) wrote dupe (Jurenka, ὕμμι[ν δὲ καὶ ταύταν παρέ]δωκε χάριν). In 2nd and 3rd ed. Blass writes τιμίῳ [δ᾽ “Hpaxnéi δ]ῶκε χάριν. As the verse then begins with -~-, he proposes in v. 19 to read δὴ τότ᾽ for ἃ καὶ τότ᾽, and in 45 to omit ὦ. i before veo. indicate either N or AI. 99 evvres A: A® wrote a over the second e. 102 The traces Blass (1st ed.) read them as ὦ, and wrote viv] Vv. 91, cp. ἄγετο (ἃ) in ΧΙΧ. 4. In v. go δνόφοισιν is hardly doubtful: cp. xv. 32 f. Perhaps Horace, a student of Bacchylides, had that phrase in mind when he wrote, Prudens futuri temporis exitum Caliginosa nocte premit deus (III. xxix. 29 f.). Theognis, indeed, has ὄρφνη γὰρ τέταται (1077) in a like context, but that is not so verbally near.—There is a close parallelism here with the train of thought in ΙΧ. 35 ff., ματεύει | δ᾽ ἄλλος ἀλλοίαν κέλευθον... 45 ff. τὸ μέλλον | δ᾽ ἀκρίτους τίκτει τελευτάς, | πᾷ τύχα βρίσει. 97—102 The conclusion. Here the poet seems to address the people of Phlius. The general sense may have been somewhat as follows :—‘To you, for the sake of (Demeter and) Dionysus, Zeus has given to dwell in a city honoured of gods and unravaged.’ Then the ode ends with another reference to the victory of Automedes. 97 ff. The καὶ Awy- in 98 makes it strongly probable that Demezer was named in 97. These two were prominent among the divinities of Phlius, which depended on vines and agriculture. On the acro- polis there was a sacred περίβολος of Demeter, and within it a ναός containing images of her and Persephone. A festival in her honour, with a mystic ritual, was held every fourth year at Kedeal, near Phlius. In the lower town was an ancient ἱερόν of Dionysus. Cp. Paus. 1. 13. 5—7, and E. Curtius, Pelop. 11. 471 ff. Verse 97 must have begun with --~, like vv. 19 and 45, where there is no reason to doubt the text: and ὕμ[μι]ν δὲ is most probable. A tentative restora- tion is shown (ἐλ γε δ]ὲ gratia) above. 99 ἀπορθήτους: cp. 52. The absence of an accent on ο in the Ms. affords a presumption in favour of acc. plur. rather than acc. sing.—@adedvras. θαλέω was an alternative form for θάλλω: Pindar has θάλησε (NV. IV. 88, cp. X. 42): Hippocr. 6. 654 (Littré) θαλέοντα (v. 1. VIII, 1X] To you (of Phlius), for the sake of Demeter and of Dionysus, the son epode 4. ETTINIKOI 313 of Cronus has granted to dwell in a god-honoured city, unravaged and prosperous. When a man wins a meed of honour from golden-sceptred Zeus, let all give praise:—attend ye with festal songs on the son of Timoxenus, for his victory in the pentathlon. ΙΧ. [X.] For an Athenian |Agtlaos?), winner of foot-races at the Isthmus. Fame! thou roamest with tidings o’er the tribes of men, and str. στ. declarest them to all, shining afar, ὦ νέοι, supposing that, as there is not room for νῦν in 102, it had adhered to 1o1. He now accepts K.’s αἱ (instead of w), and reads τοῦτ᾽ αἰνέοι. by Blass. 108 f. Restored Tx. The title has perished with the lost part of column XVII. (see cr. n. on VIII. 89—94). 125. Cp. cr. n. on VII. 96. Small parts of 1—4 are supplied by a fragment (23 K.) which Blass has placed here.—deplwv νήριθμ᾽ ἐποιχνεῖς | φῦλα Wilamowitz: ἀθανάτων θνατῶν τ᾽ ἐποιχνεῖς | φῦλα Headlam: ἀγγελέουσ᾽ ἐπὶ χθόν᾽ οἰχνεῖς | καλὰ καὶ πᾶσαν θάλασσαν Jurenka: αἰὲν ἐπ᾽ ἀνθρώπους (or ἐν ἀνθρώποιΞ5) πεδοιχνεῖς | ἄθλα Nairn. θαλέθοντα) : Quint. Smyrn. 11. 96 θαλέ- ουσι: Nonnus 16. 78 θαλέει. (In Mosch. 11. 67 θαλέεσκε is a v. 1. for θαλέθεσκε.) 100—102 Διὸς and φέρεται seem fairly certain. Before aivéot I supply πᾶς (-- πᾶς τις, as in Soph. O. 7. 596, O. C. 597, Zl. 972, and often), because these words introduce the exhortation, σὺν κώμοις ἁμαρτέοιτε. The genitive xp. Διὸς recalls vi. 1 ff., Λάχων Διὸς μεγί- στου | Adxe φέρτατον πόδεσσι | κῦδος : it denotes the source from which the honour comes. καλόν (τι) is the Nemean victory: cp. 11. 6, Pind. P. vill. 88 ὁ δὲ νέον τι καλὸν λαχών (‘a fresh honour’). If ὃς be read, φέρεται (midd.) is ‘wins.’ I slightly prefer this to @ (Blass), with which φέρεται (pass.) =‘ is borne’: though that is tenable. Blass supplies τοῦτ᾽ before aivéot, z.e. ‘to whomsoever an honour is borne (from the gods), let him be thankful for it.’ @ would naturally mean the victor, who, on this view, is the subject of αἰνέοι. In this context, however, the subject of αἰνέοι should be, not the victor, but one who praises him.—The long syllable before aivéo, whatever it was, must have been added in the Ms. to v. ror: cp. 73 nN. 104 f. ἁμαρτέοιτε: a probable sup- plement. It is in favour of ἁ- rather than 6-, that the Ms. has ἁμαρτεῖν (= ἀκο- λουθεῖν) in XVII. 46. That form is found also in Herodas Iv. 95 and v. 43: and is attested by Eustathius (//. p. 592, 21) as coexisting with ὁμαρτεῖν. The adv. ἁμαρτῇ occurs in //, 5. 656, etc.—Cp. Aesch. fr. 355. 2 μιξοβόαν πρέπει | διθύ- pauBov ὁμαρτεῖν | σύγκωμον Διονύσῳ. ---- féxatt (supplied by Blass) as in I. 6f. Cp. V. 33 vuveiv...éxare νίκας (also VI. ΤΙ, IX. 15). IX. 1. 8 Φήμα bears far and wide, even to the nether world, the tidings of an athlete’s victory: cp. III. 1 ff. Φήμα «φέρουσ᾽ ἀγγελίαν. The supplements suggested above are mine. For the dat. ἀγγελίαις, cp. Theocr. XXv. 32 (ἀλωαὶ) ἃς ἡμεῖς ἔργοισιν ἐποιχόμεθα : for πιφαύ- σκεις, VIII. 81. Note that the last syllable of the second verse of the strophe is long in 12 and 30, though azceps in 40ο.--πᾶσιν : the papyrus has πᾶ...» as it has πᾶσιν (πᾶσιν) in XIV. 54. Blass writes: ἀμφ᾽ dperg (‘in the cause of prowess’) θνατῶν ἐποιχνεῖς | φῦλα, καὶ πᾶσιν τίθησθα | τηλόσε λαμπομέναν. He conceives Φήμα as being here, ‘ov... nuntius victoriae alicuius,...sed gloria.’ The two notions are closely akin: but the personified Φήμα is surely, like Fama, a bearer of tidings. 314 BAKXYAIAOY [1x 4 Kal γᾶς ὑ πὸ Kev| Jeo: κλεινοὶ 5 58 οἱ γένωνται [χάρμ᾽ ἔχουσιν 6 παντὶ χώρ ῳ υν]όν, ὅ,τι χρυΐ σέαν ἴδον εὔ- 7 of ABov | ὀφθαλμοῖσι Ν[ίκαν 8 πὶ ava [αν ἀπράκταν [τε μόχθων. 9 ᾿Α[γλ jaw καὶ νῦν κασιγνήτας ἀκοίτας το νασιῶτιν ἐκίνησεν λιγύφθογγον μέλισσαν, > , avT- a, : ἀχἸειρὲς ἵν᾽ ἀθάνατον Μουσᾶν ἄγαλμα = ξυνὸν ἀνθρώποισιν εἴη 3 χάρμα, τεὰν ἀρετὰν 4 μανῦον ἐπιχθονίοισιν, 15 Ξὁσσάκις Νίκας ἕκατι 6 avOeot ξανθὰν ἀναδησάμενος cele 7 κῦδος εὐρείαις ᾿Αθάναις 8 θῆκας Οἰνείδαις τε δόξαν. 5 The v. ended with ‘a (from χώρῳ ὃ). 7 The first letter of the verse was certainly ayes word belonged metrically to v. 6. 9 Between A and I there is space for about four letters, of which the isd may have been A; but this is not 4—8 I give above (exempli gratia) a tentative restoration.—Kal yas ὑπὸ κεύθεσι : cp. Soph. Z/. 1066 f. ὦ χθονία βροτοῖσι. φάμα: and Pind. O. vill. 81, where ᾿Αγγελία, daughter of Hermes, brings news of an athlete’s victory to his father in the shades.—For κλεινοὶ δ᾽ | of γένωνται, cp. VIII. 22 ff., xXewvol...of.. ἐρέψωνται kouav.— app .. ᾿ξυνόν. ξυνὸν... χάρμα occurs in 12 in where the general sentiment expressed here is applied to the particular case of Aglaos (if that was his name). It seems not unlikely that the phrase in 12 f. was an echo. from 5 f.—x@pw. The letters wt alone remain. There is no trace whatever of the letter before them, but only an acute accent, showing that the word was paroxytone. δάμῳ (the victor’s people) is possible ; but the context here and in 12 f. rather favours χώρῳ: Fame creates a wide- spread sympathy with the victor’striumph: the tidings come even to the shades. As to the rest of vv. 6—8, note these points. (1) Verse 7 began with O. The N of ΟΦΘΑΛΜΟΙΟΙ͂Ν, in connexion with XPT in v. 6, suggests Nike. (2) Inv. 8 the first word began with II or TI, and ended with AN. (3) After ἀπράκταν the first letter was Τὶ, I, Il, or I. The next letter was almost certainly E.— ἴδον evoABov. I had thought also of ἴδεν εὔχονται. Another resource would be ποτιλεύσσ᾽ουσιν : but we rather require an aorist.—rad\ay ἀπράκταν, ‘a restful pause’ from the toils of the athlete. Plut. Mor. 270 A (ἡμέρας) ἀποφράδας καὶ ἀπράκτους (dies nefastos et ottosos). Wi alz Rhet. vol. IV. p. 15 ἑορτὴν ἄπρακτον, “ἃ holiday on which no work is done.’ For the place of τε cp. Soph. O. 7, 528 ἐξ ὀμμάτων δ᾽ ὀρθῶν τε κἀξ ὀρθῆς φρενός. For the sentiment, Pind. O. 1. 97 ff. ὁ νικῶν δὲ λοιπὸν ἀμφὶ βίοτον | ἔχει μελι- τόεσσαν εὐδίαν | ἀέθλων γ᾽ ἕνεκεν : O, VIII. 5 ff. μαιομένων μεγάλαν | ἀρετὰν θυμῷ λαβεῖν, | τῶν δὲ μόχθων ἀμπνοάν, ‘ (athletes) whose spirit is eager to attain great glory, and a respite from their toils. '—Jurenka gives παῦσαν ἀπράκταν μέριμναν, ‘have made an end of ineffec- tual anxiety’ (for victory): but the initial of the third word cannot have been M. 9—14 For Aglaos, his brother-in- law has commissioned the poet of Ceos to write an ode, that his prowess (ἀρετή) may have a lasting record. On the problem presented by the lacunas in verses g and 11, see the Appendix. In v. 9 ᾿Αγλαῷ, supplied by Blass, is very probable. In v. 11 his ἀχειρὲς seems less so. The word occurs in Batrachomyo- Ix] ETTINIKOI 315 even in the depths of the nether world: and those who win renown have a joy that is shared in every place, because their eyes have seen golden, blessed Victory, and they have found a restful pause from their toils. ’*Tis on behalf of Aglaos now that his sister’s husband has moved the clear-voiced singer, the island bee, in order that the immortal tribute of the Muses, a monument not made with hands, might be a common joy for mankind,— that it might tell all men, Aglaos, of thy prowess, seen as oft as, by grace of Victory, thou hast caused thy golden hair to be crowned with flowers, and hast brought glory to spacious Athens, with honour for the Oeneidae. certain. ’AyAa@c Blass. letter was not II: hence Πασία, τὶν (τὶν δ᾽ Pearson) Wilam. and Platt. letters etpes are certain. The letter before them may have been X or A. 15 f. The Ms. adds ἄνθεσιν ἕαν- to ν. 15. made from μανοον by A. 10 νασιῶτιν MS. K. doubted whether the first 11 The 14 μανῦον The final ν of ἄνθεσιν, so ill-sounding here, is doubtless due to error. machia 300 as =‘without hands’: here it is to mean ‘xot made with hands? To justify it, we must suppose that it was meant to distinguish the poet’s ἄγαλμα from the sculptor’s: that would be Pindaric (4. v. 1), but is less like Bacchylides. 9 καὶ viv, ‘e’en now,’ marking the transition from the proem to the im- mediate theme, just as in Χ. gf, σέθεν δ᾽ ἕκατι | καὶ νῦν. 10 The νασιώτιν of the Ms. shortens a syllable (-w) which is long in vv. 20, 38, and 48. The poet perhaps wrote νασιώταν: cp. Aesch. Ag. 111 χερὶ πράκτορι, 664 τύχη...σωτήρ, Zum. 186 δίκαι καρανιστῆρες, etc. The correction is such as a grammarian might have made.—péAtooav: cp. Pind. P. x. 53 f. ἐγκωμίων yap dwros ὕμνων | ἐπ᾽ ἄλλοτ᾽ ἄλλον wre μέλισσα θύνει λόγον, ‘ the glory of songs of praise flits like a bee from theme to theme.’ The comparison of the poet to a bee is frequent: Plat. Jon 534 A λέγουσι yap...ci ποιηταὶ ὅτι...ἐκ Μουσῶν κήπων τινῶν ...τὰ μέλη ἡμῖν φέρουσιν ὥσπερ αἱ μέλιτται: Ar. Av. 748 f. ὡσπερεὶ μέλιττα | Φρύνιχος κ-τ.λ. : Leoni- das of Tarentum (Azthol. 1. 1) describes Erinna as μέλισσαν... Μουσῶν ἄνθεα δρεπ- τομέναν : Hor. C. Iv. ii. 28f. ego apis Matinae | more modogue, etc. 11 Μουσᾶν ἄγαλμα, the ode: n. on I. 74. 18 τεὰν ἀρετὰν is better here than τεᾶν ἀρετᾶν (to go with χάρμα). Our see poet uses the plur. ἀρεταί only in XIII. 8 (and probably vit. 88), and then with reference to several men.—If ᾿Αγλαῴ be right in v. g, there is a transition here to the second person; cp. XV. 6—1I0. 152. The ὅσσα of the Ms. should probably be ὁσσάκις, as several critics have suggested. The syllable -κις may have been missed by the scribe through its likeness to -xas. ὅσσαπερ or ὅσσα δή would also serve. (Blass defends ὅσσα by supposing the first syllable of vixas to be metrically t_: see ἢ. on v. 8.)— Νίκας ἕκατι: cp. 1. 6n. The Ms. wrongly joins ἄνθεσιν fav- to v. 15; there is a like error in vv. 33 and 43. Here the hiatus after ἕκατι gives a clue. (I indicated this in Kenyon’s editio princeps, p. 87.) 16 ἀναδησάμενος κεφαλάν: Her. I. 195 Tas κεφαλὰς μίτρῃσι ἀναδέονται. The midd. is normal in this sense; cp. Pind. N. x1. 28, 7.1.28, etc. In P. xX. 40, how- ever, ἀναδήσαντες has the same meaning. 18 OivelSats. Ocneus, sonof Pandion, was one of the ten ἐπώνυμοι of the Attic tribes. Οἰνεῖδαι are the members of the tribe Oivnis. Cp. [Dem.] or. 60 ὃ 30 οὐκ ἔλαθεν Oiveidas κιτ.λ. In mythology Oiveidns is a designation of Meleager, Tydeus, or Diomedes.—The fact that the victor’s tribe, but not his father, is named, has been thought to indicate that his family was an obscure one; but this can hardly be inferred: though wv. 47—51 suggest that he was not rich. The reason ant. I. 316 BAKXYAIAOY [IX 9 €v Ποσειδᾶνος περικλειτοῖς ἀέθλοις Ο0].18 20 10 εὐθὺς ἔνδειξ Ιας Ἕλλασιν ποδῶν ὁρμὰν ταχεῖαν" > ΄ επ.α. : δεύτερον δ᾽ οὔ]ροισιν ἔπι σταδίου, 2 θερμὰν ἔτι] πνέων ἀέλλαν, 3: ἔστα[- βρέχω]ν δ᾽ a& αὖτε θατήρων ἐλαίῳ « φάρε!᾽ ἐς εὐθροοὴ]ν ἐμπίτνων ὅμιλον, 5 τετρ[ αέλικτο |v ἐπεὶ 25 ᾿ς δκάμψεν δρόμον. 3 Ισθμιονίκαν γ δίς νιν ἀγκ)]άρυξαν εὐβού- 8. λων [ἀεθλάρχ᾽]ων προφᾶται: στρ. β΄. 30 - δὶς δ᾽ ely Νεμέᾳ Κρονίδα Ζηνὸς παρ᾽ ἁγνὸν . βωμόΪϊν: ἁ κλει |v. τε Θήβα 3 δέκτ 6 νιν εἸὐρύχορόν +7 "Apyols Σικυώ)]ν τε κατ᾽ aicav: 19 ποσιδανος MS., as XIII. 20 ποσιδᾶνος, XVI. 36 ποσιδᾶνι, XIX. 8 ποσι- : but XVI. 59f. ποσειδᾶνι, 79 ποσειδᾶν. Th. Reinach: ταχεῖαν ὁρμὰν MS. 20 εὐθὺς ἔνδειξ]ας Blass: ὁρμὰν ταχεῖαν A. Ludwich, 21 οὔροισιν Blass. 23 βρέχων] δ᾽ dite Blass. The letter before δ᾽ was probably N, and cannot have been C.—é’ αὖτε] A AIZE A. for the absence of the father’s name may be simply metrical. Cp. n. on 54 ff. There should probably be a full stop (or at least a colon) after δόξαν. For verses 15—18 refer, as ὅσσα indicates, to all the athlete’s victories, and not to those won at the Isthmus alone. He had been successful at seven other places (vv. 29--- 35). ἢ 19 Ποσειδάνος.. ἀέθλοις. Cp. Pind. O. XIIl. 40 ἐν δ᾽ ἀμφιάλοισι Torecdavos τεθμοῖσιν. Metre requires ὁρμὰν ταχεῖαν (not ταχ. ὁρμ.) : see vv. 10, 38, 47. Similarly in XIV. 47 the MS. has ἄρχεν λόγων instead of λόγων dpxev: and in XVI. 72 χεῖρας πέτασσε instead of πέτασε χεῖρας. Cp. also I. 70 ἢ. 19. 26 The restoration of this pas- sage given above is tentative in some details, but hardly doubtful as to the general sense. See the discussion in the Appendix. Here I note the follow- ing points. Thera, of the first cent. B.c., quoted by Blass (=Kaibel Zpigr. Gr. 942), concerns a boy who won a boxing match, and then forthwith engaged in the pan- cration, which he also won :---ἔτε θερμὸν] πνεῦμα φέρων σκληρᾶς παῖς ἀπὸ πυγμα- χίας | ἔστα παγκρατίου βαρὺν ἐς πόνον" a (rt) An inscription from - μία δ᾽ dws | dis Δωροκλείδαν εἶδεν ἀεθλο- φόρον. This suggests that εστα in 23 is tera. The signal exploit of this athlete was that he ran in two comsecu- tive races, and won them both. Paus. VI. 13. 3 mentions an athlete who at Olympia won the δόλιχος, and then forthwith (παραυτίκα) the stadion, and after that the δίαυλος. οὔροισιν ἔπι σταδίου, ‘at the bounds of the course,’ means, ‘at the starting-line’ (γραμμή), from which the runners were despatched. βρέχων δ᾽... αὖτε: that is, again he came in first,—-the sweat and olive-oil from his naked body sprinkling the clothes of the spectators who pressed near to him at the finish. δεύτερον δ᾽ (21), dé’ αὖτε (23), and és εὔθροον (24) are my conjectures: for the last, cp. II. 9 θρόησε δὲ λαὸς ἀπείρων. (2) The use of the second person is made certain by -ds in 20. A transition to the third person is certainly made in v. 23. The pronoun of the 3rd person occurs in vy. 27, Sis νιν ἀγκάρυξαν, when the poet turns from the vivid picture of the race to a list of the victor’s successes. (3) My tentative explanation of the fact that the scribe’s dite was corrected by A® to αὖτε would be that the original reading, βρέχων δ᾽ gé’ αὖτε, generated two others, (a) βρέ- 1x] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 317 In Poseidon’s renowned games thou didst show thy rushing speed to the Greeks at the outset :-— then a second time did he take his stand at the bounds of the course,—still breathing a storm of hot breath,—and again he darted forward, the olive-oil from his body sprinkling the garments of the spectators as he rushed into the cheering crowd, after finishing the fourth round of the course. Twice have the spokesmen of the prudent judges declared him a victor at the Isthmus, and twice at Nemea by the holy altar of Zeus son of Cronus: illustrious Thebes too has duly welcomed him, and spacious Argos, and Sicyon ; A3 has changed I to T, transfixed 2, and written T above it (atre)._-OATHPON A: A® has added E above the line between © and A, ETBOI A (cp. 34): corr. A®. by A is lost. 80 a κλεινά J. 27 ἀγκάρυξαν .---εὐβού-] 28 λω»] A superscript by A*: the letter written χων δ᾽ dite, and (ὁ) Bpéxwv δ᾽ αὖτε. See Appendix, p. 478. -- θατήρων. θατήρ (from Doric θαέομαι) is attested by Hesychius. 25 τετραέλικτον (Jurenka and Platt): Anthol. Vil. 210. 4 τετραέλικτος ὄφις (with four-fold coils). The foot-race equal in length to a double δίαυλος was technically called ἵππιος. It was in use at the Isthmian and the Nemean games (perhaps at others also): in the case of Nemea, at least, there was a trmos for boys. In later times it dropped out of both fes- tivals; but Hadrian restored it to the winter Nemea (Paus. vi. 16. 4). The δόλιχος was longer still, but always con- sisted of an even number of rounds. 427 2. εὐβούλων.. προφᾶται. There is no metrical test, as only the words χρή Tw’ remain in v. 56. (1) If the metre of v. 28 was —~~-—~-— 3 then the lost word was an anapaest. W. Christ suggests συνέδρων : H. Richards, BpaBéwr. Kenyon and Jurenka read Χαρίτων. The Charites give victory in the games: Pind. O. 11. 50 Χάριτες... ἄνθεα τεθρίππων ἄγαγον : cp. WV. VII. 54. They are εὔβουλοι as ‘judging aright,’— giving the prize to the most deserving. The προφᾶται would then be the judges - of the games. (2) If the verse was -—~-—-~-— , then we need such a word as ἀεθλάρχων, proposed by Platt. It is not extant, but is a possible word. A careful estimate has now led me to think that there is just room for it in the lacuna, as ε, 8 and pare thin letters in the papyrus. ἀγωναρχᾶν (Soph. Az. 572) would be slightly too large. It may fairly be urged that εὐβούλων is in favour of a word denoting the actual judges. Then προφᾶται would be the heralds. 30—37 The following were some of the festivals connected with the places mentioned. 1. Thebes: Ἡράκλεια, ᾿Ιόλαια. (Pindar’s so-called ‘second Pythian’ re- lates to a Theban festival.) 2. Argos: "Hpata, for which (according to a probable view) ‘Exaréu8aca was another name. A bronze shield (χαλκός in Pind. O. vit. 83) was the prize. 3. Sicyon: Πύθια. 4. Fellene in Achaia, west of Sicyon: Θεοξένια (to Apollo). The prize was a cloak, χλαῖνα (cp. Pind. O. IX. 97). 5. Euboea: Τεραίστια (to Poseidon), ᾿Αμαρύνθια (to Artemis). 6. Aegina: "Hpata, Aldxeca.—All these places are in Pindar’s list (O. XIII. 107—112), which includes also Megara, Eleusis, Marathon, the Arcadian Λύκαια (noticed also in O. IX. 104), and Aetna. In Boeotia there were other ἀγῶνες besides the Theban (cp. O. vit. 84 ff.). These local games must have done more for the physical training of Greeks at large than even the four greater festivals. 81 £. δέκτο, from ἐδέγμην, 2nd aor. of δέχομαι (7. 2. 420: Pind. O. 2. 49 ἔδεκτο). Cp. the Homeric aorists ἄλτο, λέκτο (‘counted’), ὦρτο, etc. Take déxro with κατ᾽ αἶσαν (//. το. 445), ‘gave him welcome due’: 2.6. his prowess won its reward.—evpbxopov : see n. on VIL. 17.— epode I. str. 2. 318 BAKXYAIAOY [ΙΧ ν , , sot τε ΠΙ ελλάν]αν νέμονται, Ἃα ἀμφί 7 Ἑὔβοιαν πολ[υλάϊο ν, οἵ θ᾽ ἱερὰν 35 7 vaco| v Atyw Jap. ματεύει 8. δ᾽ ἄλλ[ος ἀλλοίαν. κέλευθον, 9 ἄντιϊνα στείχ ων ἀριγνώτοιο “δόξας το τεύξεται. ἀντ. β΄. pe δ᾽ ἀνδρῶν ἐπιστᾶμαι πέλονται" 1 γὰρ σοφὸς ἢ Χαρίτων τιμᾶν λελογχὼς 40 « ἐλπίδι χρυσέᾳ τέθαλεν-" 3 τινα θευπροπίαν 4 εἰδώς: ν > > ’ ἕτερος δ᾽ ἐπὶ πάσι 5 ποικίλον τόξον τιταίνει" 6 οἱ δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἔργοισίν τε καὶ ἀμφὶ βοῶν ἀγέλαις 45 7 θυμὸν αὔξουσιν" τὸ μέλλον 8. δ᾽ ἀκρίτους τίκτει τελευτάς, nw , 4 οπᾷ τύχα βρίσει. τὸ μὲν κάλλιστον, ἐσθλὸν 10 ἄνδρα πολλῶν ὑπ᾽ ἀνθρώπων πολυζήλωτον εἶμεν" 98 £. The ms. adds the syllables ἀμφί τ᾽ Εὔβοι- to v. 33. 88 ΕΠΙΟΤΑΤΑΙ A: corr. A’, 42 πάσι Blass: τεύξεται tO V. 37- line by .4.3.--τιμᾶν Ms.: τιμὰν K. 37 £. The Ms. adds 39 7 γὰρ] T added above the IZAICI ms. 48:2. The in Bekker Anzecd. Σικνυών : Σεκυών as O. Rossbach P- 555, and on coins: would read here. 34 πολυλάϊον (λήϊον, a crop, or a corn-field): J/. 5. 613 vate πολυκτήμων, πολυλήϊος. 36 f. κέλευθον: cp. VIII. 88 f.: Pind. O. ΙΧ. 104 ff. : ἐντὶ γὰρ ἄλλαι | ὁδῶν ὁδοὶ περαίτεραι, | μία δ᾽ οὐχ. ἅπαντας ἄμμε θρέψει | wedéra.—After ἅντι-, various supplements are possible : ἅντινα στείχων, Blass, Jurenka: av τις εὖ τάμνων Kenyon: ἅν τις ἐμβαίνων Tyrrell, Richards. More spirit would be given to the phrase by dvrw’ ὁρμαίνων (intrans.), ‘pressing along’ his chosen path. 39—45 ἢ γὰρ σοφὸς.. αὔξουσιν. If in 42 we read πάσι (Blass, rst and 3rd ed.) instead of the MS. παισί, the enumera- tion is as follows. I. σοφός is the man of intellectual pursuits, and especially the poet: cp. Pind. O. I. 9, 11. 94, P. IV. 295, Z. I. 45, etc. 2. Χαρίτων τιμᾶν λελογχώς (the gen. with λαγχάνω as in I. 55f.). Here, pro- bably, it is the successful athlete of whom the author is chiefly thinking: εὐάγων τιμά (Pind. WV. Χ. 38) is the gift of the Charites. But they also give skill in song, in music (25. IX. 89), and in other arts. More generally, it is due to them εἰ σοφός, ef καλός, εἴ τις ἀγλαὸς ἀνήρ (ς XIV. 7). ἤ τινα θευπροπίαν εἰδώς : alluding to ie μάντις, who divines by augury or by sacrifice (ἔμπυρα), and to the χρησμολόγος, learned in old prophecies —The Homeric θεοπροπίη is concrete, ‘a prophecy,’ or ‘oracle’ (Z/. 11. 793 etc.) : the neut. sing. θεοπρόπιον, used by Herodotus, occurs only in 71. 1. 85: but here the abstract sense is fitter. 4. πάσι, the acquisition of wealth: Hesych. πᾶσις᾽ κτῆσις. The reference is to the various forms of ἐμπορία and χρη- ματισμός.---ποικίλον, ‘wily’ (in pursuit of κέρδος). [Or, ‘of varied aim,’—the modes of πᾶσις being diverse: but this is perhaps too artificial. ] With the Ms. παισὶ the sense would be: ‘Another aims at youths the cunningly- wrought shaft of song.’ Cp. Pind. 7. 11. 1—3 οἱ μὲν πάλαι... | ῥίμφα παιδείους ἐτό- Eevoyv μελιγάρυας ὕμνους, ‘the men of old lightly bent at youths their ‘shafts of honey-voiced song.’ Pindar was think- ing, as Bacchylides would be here, of such poets as Ibycus and Anacreon ; perhaps also of Alcaeus. Examples of Ix] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 319 also the dwellers in Pellene, and in the region of Euboea with many cornfields, and in the sacred isle of Aegina. fi Men seek various paths which they shall tread to the winning of bright renown. And countless are the kinds of human knowledge. A man is rich in golden hope because he has wisdom ; or has been honoured with the gifts of ant. 2. the Graces, or has skill in some manner of soothsaying ; another aims his wily shaft at wealth; while some there be who take delight in the works of husbandry, and in herds of oxen. The future brings forth issues which cannot be judged before- hand, so as to tell how Fortune will incline the scale. The noblest lot for a man is that his own worth should make him widely admired among his fellows. ms. adds the syllables of δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ Epyo- to v. 43. 47 IIAI. The I seems to have been added by .45.---βρίσει. τὸ μὲν] BPICENOMEN A (i.c. he read IT as N): corr. A®.—ECEAQN A (e for 6). ἐσθλὸν Wilamowitz, Blass. such songs would be the ode of Ibycus to Gorgias (fr. 30 Bergk) and those of Anacreon to Cleobulus and Smerdias (fr. 3, 5, 47). Cp. also Alcaeus, fr. 46. This species of lyric poetry had become very popular (largely through Anacreon) before our poet’s time. Bacchylides him- self, in describing the joys of peace, says (fr. 3. 12), παιδικοί θ᾽ ὕμνοι φλέγονται. The epithet ποικίλον would denote poetic art: Pind. fr. 179 ὑφαίνω δ᾽ ᾿Αμυθαονί- dats ποικίλον | ἄνδημα : fr. 194 τειχίζωμεν ἤδη ποικίλον | κόσμον αὐδάεντα λόγων. But there are strong objections to παισί. (1) Poetry should clearly be included under the phrase in 39, ἢ σοφὸς κ-.τ.λ. (2) It seems almost grotesque that poetry, as a pursuit, should be represented by this one species of lyric. (3) The order of enumeration is perverse ; since poetry, if not included under the pursuits in- dicated in v. 39, should at least be mentioned in close connexion with them. 5. ἔργοισίν τε καὶ... βοῶν ἀγέλαις. The conjunction shows that ἔργα are the works of husbandry. These are the farmers and the herdsmen. (Otherwise, the ἔργα might have been those of the craftsman or artist: cp. Pind. O. vil. 52 ἔργα δὲ ζωοῖσιν ἑρπόντεσσί θ᾽ ὁμοῖα κέ- λευθοι φέρον.)---ϑβυμὸν αὔξουσιν, ‘ enlarge their spirit,’ ‘take delight,’ therein: see n. on I. 52. Headlam has well observed that in vy. 39—45 B. concisely paraphrases Solon fr. 13. 43—54, where we have (1) the pursuit of wealth, 43—46: (2) agriculture, 47 £.: (3) artistic handi- crafts, 49 f..—which would come under the gifts of the Χάριτες here: (4) poetry, 51 f., and (5) soothsaying, 531. This further confirms πάσι in 42.—See Ap- pendix. 46f. ἀκρίτους is explained by πᾷ τύχα βρίσει: the future brings forth issues which cannot be judged (before- hand), (so as to decide) in what way fortune will incline. That is, the future is to bring forth success or failure ; but no one can tell zow which it will be.— βρίσει is a metaphor from the scales of a balance. Cp. Arist. Problem. τό. 11 (p- 915 ὁ 3) ὅταν βρίσῃ ὁ κύκλος ἐπὶ θάτερον μέρος. 47—49 τὸ μὲν κάλλιστον κιτιλ. The MS. supports ἐσθλῶν : but I think that ἐσθλὸν must be right. ‘The fairest lot is that one should be admired as a@ man of worth by many of his fellows.” The antithesis is between personal ἀρετή and wealth. ‘I know a/so’—the poet con- tinues—‘ the great power of wealth,’ etc. The train of thought is parallel with that in I. 49—53 φαμὶ καὶ φάσω μέγιστον | κῦδος ἔχειν ἀρετάν, πλοῦτος δὲ καὶ δειλοῖσιν ἀνθρώπων ὁμιλεῖ. For μέν, cp. XVI. I. If ἐσθλῶν were read, it would be neuter (as the plural is in Iv. το ἢ, v. 198, and XVI. 132), and might best be joined with πολλῶν : ‘ the fairest lot is that a man should be admired by his fellows for many excellent things.’ But these ἐσθλά would be too vague for the BAKXYAIOOY [Ix, X 320 x οἶδα καὶ πλούτου μεγάλαν δύνασιν, 50 2a καὶ τὸν ἀχρεῖον rt Ono |e 3 χρηστόν. τί μακρὰν γλῶσσαν ἰθύσας ἐλαύνω ς« ἐκτὸς 6600; πέφαται θνατοῖσι νίκας 5 ὕστερον εὐῴροσ ὑρα: ' Col.19 6 αὐλών [καναχαῖσι γλυκεῖαν 55 7 pevyv| ύμεν φόρμιγγος ὀμφὰν 8 χρή TW [εὐμούσους 7 ἀοιδάς. 3: ΕΚ. ΑΛΕΞΙΔΑΛΛΩΙ ΛΛΕΤΑΠΟΝΤΙΝΩΙ TTAIAI TTAAAICTHI ΠΎΘΙΑ t Nixa ἰγλυκύδωρε, μεγίσταν στρ. α΄. 2 σοὶ πατ[ὴρ wracce τιμὰν 3 ὑψίζυγος Οὐρανιδᾶν 3 4 oe 4 + ἐν πολυχρύσῳ δ᾽ Ὀλύμπῳ 5 Ζηνὶ παρισταμένα 4 4 5 4 6 κρίνεις τέλος ἀθανάτοι- 4 A A lal 7 σίν τε Kat θνατοῖς ἀρετᾶς. 8 ἔλλαθι, [βαθυ Ἰπλοκάμου 49 δύνασιν] ATNAMIN A: corr. A’. A? has written T over I, but what he meant is doubtful. 51 idicas] LOTCAC (Θ made from 0) A. K. thinks that a line was drawn through -AC. This does not seem quite certain: there is a small blot between A and C, but C is intact. =. The title has been added by A® in the left margin. 1—7 The letter after NIKA is read by K.-as I’: by Blass, as I with a stroke drawn through it. context: they would not be specifically ‘worthy gualities or deeds,—marks of ἀρετή. εἶμεν is a Doric form (also Boeotian Aeolic, Meister I. 279), not found in Homer: Bacchylides uses it only here, but ἔμμεν in V. 144, XVII. 31, 56. 51f. μακράν, adv.—yAdooay ἰθύσας. *Why have I turned my strain to far-off things? Why am I driving out of my course ?’ Cp. Pind. NV. vu. 71 f. ἄκονθ᾽ Gre χαλκοπάρᾳον ὄρσαι | θοὰν γλῶσσαν: see also above, v. τοῦ η.---ἰθύσας. ἰθύω is elsewhere intrans. ; hence Robinson Ellis conj. ἰθύνας. (ἰθείας, Housman. )— ἐκτὸς ὁδοῦ. So Pindar (P. ΧΙ. 38) says, after a digression, ἢ ῥ᾽, ὦ φίλοι, Kar ἀμευσίπορον τρίοδον ἐδινήθην, | ὀρθὰν κέ- λευθον ἰὼν τὸ rplv.—The poet apologizes for the irrelevance of the gnomic passage beginning with ματεύει in v. 35. The metaphor in γλῶσσαν ἰθύσας, if it is to harmonize with ἐλαύνω, should be from guiding the course of a chariot (cp. Z/. 11. 528 Keto’ ἵππους τε καὶ app’ ἰθύνομεν),--- not from launching a missile. πέφαται-- πέφανται (//. 2. 122 etc.), ‘has been set forth,’ ‘appointed.’ This form occurs elsewhere only in an Ionic excerpt from Seg POY (Plato’s mother) in Stobaeus Flor. 85. 1 54—57 The reference in the closing verses to festal music and song resembles that in ΝΠ]. 102 ff. and ΧΙ. 230f. The context may have been somewhat of the kind suggested above. For αὐλῶν xava- IX, X] ETTINIKOI 321 I know also the mighty power of riches, which can clothe even the useless man with merit—But wherefore have I turned my strain so far out of its due course? After victory, festal joy is appointed for mortals: blend ye the shrill sounds of flutes with the clear voice of the lyre, and with tuneful songs. cia eA For Alexidamus of Metapontion, winner of the boys wrestling- match at Delphi. Victory, giver of sweet gifts, great is the honour assigned to thee by the Father of the Heaven-born, throned on high: standing at the side of Zeus in golden Olympus thou judgest the issue of prowess for immortals and for men. Be gracious to us, O daughter of Styx with the flowing tresses, Fulvius Ursinus (Carmina novem illustrium feminarum et lyricorum, Antwerp 1568, p- 206) quotes from Stobaeus FZor. 111. (Περὲ φρονήσεως) the following words, which are not now extant in any MS. or edition of Stobaeus: Βακχυλίδης δὲ τὴν Νίκην γλυκύ- δωρόν φησι καὶ ἐν πολυχρύσῳ ᾽᾿Ολύμπῳ Ζηνὶ παρισταμένην κρίνειν τέλος ἀθανάτοισί τε καὶ θνητοῖς ἀρετῆς. Hence Neue (Bacchyl. Fragm. p. 18, 1832) and Bergk (fr. 9) gave Nika γλυκύδωρος.. ἐν πολυχρύσῳ κ.τ.λ. ... κρίνει τέλος ἀθανάτοισί τε κ.τ.λ.--- μεγίσταν Jurenka: ὥπασσε τιμὰν J. (τιμὰν ὄπασσεν Jurenka): Οὐρανιδᾶν J. 8 βαθυπλοκάμου J. χαῖσι cp. Il. 12 : and for φόρμιγγος ὀμφὰν XIII. 13.—Blass thinks that the name of the victor’s father may have stood in 55 (e.g., Δάμωνος vig): cp. 18 n. x. 1 8 The first three verses pro- bably spoke generally of the high honour given to Nike by Zeus; then vv. 5—8 define her function. Cp. //. 4. 166 Κρονίδης ὑψίζυγος. 4 2. πολυχρύσῳ, the epithet of rich cities (Mycenae etc.), fitly applied by Pindar (P. vi. 8) and Sophocles (O. 7. 151) to Delphi, is too material for Olympus: very different is the Homeric ἀπ᾽ αἰγλήεντος Ὀλύμπου (//. τ. 532).— Ζηνὶ παρισταμένα: cp. Hes. Theog. 386f. (of Νίκη and the other children of Styx), τῶν οὐκ ἔστ᾽ ἀπάνευθε Διὸς δόμος οὐδέ τις ἕδρη, | GAN αἰεὶ πὰρ Ζηνὶ βαρυκτύπῳ ἑδριόωνται. 6f. κρίνεις τέλος... ἀρετᾶς, ‘decidest the zsswe of prowess’ (rather than ‘ad- judgest the prize’ for it). Pindar indeed sometimes uses τέλος in a sense equivalent to ‘prize’: the clearest case is O. XI. 67 Δόρυκλος δ᾽ ἔφερε πυγμᾶς τέλος, which may fairly be rendered, he ‘won the prize for boxing’ (lit., ‘secured the result’). Cp. Δ 1. 26f. οὐ yap ἦν j. B. πενταέθλιον, GAN ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστῳ | ἔργματι κεῖτο τέλος, “ἃ (separate) result was ap- pointed for each feat’ (where it is usually rendered ‘prize’; and that is implied). In P. 1x. 118 the maiden is placed at the end of the course, τέλος ἔμμεν ἄκρον : where, as the adj. shows, it means ‘goal’ (rather than ‘prize’ ;—though she was that also). 8 ἔλλαθι, ‘be propitious.’ On this form see H. Weir Smyth, Greek Melic Poets p. 418; and Meister, Gr. Dial. 1. 413. It is the imperat. of an Aeolic perfect (cited by Herodian 11. 499. 19 and 605. 8). Two points should be noted. (1) AA is from oA: the primary form of the present (not extant) would be σίσλημι : and of the perf. stem, σέσλᾶ. Cp. Aeolic χέλλιοι (χίλιοι), from χέσλιοι. (2) The perfect ought to have a: cp. Callim. fr. 121 ἔλλαᾶτε : Theocr. XV. 143 ἵλᾶθι. The ἃ here may be due to the preceding long syllable (by levelling of quantity): in //. 1. 583 we have ἵλαος, though in 9. 639 (etc.) ἵλᾶος. Or it may. be a simple imitation of the epic 7 in ἵληθι (Od. 3. 380). In Simonides fr. 49 (vulg. t\a6c) ἔλλαθι should perhaps be read: the quantity is there uncertain. 22 epode 2. str. I. 322 BAKXYAIAOY [x 9 κούρα [Στυγὸς ὀρ]θοδίκου: σέθεν δ᾽ ἕκατι το καὶ νῦν Μεταπόντιον εὐ- τ γυίων [κατέχ]ουσι νέων 2 κῶμοί τε καὶ εὐφροσύναι θεότιμον ἄστυ" 3 ὑμνεῦσι δὲ Πυθιόνικον A ν « 4 παῖδα θαητὸν Φαΐσκου. > ‘ ε ἈΝ ε GvT. α. 15 τ ἵλεφ νιν 0 Δαλογενὴς υἱ- 2 ὃς βαθυζώνοιο Λατοῦς 20 δέκτο βλεφάρῳ: πολέες δ᾽ ἀμφ᾽ ᾿Αλεξίδαμον ἀνθέων ἐν πεδίῳ στέφανοι Κίρρας ἔπεσον κρατερᾶς > , ΄ 7 ρα παννίκοιο πάλας" > 8 οὐκ εἶδέ νιν ἀέλιος ο Κείνῳ γε σὺν ἄματι πρὸς γαίᾳ πεσόντα. ’ \ % > / το φάσω δὲ καὶ ἐν ζαθέοις ἁγνοῦ Πέλοπος δαπέδοις 1. ᾿Αλφεὸν παρὰ καλλιρόαν, δίκας κέλευθον .3 εἰ μή τις ἀπέτραπεν ὀρθᾶς, 4 παγξένῳ χαΐταν ἐλαίᾳ > ΄ επτ.α, 9 Στυγὸς Fennell, Blass. 10 ET corrected from EI by A!? Nairn, Bruhn, Blass, κελαδοῦσι K. (cp. however 13 ὑμνεῦσι). t γλαυκᾷ στεφανωσάμενον 11 κατέχουσι 15 [AE is due to correction (probably by A!): A seems to be written over C: and ¢ is added above the line. Had the scribe inadvertently repeated -toxov from the end of 14? 17 βλεφάρῳ] The ending has been corrected (from -wy or -ow ὃ). 21 IIANNIKOI 9 κούρα Στυγός. Nike is the daughter of Styx by the Titan Pallas : Bacchylides epigr. τ. τ κούρα Πάλλαντος πολυώνυμε, πάτνια Nixa. Hes. Theog. 383 ff. Στὺξ δ᾽ érex’ Ὠκεανοῦ θυγάτηρ Πάλλαντι μιγεῖσα Ζῆλον καὶ Νίκην καλλίσφυρον ἐν μεγάροισι, καὶ Κράτος ἠδὲ Βίην. Styx and these her children helped Zeus in his war with their Titan kinsfolk, and were received by him into Olympus. The mother had a further reward; αὐτὴν μὲν yap ἔθηκε θεῶν μέγαν ἔμμεναι ὅρκον ( Theog. 400). ὀρθοδίκου : Styx is such because the ὅρκος is a fence against wrong-doing. As ὅρκος in its primary sense denoted the witness or sanction of the oath, rather than the act of taking it, Styx is herself the ὅρκος θεῶν. 10 Μεταπόντιον is here the name of the town, not the neut. of Μεταπόντιος (Thuc. vil. 33 §4): the later form of the adj. was Μεταποντῖνος (Paus., etc.). Metapontion (Lat. Metapontum) was on the west coast of the Gulf of Tarentum, about 28 miles s.w. of that city. (See Introduction.) 12 εὐφροσύναι, ‘festivities’ (like @a- λίαι, XU. 187): cp. Solon 4. 10 εὐφροσύνας κοσμεῖν δαιτὸς ἐν ἡσυχίᾳ, and Aesch. P.V. 540. The sing. (III. 87, IX. 53), alone used by Pindar, is more frequent.—ed- τιμον : so he calls Phlius θεοτίματον πόλιν (VIII. 98). 14 θαητόν : said in ΧΙ. 115 of Troy. Pindar often uses the word, in the sense of ‘conspicuous’ (P. xX. 58 θαητὸν ἐν x] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 323 who guards the right. ‘Tis due to thee even now that Meta- pontion, city honoured by gods, is full of rejoicings, while festal bands of stalwart youths hymn the Pythian victor, the brilliant son of Phaiscus. The Delos-born son of Latona the deep-girdled gave him ant. r. welcome with kindly eyes ; and many were the wreaths of flowers that fell around Alexidamus in Cirrha’s plain, for his triumph in the strenuous wrestling. Never in the course of that day did the sun behold him brought to earth. And I will avouch that in the glorious domain of holy Pelops also, by the fair stream of Alpheus, if some one had not warped the course of righteous sentence, he would have crowned his hair with the gray olive for which all comers strive, epode 1. MS.: παννίκοιο K.—TIAAAAC A, but a line has been drawn through the second A. 23 TE made from TE (by A!?).—The words σὺν... πεσόντα have been added by another hand, the same which supplied xvii. 16. 24 ἘΠῚ A: EN A?.—«’ ἐπὶ Housman. 26 δίκαν κελεύθου conj. Herwerden. 28 IIATZENQI A: ΠΑΓΞΕΊΝΩΙ A!?—EAAIAT] The final I has been written by a corrector (over Ὁ ὃ). ἅλιξι), or ‘comely’ (γυῖα, P. τιν. 80; duration. So ΧΙ. 125 σὺν ἅπαντι χρόνῳ, δέμας, V. ΧΙ. 12). 17—20 Séxro: cp. VIII. 31 n.— ἀνθέων.. στέφανοι. Pindar P. ΙΧ. 123 describes a victor in olden days as thus greeted by the spectators,—zod\a μὲν κεῖνοι δίκον | PUAN ἔπι καὶ στεφάνους: and doubtless he took this from the usage of his own time. So in P. vill. 57 he says (figuratively) ᾿Αλκμᾶνα στεφάνοισι βάλλω. This custom was called φυλλοβολάα.---- Kippas. Cirrha, the harbour-town of Crisa on the Corinthian Gulf, was de- stroyed by the Delphians (with aid from Cleisthenes of Sicyon) about 585 B.c.: but the name, like that of Crisa, was still used by the fifth-century poets in con- nexion with Delphi: Pind. 9. ΧΙ. 12 ἀγῶνί τε Kippas: vill. 19 Kippadev ἐστεφανωμένον. 21 ἦρα... πάλας. ἦρα as=xdpw, ‘on account of,’ cccurs in Callimachus fr. 41, ἦρα φιλοξενίης: and in Anthol. Planud. 4. 299 οὐκ épéw.—rivos ἦρα; (‘why not?’). In 277]. τ. 572 μητρὶ φίλῃ ἐπὶ ἦρα φέρων, ‘doing kind service’ to her (-: φέρων χάριν in 71. 9. 613): ‘a very ancient phrase, appearing in the Vedic véra dbhar, lit. to bring the wishes’ (Leaf ad Jvc.). Cp. also //. 14. 132 θυμῷ ἦρα φέροντες, ‘indulging their resentment’; which (as Smyth remarks) illustrates the origin of the prepositional use. 23 κείνῳ ye σὺν ἄματι : ‘in the course of that day’: σύν denoting concurrent ‘through all the years’ (‘in the whole course of history’): Pind. fr. 123 σὺν ἁλικίᾳ, ‘while we are in our prime.’ Slightly different is the temporal use in which σύν marks the arriva/ of a moment: Pind. P. IV. 10 σὺν δεκάτᾳ γενέᾳ: P. ΧΙ. 10 ἄκρᾳ σὺν ἑσπέρᾳ.---πρὸς yala: cp. VIII. 38.—teorévra: for the aor. (instead of pres.) part. after εἶδε, cp. Vv. 40 εἶδε νικάσαντα: Her. IX. 22 πεσόντα εἶδε. 24 φάσω, 1.6. ‘I will make bold to say’: cp. VII. 42 κομπάσομαι.---ἴπ pro- posing κ᾿ él here, Housman meant ke to go with ἱκέσθαι in 30 (where see n.): but the interval would be a long one. ἡ The scribe’s ἐπὶ seems to have been a mere error: év is the more natural word here. 25 Πέλοπος: see ἢ. on Vv. 181. —SaméSois: cp. Pind. 4. Vil. 24 ἐν Πυθίοισί re δαπέδοις. δάπεδον (ζάπεδον = διάπεδον) is a level surface or ground: in the plur., ‘grounds,’ ‘domain.’ 26 f. δίκας κέλευθον ... ὀρθᾶς, ‘the course of righteous judgment.’ As against reading δίκαν κελεύθου (=‘path’) it may be noted that hiatus does not occur at the end of the corresponding verses, ~ except in v. 12, where it is excused by the point after dorv.—ei μή Ts: ‘some one’ (god or man). Ε 28 £. παγξένῳ.. ἐλαίᾳ, asa prize open to all competitors: cp. Soph. fr. 348 πολὺν δ᾽ ἀγῶνα πάγξενον κηρύσσεται: 22—2 324 BAKXYAIAOY [x 30 2 πορτιτρόφ[ον ἂν πεδίον πάτ]ραν θ᾽ ἱκέσθαι. 3 [οὔ τι δόλος κακόφρων Col. 20 4 παῖδ᾽ ἐν χθονὶ καλλιχόρῳ 5 ποικίλαις τέχναις πέλασσεν᾽" 6 ἀλλ᾽ ἢ θεὸς αἴτιος, ἢ 35 7 γνῶμαι πολύπλαγκτοι βροτῶν 8 ἄμερσαν ὑπέρτατον ἐκ χειρῶν γέρας. ονῦν δ᾽ ἼΑρτεμις ἀγροτέρα το χρυσαλάκατος λιπαρὰν τ ἡμέρα τοξόκλυτος νίκαν ἔδωκε. 40% τᾷ ποτ᾽ ᾿Αβαντιάδας Ν ’ ’ 13. βωμὸν κατένασσε πολύλ- 4 Δλιστον εὔπεπλοί τε κοῦραι" 80 NO’ ἵκξοθαιὶ is certain: may have been A: before N is seen the top of a letter which and before this, again, a trace which is consistent with P. Pind. O. a 63 πάγκοινον és χώραν (Olympia): O. 11. 18 (the Olympian olive) φύτευμα ξυνὸν ἀνθρώποις στέφανόν τ᾽ ἀρετᾶν.---γλαυκᾷ: VII. 51.---στεφανω- σάμενον: Pindar has the same use of this midd. aorist (O. VII. 81, XII. 17). 80 πορτιτρόφον.. ἱκέσθαι. The letters νθ᾽ preceded ἱκέσθαι. In considering possible supplements, we have to provide for the κε, κεν, or dv which ἱκέσθαι re- quires. In the whole passage (24—30) there are only three possible places for it, one of which is very improbable as being too remote (viz. 24, if κ᾽ ἐπὶ replaced καὶ ἐν): the other two are v. 28 (if χαίταν κ᾿ were read), and v. 30. The last is the most probable. πορτιτρόφον may have been followed by dv: the other possibility is κ᾽ in one of two places (6. 5.» ἐς χθόνα κ᾿ εὖ πράσσονθ᾽, or ᾿Ιταλίαν x’ ἕδραν θ᾽). ἄν seems the more likely. We might have, then, either πεδίον πάτραν vi (Blass), or (¢.g.) πατρίδ᾽ εὔ- καρπόν θ᾽ (Jurenka): I prefer the former, as yielding the fitter sense. ‘ Zhe heifer- nourishing plain’ denotes the pasture- lands of Messapia (= Calabria) about Metapontion; πάτραν is that city itself. Cp. the Homeric hymn to the Delian Apollo, V. 21, ἠμὲν ἀν᾽ ἤπειρον πορτιτρόφον ἠδ᾽ ἀνὰ νήσους. In writing πορτιτρόφον, was Bacchylides thinking of the etymology which derived Ἰταλία from Αταλός, vitulus, a calf? That etymology was adopted by the Sicilian historian Timaeus, and was therefore older at any rate than ¢. 300 B.C. See Gellius x1. τ. Timaeus (and Varro), he says, terram Italiam de Graeco vocabulo appellatam scripserunt, quoniam boves Graeca vetere lingua ἱταλοὶ vocitati sint, guorum in Italia magna copia fuerit, buceraque [‘horned cattle,’ vulg. dzceta, ‘pastures’ ] 272 ea terra gigni pascigue solita sint complurima. 31—86 The general sense of the lost verse would probably be represented by οὔ τι δόλος κακόφρων or the like. Verses 26 f. might seem to suggest corrupt con- duct on the part of the judges: so the poet hastens to guard against such an inference. Some god may have warped the minds of the judges; as Athena did (according to one legend) when the Greek chiefs preferred Odysseus to Ajax in awarding the arms of Achilles. Or it may have been purely an error of human judgment. Alexidamus, whose forte was wrestling, may have gone in for the pentathlon, and lost the odd event through being just beaten in the foot-race, according to the verdict of the judges (or a majority of them), while he and his friends held that he had won. Or there may have been . a question as to the fairness of a throw in the wrestling-match. Pausanias (VI. 3. 7) tells a story which is in point. Eupolemus, an Elean, ran in the men’s sfadion at x] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 325 ere he returned to the horse-feeding plain of his own land. Not that a malignant fraud made the boy a prey to crafty arts in the fair precincts of Olympia: no, a god was the cause, or else the oft-erring judgments of mortals snatched the supreme prize from his grasp. But now bright victory has been given to him by the Huntress with golden shaft and bow of fame, Artemis, the Soother. To her an altar, goal of many a prayer, was set up of old by the son of Abas and his well-robed daughters, —ay πεδίον πάτραν θ᾽ Blass: ἂν πατρίδ᾽ εὔκαρπόν θ᾽ Jurenka: εὐτυχέονθ᾽ K.: ᾿Ιταλίαν νικῶνθ᾽ Platt (with κ᾿ ἐπὶ in 24). ἐς χθόνα κ᾽ 31 The verse is lost.—o¥ τι δολοφροσύνα conj. Festa: ἀλλὰ τύχα φθονερὰ Palmer: ἀντιπάλω δύ᾽ ἐπεὶ Blass, taking παῖδ᾽ (32) as παῖδε. Palmer. 35 πολύπλαγκοι MS.: corr. K. 39 ἡμέρα Blass: ἁμέρα Palmer. 36 ἄμερσαν © Olympia. Three ᾿Ἑλλανοδίκαι were the judges. Two of them awarded the victory to Eupolemus; but the third, to Leon, an Ambraciot: and ‘it was said’ that Leon, going before the Olympic Council (βουλή), had got a fine inflicted (χρημάτων καταδικάσαιτο) on each of the two judges who had voted against him. The Eleans, as presidents at Olympia, were sometimes charged with favouring their countrymen: Plut. Quaest. Platon. «᾿Ηλείους τῶν σοφῶν εἶπέ τις βελτίους ἂν εἶναι τῶν ᾿Ολυμπίων ἀγωνοθέτας εἰ μηδὲ εἷς ᾿Ηλείων ἦν ἀγω- νιστής. (Cp. also Diodorus I. 95.) It is easy, then, to understand why our poet may have wished to make it clear that he did not impute fraud. 82 καλλιχόρῳ: V. 106n. Here the idea of enclosure contained in χορός serves to suggest the scenes of the contests at Olympia. 988 ποικίλαις, in a bad sense; cp. Pind. O. 1. 29, M. v. 28.--πέλασσεν: cp. 11. 5. 766 ὀδύνῃσι πελάζειν : Aesch. P. V. 155 δεσμοῖς... πελάσας. 35 πολύπλαγκτοι, usu. ‘much wander- ing’; here ‘often erring,’ as in Zpigr. Gr. 594. 4 (4th cent. A.D.?) βροτῶν πολυ- πλάγκτοισιν πραπίδεσσιν. Cp. Eur. Hipp. 240 παρεπλάγχθην γνώμας ἀγαθᾶς. 36 ἄμερσαν, Doric for ἤμερσαν, like &yero for ἤγετο in XIX. 4: the first syll. of the verse should be long (cp. 78). —dpépdw takes a double acc. in Hom. hymn. V. 312 τιμὴν | ...tjpeporev ᾿Ολύμπια δώματ᾽ ἔχοντας: but not elsewhere a simple acc. (instead of gen.) denoting that which is taken away. 37—39 viv δ᾽ "Αρτεμις. So far as appears, it is simply as the goddess of Metapontion (116) that she favours him. γροτέρα: V. 123 n.—xXpvoaddkaros, ‘with golden shaft’ (Hesych. καλλέτοξος" ἠλακάτη yap ὁ τοξικὸς κάλαμος) : epithet of Artemis in //. 16. 183, Soph. 77. 636. This sense is not incompatible with the addition of τοξόκλυτος, which is more general ; ‘renowned with the bow,’ ‘famed for archery.” ἡμέρα, the ‘gentle,’ the ‘assuager of pain.’ This (or Ἡμερασία, Paus. viii. 18. 8) was the name under which Artemis was worshipped at Λουσοί in the north of Arcadia. She was so called because she had healed the madness of the Proetides: ἡμέρῃ, οὕνεκα θυμὸν ἀπ᾽ ἄγριον εἵλετο παίδων (Callim. Dian. 237). See Introd. —Though dyepos is found in the Mss. of Pindar and the bucolic poets, the ἡ of ἥμερος seems to have been Panhellenic ἡ (cp. Smyth, Melic Poets p. 420).— The “fem. form is used by Pind. 4. 1x. 44 and Her. v. 82. 40—42 Αβαντιάδας: Proetus. Abas, son of Lynceus and Hypermnestra, figured in legend as the twelfth king of Argos. He was the father, by Aglaia, of Acrisius and Proetus; also of Κάνηθος (eponymus of a mountain near Chalcis in Euboea), and of Eidomene. (Apollod, 2. 2. 1: cp. Roscher s.7z.) βωμόν, at Lusi: cp. το. --- κατέ- νασσε: aor., with caus. sense (here= ἱδρύσατο), on the analogy of ἔνασσα (ναίω). Only the aor. (active and middle) of καταναίω occurs. Elsewhere it always denotes ‘settling’ persons in a place.— πολύλλιστον, ‘of many prayers,’ ‘sought by many worshippers’; Hom. hymn. Pyth, Apoll. τόρ ἐν νηοῖσι πολυλλίστοισι. BAKXYAIAOY [x στρ. 8. «Tas ἐξ ἐρατῶν ἐφόβησεν 2 παγκρατὴς Ἥρα μελάθρων Προίτου, παραπλῆγι φρένας -" 4 5 Ὰ καρτερᾷ ζεύξασ᾽ ἀνάγκᾳ 3 4 ΄ \ ” 5 παρθενίᾳ yap ἔτι 6 -ς“ 4 > ’ ψυχᾷ κίον ἐς τέμενος ’ Lal 7 πορφυροζώνοιο θεᾶς" 4 Ν Ἀ , 50 8 φάσκον δὲ πολὺ σφέτερον ’ ’ ’ lal , 9 πλούτῳ προφέρειν πατέρα EavOas παρέδρου lal Ν > 7 το σεμνοῦ Διὸς εὐρυβία. “A Ἀ / x ταῖσιν δὲ χολωσαμένα , ᾿ ’ ¥ , τ. στήθεσσι παλίντροπον ἔμβαλεν νόημα" Lal > »¥ > ,’ 55:3 φεῦγον ὃ ὄρος ἐς τανίφυλλον, ’ Ν en 4 σμερδαλέαν φωνὰν ἱεῖσαι, ἀντ. β΄. 1 Τιρύνθιον ἄστυ λιποῦσαι Ἁ td > 4 2 καὶ θεοδμάτους ἀγυιάς, 3 ἤδη γὰρ ἔτος δέκατον 60 4 al , s ναῖον ἀδεισιβόαι θεοφιλὲς λιπόντες “Apyos 6 κχαλκάσπιδες ἡμίθεοι 7 σὺν πολυζήλῳ βασιλεῖ. 52 εὐρυβία K.: ΕΥ̓ΡΥΒΙΑΙ Ms. : but the final «, which is very small, and slightly above the line, may have been added by another hand. evpuBig Nairn, Blass, 45 f. παραπλῆγι.. καρτερᾷ.. ἀνάγκᾳ, ‘a strong overmastering frenzy’: ἀνάγκα is the resistless power of the divine plague.—Note the t before φρένας : else- where in this poet (as Smyth observes) ᾧρ makes position.—I hesitate to forsake the Ms. and write παραπλᾶγι with Blass, because the ἢ may be one of the poet’s euphonic compromises, like φήμα, ἀδμήτα, etc.: πλάξιππος (V. 97) is different.— ζεύξασ᾽ : Pind. NV. vil. 6 πότμῳ ζυγένθ᾽ : Eur. Helen. 255 τίνι πότμῳ συνεζύγην ; 47—49 παρθενίᾳ.. ἔτι ψυχᾷ, ‘ while still in virginal life,’ while still young maidens: cp. Soph. 4z. 558 f. νέαν | ψυχὴν ἀτάλλων. The addition of ἔτι emphasizes their youth as aggravating their presumption. — κίον és τέμενος... θεᾶς: their offence was not the fact of entering Hera’s precinct, but the spirit which they showed. There were oc- casions when maidens took a prominent part in the worship at the Argive Heraion. The chorus in Eur. Z/. 173 invite Electra to attend a θυσία in honour of that goddess (πᾶσαι δὲ παρ᾽ ἭΪραν μέλλουσι παρθενικαὶ στείχειν) At one such festival Hera was decked as a bride, her priestess enacting the νυμφεύτρια (bridesmaid): the maidens of Argos attended in their best apparel, wearing wreaths of flowers. 50—52 φάσκον δὲ κιτ.λ. The my- thographer Pherecydes (c. 450 B.C.) agreed with our poet in assigning such a boast as the cause of Hera’s anger against the Proetides: παραγενόμεναι yap els τὸν τῆς θεοῦ νεὼν ἔσκωπτον αὐτόν [αὐτήν 7], λέγουσαι πλουσιώτερον μᾶλλον εἶναι τὸν τοῦ πατρὸς οἶκον (Schol. Od. 15. 225=fr. 24 Miiller I. p. 74). They dis- paraged her ‘emple as compared with their father’s Aouse. (Remark that this definition of the boast is, so far as it goes, against reading the dative εὐρυβίᾳ here. * Wealth of wide dominion’ suggests a more general vaunt.) -The logographer Acusilaus (c. 500 B.C.) said that the Proetides had ‘slighted the ancient image x] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 327 All-powerful Hera had driven those maidens from the fair str. 2. halls of Proetus, their spirits in bondage to a strong overmastering frenzy. For while yet in girlhood, they had entered the holy place of the purple-girdled goddess, and boasted that their sire far surpassed in wealth the golden-haired consort of Zeus, dread lord of wide dominion. But she, in anger, smote their hearts with a thought that turned them to flight; and with fearful shrieks they fled to a forest in the hills, far from the Tirynthian city and its god-built streets. It was now the tenth year since the dauntless heroes with shields of bronze had left Argos, dear to the gods, and were- dwelling at Tiryns with their much-envied king. Jurenka, Herwerden, Festa. (EMBAAENOMMA Ms.) 54 στήθεσσι K. CTHOECIN μ5.--ἔμβαλεν νόημα K. 55 τανίφυλλον] τανύφυλλον Jurenka. of Hera, τὸ τῆς Ἥρας ξόανον ἐξηυτέλισαν Apollod. 2. 2. 2=fr. Acus. 19, Miiller 1. p. 102). Hesiod (26.) said that they had ‘refused to accept the rites of Dionysus.’ Rather the myth suggests votaries of some new cult who show scorn for the older a of anathirnoe πλούτῳ προφέρειν: Her. VI. 127 πλούτῳ καὶ εἴδεϊ προφέρων ᾿Αθηναίων .---παρέδρου, ‘consort,’ intended to be statelier than auvetvov.—I would read (as K. does) evpuBia, gen., not εὐρυβίᾳ: the ms. has the latter, but the t may have been added by a later hand. εὐρυβίᾳ, following σεμνοῦ Διός, and referring back to πλούτῳ, is (to my feeling) intolerable: let any one read the verses, thinking of the sense, and judge. Further, a second epithet for Διός is thoroughly in B.’s manner: see (e.g) V. 99 σεμνᾶς χόλον ᾿Αρτέμιδος λευκωλένου: 2b. 174 χρυσέας Κύπριδος θελξιμβρότου.---ΟΥ̓Ἠ course εὐρυβίας is, in itself, a perfectly suitable epithet for πλοῦτος (cp. Pind. P. v. 1 6 πλοῦτος εὐρυσθενήΞς): but that is not the point.—evpuBilas is said of Poseidon in Pind. P. vi. 58, and often of heroes. Β. has φθόνος εὐρυβίας in XV. 31. 54 παλίντροπον νόημα, ‘an impulse that turned them to flight,’—from the τέμενος. Elsewhere παλίντροπος is found (1) with ὄμματα, etc., as in Aesch. Ag. 778: or (2) with verbs of moving, as ἕρπειν (Soph. £7. 1222). The accent here might be παλιντρόπον, but that is not required : νόημα παλίντροπον is (strictly) the νόημα of ἃ raXivrporos.—Note the error in the mMs., EMBAAENOMMA (through change of H into M, and loss of the second N). 55 ὄρος. Callimachus (Dian. 236) describes the Proetides as οὔρεα πλαζομέ- vas ᾿Αζήνια, the hills of the region in N.W. Arcadia called ᾿Αζανία (from the ᾿Αζᾶνες, descendants of ᾿Αζάν, son of Arcas): it was the hill-district about Cleitor (some 12 miles s. of Lusi) and Psophis.—tavigvAdov (Theocr. ΧΧΥ. 221) is the correct form, but B. may have written. τανίφυλλον to avoid v in two consecutive syllables: see n. on III. 60. 56 φωνὰν ἱεῖσαι: Verg. Ec. 6. 48 Proetides implerunt falsis mugitibus agros (they imagined themselves to be cows). 59—81 The Proetides having fled from 7iryns, the poet pauses to explain how it had come about that they were living there. Nearly the same story is told by Pau- sanias (II. 25. 7 f.). He describes the brothers as fighting a drawn battle, after ant. 2. which they were reconciled, ὡς οὐδέτεροι . βεβαίως κρατεῖν ἐδύναντο. Apollodorus (2. 2. 1), on the other hand, says that Acrisius drove Proetus out of Argolis. Proetus took refuge with Iobates (or ‘ Amphianax) king of Lycia; married his daughter (the Anteia of the Ziad, the Sthenoboea of Tragedy); and was restored to Argolis by a Lycian army. Then he and Acrisius divided the realm. The dualism of royal seats is hinted in the Iliad (2. 559); οἱ δ᾽ “Apyos τ᾽ εἶχον Τίρυνθά τε τειχιόεσσαν. 61 ξ. ἀδεισιβόαι, not quailing at the βοὴ ἄσβεστος of battle: anew compound, suggested by such words as δεισήνωρ, δεισιδαίμων .---ἡμίθεοι (cp. VIII. ro), the heroes who had fought under Proetus against Acrisius, the ἀντίθεοι.. ἥρωες of vv. 79 ff. 63 πολυζήλῳ here seems best taken 328 BAKXYAIAOY [x 8 νεῖκος γὰρ ἀμαιμάκετον “A > ’ A 3 > > Lal 65 9 βληχρᾶς ἀνέπαλτο κασιγνητοῖς am ἀρχᾶς Col. 21 ’ὔ το Προίτῳ τε καὶ ᾿Ακρισίῳ' 1x λαούς τε διχοστασίαις 12 ἤρειπον ἀμετροδίκοις. μάχαις τε Avypats. 13 λίσσοντο δὲ παῖδας “ABavtos 7O 14 ἐπ. β΄. γᾶν πολύκριθον λαχόντας x Τίρυνθα τὸν ὁπλότερον 2 κτίζειν, πρὶν ἐς ἀργαλέαν πεσεῖν ἀνάγκαν᾽ 75 nun δὈ7᾽᾽ ὦ Ζεύς τ᾽ ἔθελεν Κρονίδας, τιμῶν Δαναοῦ γενεὰν μ᾽ 4 , καὶ διωξίπποιο Avyxeos, παῦσαι στυγερῶν ἀχέων. γ τεῖχος δὲ Κύκλωπες κάμον 8. ἐλθόντες ὑπερφίαλοι κλεινᾷ πόλει 65 βληχᾶς...ἄκρας (a primo vagitu) conj. Tyrrell. the first ε. 68 ἤριπον MS.: corr. K.—7pecxoy conj. Housman. 66 ᾿Ακρισίῳ] The Ms. omits 69 ITAIAEC as ‘much-envied,’ or ‘all-admired’; as in Soph. 77. 185 πολύζηλος is said of the victorious Heracles. But it could also mean ‘greatly prosperous’: as ζῆλος sometimes=‘ enviable happiness’: Soph. Ai. 503 οἵας λατρείας ἀνθ᾽ ὅσου ζήλου τρέφει. 64 f. νεῖκος... ἀμαιμάκετον: a stubborn feud. As an epithet of fire (Soph. O. 7. 177) or of the sea (Hes. Scut. 207) the word expresses the notion of irresistible force, while as applied in Od. 11. 311 to a mast it is taken by some to mean ‘of vast length’ (from root wax-), rather than, ‘proof against any strain’: that passage, however, stands alone. βληχρᾶς... ἀπ᾽ dpxas, ‘from a slight cause’ (which the poet does not name). ἡ See however Apollod. 2. 4. 1 (speaking of Danae, daughter of Acrisius): ταύτην μέν, ws ἔνιοι λέγουσιν, ἔφθειρε Ipotros- ὅθεν αὐτοῖς καὶ ἡ στάσις. It is not likely that B. had this story in his mind.—For BAnxpés, cp. XII. 227. Alcaeus fr. τό applies the word to faint breezes (βλήχρων ἀνέμων ἀχέίμαντοι πνόαι), and Pindar (fr. 129) to sluggish streams.—Some take the phrase here as=‘from a feeble be- ginning,’ z.e. ‘from childhood.’ (Apollod. 2.1.1 κατὰ γαστρὸς ἔτι ὄντες ἐστασίαζον πρὸς ἀλλήλους.) That seems forced. αλτο, ‘had sprung up,’ 2nd aor. midd, of ἀναπάλλω : see //. 23. 694 where ἀνέπαλτο corresponds with ἀναπάλλεται in 692.—Not from ἀνεφάλλομαι, of which the only part found is ἀνεπάλμενος in Ap. Rhod. 2. 825. 67 f. διχοστασίαις : used in the sing. by Solon fr. 4. 37, and Theognis 78, of civil faction. ἀμετροδίκοις, not observing the μέτρα δίκης: ‘feuds that broke the bounds of law.’ The peculiarity consists in the fact that compounds with duerpo- usually mean ‘unmeasured’ in respect to that which is denoted by the subst.; as ἀμετροεπής (7. 2. 212), ἀμετροβαθής (Oppian fal. τ. 85, ‘of i immense depth’). -ἤρειπον, ‘they were ruining’ the people: cp. Soph. Ant. 596 (of the Labdacidae) ἐρείπει | θεῶν τις, some god is ever bringing them to ruin. 70- 72 After λαχόντας, τὸν ὅὁπλό- τερον is in partitive apposition: ‘that (the two brothers) should share the land between them, and that the younger should make a new seat at Tiryns’: cp. Soph. Ant. 21 τὼ κασιγνήτω Κρέων | τὸν μὲν προτίσας τὸν δ᾽ ἀτιμάσας ἔχει (η.). - v. .. ἀνάγκαν, ‘ grievous straits,’ the last extremities of famine and misery. 74. Δαναοῦ... Λυγκέος. Abas, the father of Acrisius and Proetus, was son of Lynceus, and maternal grandson of Danaus. Lynceus succeeded Danaus as king of Argos; Herodotus (11. 91) names them together as ancestors of Perseus x] ETTINIKOI 329 For a stubborn strife had sprung up from a slight cause between the brothers Proetus and Acrisius; and they had been ruining their people with feuds that broke the bounds of law, and with dire battles. But the folk besought the sons of Abas that they would share the fertile land between them, and that the younger should make a new seat at Tiryns, before they all fell into grievous straits. Then Zeus the son of Cronus, honouring the race of Danaus and of Lynceus, urger of steeds, was willing to give them rest from their cruel woes. So the mighty Cyclopes came and wrought a goodly wall for the famous city ; A, corr. Al. 77 κάμοντ᾽ conj. Platt. 70 λαχόντας MS.: λαχόντα Wilamowitz, Herwerden, Blass. (grandson of Acrisius). Lynceus was reckoned also among the ancestors of Heracles and of Iolaus, who are meant by Λυγκῆος γενεή in Hes. Scut. 327. A statue of him was dedicated by the Argives at Delphi along with those of his wife Hypermnestra and her father Danaus (Paus. Χ. 10. 5). His grave was shown at Argos (zd. II. 21. 2).— διωξίπποιο: epithet of Ares in VIII. 44: Pind. P. 1X. 4 διωξίππου... Κυράνας : cp. the epic ἱππηλάτα. _77 £. τεῖχος. Tiryns was the most impressive example of that prehistoric wall-building which Greeks of a later age ascribed to giants of superhuman strength. The walls, which had a maxi- mum thickness of 25 feet, were built of limestone blocks, mostly polygonal, and either unhewn or only roughly shaped, piled on one another and bonded with small stones and clay: the larger blocks were from seven to ten feet long. Similar remains exist at Mycenae (mixed with later masonry), and at Argos (north of the theatre). Κύκλωπες ... ὑπερφίαλοι, ‘the mighty Cyclopes.’ The adj. clearly has no bad sense here: cp. Od. 21. 289 οὐκ ἀγαπᾷς ὃ ἕκηλος ὑπερφιάλοισι μεθ᾽ ἡμῖν | δαίνυσαι ; (‘in our high company,’ as Butcher and Lang render). The derivation is still doubtful: that from βία involves an ab- normal change: while the old explana- tion, ‘overflowing the φιάλη,᾽ seems too artificial. Curtius, with Buttmann, refers it to root φυ (‘overgrown,’ ‘luxuriant’). The /iad (2. 559) knows the walls of Tiryns; but the legend of the Cyclopes as builders is post-Homeric, though older than the fifth century. It is found in Hellanicus (fr. 179) and Pherecydes (fr. 26b); in Pindar (fr. 169); Sophocles (fr. 207); Euripides (27. 7. 15 Κυκλωπία πόλις, of Mycenae; ἢ A. 534 τείχη Κυκλώπια, of Argos; and often else- where); and in some later writers. For Tiryns in particular, see Paus. 11. 25. 8: Statius Zheb. 4. 150 Cyclopum ductas sudoribus arces. The poet leaves ἐλθόντες (78) vague. But the story which made Proetus go to Lycia for help said that he summoned the Cyclopes thence after his return to Argolis (Strabo p. 372 jKew...ueraméur- τους ἐκ Λυκίας). Another account brought them from Thrace (schol. Eur. Or. 965). Here myth was blended with a tradition of foreign builders.—The home of the Homeric Cyclopes was popularly iden- tified with Sicily (Thuc. vi. 2 $1: Eur. Cycl. 297). κάμον. Objection has been taken to the syllaba anceps here: v. 35 ends with βροτῶν, and in 119 f. πρόγοϊνοι is corrupt. But κάμοντ᾽ seems impossible. The aor. midd. ἐκαμόμην occurs only twice in pre-Alexandrian Greek: (1) 22, 18. 341, Tas αὐτοὶ καμόμεσθα, (the cap- tives) whom we won by our toil: (2) Od. 9. 130 of κέ opw καὶ νῆσον ἐϊκτιμένην ἑκάμοντο, ‘who dy Ζοΐΐ would have gained for them a goodly island home.’ In both these places. the middle aor. has its distinctive sense; it is not a mere sub- stitute for the active aor. [In post-classical Greek it may be otherwise: Ap. Rhod. 2. 718 ipdv...6 ῥ᾽ ἐκάμοντο | αὐτοί: 4. 1321 ὑπέρβια ἔργ᾽ ἐκάμεσθε.1---Τί may be added that a corruption of xdéuovr into κάμον is epode 2. 330 BAKXYAIAOY [x 9 κάλλιστον, ἵν᾿ ἀντίθεοι 8010 ναῖον κλυτὸν ἱππόβοτον ¥ y \ , x Ἄργος npwes περικλειτοὶ λιπόντες. » 5 , 2 ἔνθεν ἀπεσσύμεναι ’ ’ 13. Προίτου κυανοπλόκαμοι 4 evyov ἀἄδματοι θύγατρες, στρ. 7-851 τὸν δ᾽ εἷλεν ἄχος κραδίαν, ξεί- 2 να τέ νιν πλᾶξεν μέριμνα" 3 δοίαξε δὲ φάσγανον ἄμ- + φακες ἐν στέρνοισι πᾶξαι. 5 ἀλλά νιν αἰχμοφόροι go 6 μύθοισί τε μειλιχίοις 7 καὶ βίᾳ χειρῶν κάτεχον. 8 τρισκαίδεκα μὲν τελέους ο μῆνας κατὰ δάσκιον ἠλύκταζον ὕλαν 10 φεῦγόν τε κατ᾽ ᾿Αρκαδίαν 95 τι μηλοτρόφον᾽ ἀλλ᾽ ὅτε δὴ τ Λοῦσον ποτὶ καλλιρόαν πατὴρ ἵκανεν, 3 ἔνθεν χρόα νιψάμενος φοι- 4% Σ5νικοί κραδέμνοι]ο Λατοῦς 88 κυανοπλοκαμος A, corr. A’. K. (ἠλύκταξον MS.): ᾿Αρκαδίαν Palmer: κατακαρδίαν MS. 86 MEPIMNAI A, corr. A’. ἀλύκταζον Blass (2nd ed.), ἀλύσκαζον (3rd ed.). 93 ἠλύκταζον 94 κατ᾽ improbable from a palaeographical point of view. It could hardly have been prompted by πρόγοϊνοι in 110 f., since v. 35 would have shown that a long syllable might stand at the end of the verse. 80 ἱππόβοτον, as in XVIII. mov (n.). 82 ff. The story of the Proetides is resumed from v. 58.---δδματοι: cp. n. on Vv. 167. 85 f. τὸν δ᾽ εἷλεν ἄχος Kpadiayv: for the second acc. cp. //. 1. 362 τί δέ σε φρένας ἵκετο πένθος; Ar. Lys. 542 οὐδὲ γόνατ᾽ ἂν κόπος ἕλοι με.---ξείνα, foreign to his saner moods. Cp. Soph. dz. 639 οὐκέτι συντρόφοις | ὀργαῖς ἔμπεδος, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκτὸς ὁμιλεῖ (‘he is true no more to the promptings of his inbred nature, but dwells with alien thoughts’). Cp. Aesch. P. V. 689 ξένους...λόγους (where fear or horror of them is implied): Timaeus Locrus p. 104 ἢ τιμωρίαι ξέναι. 15 ἵπ- 87 f. δοίαξε... πᾶξαι, “he was minded’ to do so. For the infin., cp. Ap. Rhod. 4- 575 τὰ δ᾽ ἠεροειδέα λεύσσειν» | οὔρεα δοιάζοντο Κεραύνια (‘half thought that they saw’).—The aor. denotes the moment at which the impulse seized him, as the Homeric διάνδιχα μερμήριξεν (77. 1. 189) shows the thought flashing on Achilles,— Shall he draw his sword, or still curb his anger? It is thus more dramatic than the imperfect would be.—Remark the de- signed series of harsh sounds here, ξεένα---- πλᾶξεν---δοίαξε: and contrast v. go. 89 aixpoddpor, his body-guard (dopu- φόροι) : the sense of the word in Her. 1.8 and VII. 40. 92 ξ. τρισκαίδεκα : this indeclinable form is read in 71. 5. 387, Ar. Ran. 50, Xen. H. v. 1 8 5, etc. In Thuc. 111. 69 §1 and vill. 88 §1 Hude reads τρεῖς καὶ δέκα, and in VIII. 22 § 1 τρισὶ καὶ δέκα: in those places all or most of the good Mss. have τρισκαίδεκα (except that in VIII. 88 §1 x] ETTINIKOI 331 where the renowned heroes were dwelling, after leaving glorious Argos, nurse of steeds. : Thence it was that the dark-haired maidens, the daughters of Proetus, had rushed in flight. Grief took hold of their father’s heart ; a strange thought smote him, and he was minded to plunge a two-edged sword in his breast ; but his spearmen restrained him with words of comfort, and by force of hand. For thirteen whole months the maidens roamed wildly through the dense forest, and went in flight through the pastures of Arcadia. But when at length their father came to Lusus with its fair stream, he washed himself with water taken thence, the Vaticanus B has τρεῖς καὶ δέκα). In Ar. Plut. 194 and 846 and Pax and Andoc. or. 3. 4 τριακαίδεκα is read: in Isaeus or. 8 ὃ 35 τριῶν καὶ δέκα: in Dem. or. 9 ὃ 25 τρισὶ καὶ déka. The result seems to be as follows. The in- declinable form was current from the earliest times, at least in poetry, and was probably prevalent in post-classical Greek generally: but classical Attic writers (of prose at least) preferred the form in which τρεῖς was inflected.—The number thirteen probably had some mystic or symbolic meaning here in relation to Artemis as a lunar goddess. In Soph. 77. 164f. the last period in the ordeals of Heracles is Tplunvos κἀνιαύσιος (xpdvos). ἠλύκταζον : I follow the Ms. in keeping the ἠ: the poet may have wished to break the series of a sounds.—ddvcxafor Blass*: see Appendix.—tAav: see ἢ. on 55. 94 κατ᾽ ᾿Αρκαδίαν. The wanderings of the Proetides over the hills of north- western Arcadia (Afavia 55 n.) were more especially associated by legend with the Apodua ὄρη, now Chelmos. At the southern foot of this range rises the Aroanios, the chief tributary of the Ladon: and in the upper plain of its ‘valley, in the N.E. corner, is Sudena, which probably marks the site of Lusi. In the Aroanian hills, above Nonacris,— which lay on their N.E. side,—was shown a cave to which the frenzied Proetides had fled (Paus. vi1l. 18. 7). J. G. Frazer (ad Joc.) mentions two caves, very near each other, ‘on the brow of the mountain, overlooking the profound glen of the Styx.’ 96 Λοῦσον : this accent, given in the papyrus, is that which has the older and better authority: Theophr. zst. Plant. 9. 15. 8 Λοῦσα : Callim. Dian. 235 Λούσ- cos (implying Λοῦσσοι or -a): Polyb. Iv. 18 Λούσσων. But later writers make the word oxytone: Λουσοί Paus., Λουσός Arcadius 75. 16, Λουσσοί Steph. Byz. Λοῦσος is here the name of the famous κρήνη near the town of Λοῦσοι, at which the Proetides were said to have been healed (τὴν ἐν Λούσοις κρήνην, Theo- pompus fr. 287, Miiller I. p. 327). Those who tasted it were said thence- forth to dislike wine: hence πηγὴ μισ- άμπελος, epigr. in Vitruvius 8. 3. 21 ; and Ovid Avet. XV. 322, where it is called Clitorius fons, as Lusi was in the territory of Cleitor, being some twelve miles N. of it. So Phylarchus (Athen. p. 43 F) spoke of it as κρήνην ἐν Κλείτορι. A narrow valley opens southward just to the west of Lusi. Three springs issue from the western edge of it; and at the middle one there are traces of ancient foundations. In winter these springs form a large pool or small lake: this is the Clitorius lacus of Pliny H. N. 31. 13. (Leake, Morea 11. 110: Curtius, Pelop. τ. 375.) 97 f. χρόα νιψάμενος. Folk-lore of course connected Λοῦσοι with λούεσθαι. So Paus. VIII. 28. 2 mentions an Arcadian stream ὀνομαζόμενος Λούσιος, ἐπὶ λουτροῖς δὴ τοῖς Διὸς τεχθέντος : and an Arcadian epithet of Demeter was Λουσία, ἐπὶ τῷ λούσασθαι τῷ Λάδωνι (id. VIII. 25. 6).— φοινικοκραδέμνοιο, ‘with red kerchief.’ The κρήδεμνον (worn by Hera in //. 14. 184) was a kerchief worn over the back of the head, and hanging down to the shoulders, but not veiling the face. (So Hera’s ‘purple girdle’ is mentioned in 49.) str. 3. BAKXYAIAOY [x 332 ἀντ. γ. : κίκλίῃσκε θύγατρα] βοῶπιν, Col. 22 100 2 ἱππώκεος ἀελίου, χεῖρας ἀντείνων πρὸς αὐγὰς τέκνα δυστάνοιο λύσσας 3 4 s πάρφρονος ἐξαγαγεῖν" 6 θύσω δέ τοι εἴκοσι βοῦς 105 on alvyas φοινικότριχας. τοῦ δ᾽ ἔκλυ᾽ ἀριστοπάτρα 9 θηροσκόπος εὐχομένου: πιθοῦσα δ᾽ Ἥραν 10 παῦσεν καλυκοστεφάνους τι κούρας μανιᾶν ἀθέων" 1101. ταὶ δ᾽ αὐτίκα (F)ou τέμενος βωμόν τε τεῦχον, 13 χραῖνόν τέ μιν αἵματι μήλων 4 Σ5καὶ χοροὺς ἵσταν γυναικῶν. 3 ΄ > ér.y. ἔνθεν καὶ ἀρηϊφίλοις 2 ἄνδρεσσιν « ἐς » ἱπποτρόφον πόλιν « τ᾽ Ayxatots 99 Before ΒΟΩΠΙΝ there is a faint trace of A. A$ wrote rou δ᾽ εκλυ᾽ αριστοπατρα at the top of col. XxII. 106 This v. was omitted by A: 110 ΤΑΙ Ms. : ταὶ 99 βοῶπιν: the Homeric epithet of Hera is nowhere else given to Artemis. 100 ἀντείνων : for the apocope, Cp. fr. 17. 4 ἀντείνασα : III. 7 ἀμπαύσας. 108 πάρφρονος: apocope as in παρ- φάμεν (Pind. O. η- 66), πάρφασις (NV. VIL. 32), πάρφυκτος ΠΡΟ ΧΩΣ 20). Cp. 7x11 10 πὰρ χειρός. ἐξαγαγεῖν depends on κίκλῃσκε (99). Τί is not infin. for imper. in ovatio recta. When, 77 a prayer, the infin. stands as imperative, (1) a vocative, addressed to the god, normally precedes; e.g., 71. 7. 179 Zed πάτερ, ἢ Αἴαντα λαχεῖν ἢ Τυδέος υἱόν: Aesch. 7. 253 θεοὶ πολῖται, μή με δουλείας τυχεῖν. (2) The subject to the infin. is mot usually the god: e.g., here we should expect an infin. in the sense of ἀπαλλαγῆναι, to which the subject would be τέκνα. 105 φοινικότριχας : cp. V. 102 ῃ. 106 ἱστοπάτρα. The mother of Craterus was ᾿Αριστόπατρα (Strabo 15. . 702): cp. the name Κλεινόπατρος Paus. VI. 2. 6). 108 καλυκοστεφάνους, crowned with young flowers, in honour of Artemis ; who herself, in v. 98, has this epithet. 109 μανιᾶν ἀθέων. Pindar uses only the plural of μανία (O. Ix. 39; WV. 48; fr. 208 μανίαις τ᾽ ἀλαλαῖς τ᾽ ὀρινόμενοι). It suggests the ‘throes’ or ‘outbreaks’ of madness.—d@éwv, god-forsaken, 7.¢. due to the wrath of Hera: Soph. O. 7. 661 f. ἄθεος, ἄφιλος...ὀλοίμαν .----Ν οἱ, ‘ in- flicted on account of impiety.’ 110 ταὶ δ᾽ seems right. For the Ms. γᾷ it might be said that Proetus could then be included among the subjects of τεῦχον : but γᾷ would be weak; and it is natural that the foundation should be described as a thank-offering on the part of the maidens. τέμενος βωμόν τε. The temple of Artemis Ἡμέρα or Ἡμερασία at Lusi is mentioned by Polybius as being N. of Cleitor and s. of Cynaetha: Iv. 18 προῆγον ws ἐπὶ Λούσων᾽" καὶ παραγενόμενοι πρὸς τὸ τῆς ᾿Αρτέμιδος ἱερόν, ὃ κεῖται μὲν μεταξὺ Κλείτορος καὶ Κυναίθων x.7.X. He notes its inviolable sanctity (ἄσυλον... νενόμισται παρὰ τοῖς “Ἑλλησιν). Leake (Morea 11. 110) conjectured that the remains at the spring (mentioned in n. on 96) marked the site of the temple; and Kiepert accepted this view, which has been the prevalent one. Curtius, how- ever (Pelop. τ. 397), would identify the shrine with a temple-cella found by Dod- well (11. 447) nearer Sudena (the probable site of Lusi), at the upper end of the plain. 111 μιν (2.6. βωμόν) was here preferred x] ETTINIKOI 333 and invoked the ox-eyed daughter of Latona with purple kerchief, stretching hands aloft to the rays of the Sun-god in swift chariot, to deliver his children from the curse of raging madness : ‘and I will offer to thee,’ he cried, ‘twenty red oxen, strangers to the yoke.’ _ His prayer was heard by the Huntress, daughter of a peerless sire; she prevailed with Hera, and healed the maidens, crowned with young flowers, of the madness sent by angry heaven. But they straightway made for her a precinct and an altar, and shed the blood of sheep thereon, and set choruses of women around it. From that place didst thou pass with Achaean warriors to their city, nurse of steeds,— Blass and others.—TETETETXON A: corr. A!? 114 és add. J.: ἐν (=és) Jurenka: -σσι πρὸς Housman.—zédw MS.: πόλιν τ᾿ Blass*: πόλινδ᾽ Ludwich: ποίαν Housman, Hense: χώραν Wilamowitz.—I had conjectured πόλισμ᾽, but now prefer πόλιν τ΄. by the poet, who elsewhere always uses νιν, on account of the preceding xpai- νον. 112 ἵσταν: τίθεν: J. 1. 25 tev. The imperfects (τεῦχον --- xpatvov—iorav) express the series of acts. 113 ἔνθεν.. ἀρηϊφίλοις. The ἀρηΐ- φιλοι ἄνδρες are the Achaean warriors who founded Metapontion (Strabo 6. p- 264). They brought the cult of Artemis with them from the old home. She figures on a Metapontine coin (British Museum, Italy no. 263 : noticed by Smyth). See also Hyginus Fad. 186.—The Metapontines dedicated an ivory Endymion in their θησαυρός at Olympia (Paus. VI. 19. 11) ; which shows _ that the lunar attributes were among those of their Artemis (cp. 92 f. n.).— The Achaean settlement of the country about the Tarentine Gulf is traceable in the Arcadian name of the river Aovolas near Thurii (Aelian VV. 4. Χ. 38); also in the Kpa@@s a little further s., a name- sake of the river near Aegae in Achaia.— Arist. Mir. auscult. 106—110 (p. 840) notices a cult of the Homeric heroes at Tarentum and Sybaris, and a temple of ᾽Αθηνᾶ ᾿Αχαιΐα in 8. E. Italy. 114 dydperow...” Axavois. The metre is shown by 72. The -w of πόλιν could not be lengthened before ‘Axacois. Housman supports his conjecture ποίαν by Eur. Andr. 1229 ἱπποβότων πεδίων : but that surely is very different. , the τ᾽ answering to te after ἄλσος in v. 118:—éomed τ᾽ és wodw.., ἄλσος τέ tol (ἐστιν). The sub-clause, civ δὲ τύχᾳ ναίεις. . λαῶν (115—117), then supple- ments the first principal clause, ἕσπεό τ᾽ ἐς πόλιν. Or ἕσπεό τ᾽ might be co-ordinate with σὺν δὲ τύχᾳ ναίεις: for the irregular sequence, Te . . δέ, is not rare, esp. when the chief stress is on the second clause: cp. eg. Thuc. I. 25 ὃ 10, Soph. Ant. 1096 f. (with my n.), Kiihner-Gerth Gramm. ii. vol. 11. p. 244. (2) πόλινδ᾽, which Blass read in his 2nd ed., would be satisfactory, if it could stand along with és: for, except és (ἐν or πρός), the only supplements possible seem to be ἅμ᾽ or ποθ᾽, either of which would be weak. The only parallel is Od. ro. 351, ποταμῶν of τ᾽ eis ἅλαδε προρέουσι: so Aristarchus read; but Zenodotus had wished to eliminate εἰς by reading of τε ἅλαδε (Ludwich, Aristarch. hom. Text- hritik, 1. 583). The redundant phrase might be compared with ἀπὸ Tpoinfer (Od. 9. 38). (3) Another resource is πόλισμ᾽, freely used in poetry as an equivalent for πόλις. Aesch. Zh. 120 πόλισμα Κάδμου: Euripides applies it to Athens (Med. 771, 7 7. 1014, H. F. 1323); Troy (4 4. Mycenae (ὁ. 1500); Thebes (Bacch. 919). Those places where the word precedes.a vowel are suggestive in con- nexion with the present passage, as illustrating the metrical convenience of 777) 3 ant. 3. epode 3. 334 ΠῚ 115 3 ἕσπεο, σὺν δὲ τύχᾳ ΒΑΚΧΥΛΙΔΟῪ [X, XI , ΄, > «ναίεις Μεταπόντιον, ὦ s χρυσέα δέσποινα λαῶν' 5» 6 ἄλσος τέ τοι ἱμερόεν ΄ ἂν πεῖν ἣ ’ 7 Kdoav παρ᾽ εὔυδρον πρὸ va- I20 8 a <= , 4 3 ἈΝ / of ἐσσαμένων, ἹΙριάμοι ἐπεὶ χρόνῳ 9 βουλαῖσι θεῶν μακάρων 10 πέρσαν πόλιν εὐκτιμέναν τι χαλκοθωράκων μετ᾽ ᾿Ατρειδᾶν. δικαίας 12 ὅστις ἔχει φρένας, εὑ- 125 13 ’ Ἀ ν / ρήσει σὺν αἀπαντι χρόνῳ 4 pupias ἀλκὰς ᾿Αχαιών. ΧΙ. [XI1.] TEICIAI AIFINHTHI TTAAAICTHI ε Ν ld / ε ψ Ὡσεὶ κυβερνήτας σοφός, ὑμνοάνασ- σ᾽ εὔθυνε Κλειοῖ στρ. NEMEA νῦν φρένας aperépas, 118 τε MS.: γε Herwerden. προγόϊνων ree ΑΑδ: Wilamowitz, Blass: ἕσσαν ἐμέν Housman.—ézei] ΕΠῚ A: γουνοῖ Platt : 119£. ΠΡΟΓΟΙΝΟῚ ECCAMENOI s.: mpoyolvo. ἕσσαν ἐμοὶ Palmer, K.: πρὸ corr. A®, this substitute for médts:—Bacch. 919 πόλισμ᾽ ἑπτάστομον : Heracl. 193 f.’Axai- κὸν | πόλισμ᾽, ὅθεν k.7.X.: 16. 957 πόλισμ᾽ ἐλεύθερον. On the whole, I prefer πόλιν τ᾽. ἱπποτρόφον hints the traditions of Aline chivalry, as πορτιτρόφον (30) suggests the prosperous Metapentine stock-breeders. 115 ff. σὺν.. τύχᾳ: cp. VIII. 51 n.— χρυσέα: VIII. 72 η.--δέσποινα λαῶν. Metapontion throve by agriculture (Stra- bo p. 264), cattle, and horse-breeding. Artemis was concerned with all these (cp. v. 98 and 1o4.nn.).* to horses, at Pheneos in Arcadia she w: ΝΣ ΤΩΣ as Εὑρίππα (Paus. a § 4. 4): in Pind. O. 111. 26 she 15: rgookh 1 Artemis was also in a. general sense σώτειρα (as at Pellene in Achaia, Paus/11. 31. 1), σωσί- mods, etc. In.Arcadia she was closely associated: with the cult of the Δέσποινα (Persephone) and Demeter (Paus. VIII. 37. 1 εἴς). Cp. Soph. £7. 626 τὴν δέσποιναν ΓΑρτεμιν. [Preller 11. 243 held that Δέσποινα was an Arcadian title of Artemis herself.] 119 ΣΦ. Κάσαν. The Kdcas is not mentionedelsewhere (unless it is to be recognized. ‘in Suidas, Κῆσος" ὄνομα ποταμοῦ).. But Pliny (27. M. 11. 15. 3) mentions the river Casuentus near Meta- pontion, and this is doubtless the Kdoas, the modern Bastento. Its course is nearly parallel with that of the Bradanus (Bradano): both flow into the Tarentine Gulf near the site of Metapontion.— εὔυδρον. ‘Though here the coast is everywhere perfectly flat, yet the land rises gently from the sea, and, being well-watered, is pre-eminently adapted for pasture and wheat.’ (Curtius, 2725 2, Gr. I. p. 445. Eng. ed.) πρὸ vaot’ ἑσσαμένων is the remedy which I would suggest for the corrupt πρόγονοι ἑσσάμενοι of the papyrus. (The metre is shown by vv. 35 and 77.) I suppose that in ITPONAOT the letters NA had been mutilated or partly ob- "» X, XI] ETINIKOI 335 and with happy fortune dost thou dwell in Metapontion, O glorious mistress of her people—and a lovely grove is thine, which they dedicated to thee by the fair stream of the Casas, [in front of thy temple,] when at last, in the counsels of the blessed gods, they sacked Priam’s stately town with the mail-clad Atreidae. Whoso has a just spirit will find, through all the course of time, countless deeds of valour wrought by the Achaeans. ΧΙ. [XII] For Teisias of Aegina, victor in the wrestling-match at Nemea. Like a skilful pilot, guide thou my thoughts, Cleio, queen of song, I. Title added by A® in left margin, opposite to vv. 1-4. TEICIAI Blass : TICIAI ms. literated, so as to leave ΠΡῸΣ OI or ΠΡῸ OI. This was taken to be some nominative plural, and was conjecturally restored as ITLPOTONOI, causing ἑσσα- μένων to become ἑσσάμενοι. On my view, ἑσσαμένων is a genit. absolute, referring to the Achaean warriors who are mentioned in 113 f. (ἀρηϊφίλοις ἄνδρεσσιν), and who are the subject of πέρσαν in 122. ἄλσος is nomin., ἐστί being understood ;—‘And a lovely grove is thine, (the Achaeans) having founded it by the fair stream of the Casas in front of thy temple.’ For πρὸ vaot’, compare Alcaeus fr. g (from a hymn to the Athena of Coroneia) : & ποι Κορωνείας ἐπὶ πισέων (so Bergk) | ναύω πάροιθεν ἀμφιβαίνεις | Κωραλίω ποτάμω map’ ὄχθαις : where, as here, there is a sacred temenos (πίσεα) on the banks of a river, in front of the temple. Speaking of the same Athena, Callimachus says (//ymn v. 63 f.), ἵνα οἱ τεθυωμένον ἄλσος | καὶ βωμοὶ ποταμῷ κεῖντ᾽ ἐπὶ Κουραλίῳ. (Ορ.᾽ αἰδο 111. 19 f. πάροιθε ναοῦ, τόθι μέγιστον ἄλσος | Φοίβου παρὰ Κασταλίας ῥεέθροις κ-τ.λ.---σσαμέ- vov (ζω): the midd. is normal in this sense: Pind. P. Iv. 204 Ποσειδάωνος ἕσ- σαντ᾽ εἰναλίου τέμενος: Her. 1. 66 ἱρὸν εἱσάμενοι: Thue. 111. 58 § 5 (θυσίας) τῶν ἑσσαμένων καὶ κτισάντων : Eur. Hipp. 31 ναὸν . . ἐγκαθείσατο. Whatever the original reading may have been, πρόγονοι is impossible : mpo- γόνων also seems impossible. A short syllable in the middle of a word divided between two verses could not stand as a syllaba anceps (representing a long syllable) at the end of the first verse.— See Appendix. 120f. IIpidpor ἐπεὶ πέρσαν πόλιν : Strabo says of Metapontion (p. 264), Πυλίων δὲ λέγεται κτίσμα τῶν ἐξ ᾽Ιλίου πλευσάντων μετὰ Νέστορος. The safe return of Nestor to Pylus is mentioned in the Odyssey (3. 182), and was told in the Cyclic osti. Among the heroes from Pylos (Πύλιοι) who afterwards founded Metapontion, the legend doubtless in- cluded some of his sons; possibly even Nestor himself. Sacrifices (ἐναγισμός) to the spirits of the Neleidae (so called from Nestor’s father Νηλεύς) were offered at Metapontion down to Strabo’s time.— χρόνῳ, after ten years’ war: Aesch, Ag. 126 χρόνῳ μὲν αἱρεῖ Πριάμου πόλιν ἅδε κέλευθος. 128 δικαίας : see n. on V. 196. 125 σὺν ἅπαντι χρόνῳ: X. 23n. Some of the Achaean legends (such as those of the Aeacidae) embraced many successive generations of a family. 126 ἀλκάς, virtutes: Pind. N. vit. 12 Tai μεγάλαι yap ἀλκαὶ | σκότον πολὺν ὕμνων ἔχοντι δεόμεναι.--- Αχαιῶν. The Ionian communities of the Aegean islands and coasts were very proud of their legendary Achaean founders, especially of the Neleidae (or Nestoridae). Timo- theus of Miletus, in the newly-found frag ment of his nome, the Persae, vv. 246 ff., speaks of the Ionian folk of the dode- capolis as λαοῦ mpwréos ἐξ ᾿Αχαιῶν, ‘a foremost scion of the Achaeans’; Miletus having been founded, according to tra- dition, by Neleus son of Codrus. I. 1- 8 κυβερνήτας with ἡ, as in 336 BAKXYAIAOY [XI, XII > ΄ \ , chs x 3 ΄ εἰ δή ποτε καὶ πάρος" ἐς γὰρ ὀλβίαν 5 ξείνοισί με πότνια Nixa νᾶσον Αἰγίνας ἀπάρχει > , A ΄ , δ: ἐλθόντα κοσμῆσαι θεόδματον πόλιν ἀντ. ὃ τάν τ᾽ ἐν Νεμέᾳ γυιαλκέα μουνοπάλαν [The rest is 1οϑί.] XII. ΧΕΙ; «ΠΥΘΕΑΙ AIFINHTHI TTATKPATIACTHI NEMEA> στρ. α΄. [Eight verses lost. ] Gok, 28 a, τ ae Se —-VVY—YV»Y dew δ᾽. 2 Os Se epl «τ ]—_ UY — -πυ - - τὺ - éar' στρ. β΄. [ἀντ. α΄, ἐπ. α΄, and the first ten verses of στρ. β΄, are lost.] Col.24 τ ὕβριος ὑψινόου 451: παύσει, δίκας θνατοῖσι κραίνων" 6 ἀπάρχει] ἀπαίρει conj. Crusius, J. (ἀπαιτεῖ also J.) : ἐπάρκει (= ἐπήρκει, plpf. of ἐπαίρω) Tyrrell. 8 τάν] τόν conj. Desrousseaux, W. Christ.—After this verse, the last in col. ΧΧΙΙ, the papyrus breaks off. There is no clue to the extent of the lacuna, nor, therefore, to the original length of the ode. In column XXIII, the secon τι. fifth with day: the third, with p.. or B.. (Blass traces eg). yes d verse ended with ew, and the The rest of col. v. 47(n.)—oodés, a frequent epithet of this subst. : Archilochus fr. 45 κυβερνήτην σοφόν: Aesch. Suppl. 770 κυβερνήτῃ cop@: Phaedrus 4. 17. 8 gubernator sophus. Cp. Pind. P. Iv. 274 εἰ μὴ θεὸς ἁγεμόνεσσι κυβερνάτηρ γένηται. ὑμνοάνασσα, like μεγιστοάνασσα(Χ ΠΙ. 21), implying βάνασσα (see VIII. 45). Cp. vi. τοῦ. ἀναξιμόλπου | Otpavias.— vot: see n.on Vv. 176ff. In ΠῚ. 3 the name scans as ~—: here it is —-, as in XII. 228. 5 ξείνοισι, dat. of interest after κοσ- μῆσαι, ‘for hospitable friends.’ The poet doubtless had formed ties of fevia in Aegina. Cp. ἢ. on ξένος in III. 11. 6 amdpxe, if sound, must mean ‘leads off,’ ‘shows the way’; this use being borrowed from that in which the verb is applied to one who leads a dance or song: Anthol. 9. 189. 3 ἔνθα καλὸν στήσεσθε θεῇ χορόν: ὕμμι δ᾽ ἀπάρξει | Σαπῴφώ, χρυσείην χερσὶν ἔχουσα λύρην. As ὕμμι there shows, we should expect here the dative μοι... ἐλθόντι, which, how- ever, is excluded by metre. It seems scarcely possible that dmwdpxe should govern the accus. (45 -- ἀπάγει). Blass compares ἀφηγεῖσθαι: which, when it governs a case, takes the genitive. The construction with the accus. can only be, ‘leads the way, (so that) I should go to Aegina.’ This is awkward: but the only alternative is to suppose that ἀπάρχει governs the acc. κατὰ σύνεσιν, because felt as equivalent to ἀπάγει or the like. ἀπαίρει, ‘causes to set forth,’ ‘despatches,’ is possible: cp. Eur. Helen. 1519 τίς δέ vw ναυκληρία | ἐκ τῆσδ᾽ ἀπῆρε χθονός ; If the first ι of ἀπαέρει had been lost, leaving XI, XII] ETTINIKOI 337 now if ever before; for divine Victory leads the way, bidding me go to Aegina’s happy isle, in honour of hospitable friends, and do grace to that god-built city, and to the sinewy strife of the wrestler at Nemea.... XII. [XIIL] For Pytheas of Aegina, victor in the pancration at Nemea. * ~ * * ~ ” ..."He shall stay them from their arrogant violence, con- firming the reign of law for mortals. ΧΧΠῚ is lost. If, as Blass thinks, these verses belonged to the first strophe of ode ΧΙ, then at least one whole column (containing the end of ΧΙ and the first 7 verses of x11) has been lost between columns Xx1I and xx11I. (See Introd. to Ode, ὃ 3.)—The title is supplied by Kenyon from the internal evidence: IITOEAI AITINHTHI παιδὶ παγκρατιαστῇ Νέμεα. Blass omits παιδί, inferring from Pind. WV. ν. 6f. that Pytheas competed, not among the παῖδες, but among the ἀγένειοι : see Introd. ἀπάρει, this might have been altered by conjecture to ἀπάρχει. Another possi- bility is ἀπαιτεῖ, ‘ bids,’ ‘ requires me.’ 7 θεόδματον : epithets in @eo- are especially given by B. to cities: vill. 98: X. 12, 58: XII. 163. 8 μουνοπάλαν : the only certain in- stance of the feminine form; it is, how- ever, possible in an epigramma found at Delphi (Bul. de Corr. Hellén. 1898, 593- 3), νικῶν μουνοπάλη(ν), which would be in harmony, as Blass observes, with companion inscriptions giving παγκράτιον νικᾷς and νικῶ δὲ στάδιον. The masc. occurs in Paus. 6. 4. 4 (an inscription at Olympia), μουνοπάλης νικῷ dis ᾿Ολύμπια Πύθιά τ᾽ ἄνδρας. The epithet γυιαλκέα tells neither way; and it seems best to keep the Ms. tav.—pouvvordd\y is the simple wrestling-match as distinguished from the παγκράτιον, in which wrestling was combined with boxing. For the- form cp. Paus. 8. 4 $9 (inscr. recording Hieron’s victories) τεθρίππῳ μὲν ἅπαξ, μουνοκέλητι δὲ δίς. Ir. 44—57 After a large lacuna (see Introd.), in which the first part of the ode has been lost, column XXIV of the papyrus begins in the midst of a prophecy concerning Heracles...‘ He shall put down violence, and establish the reign of law. Behold how he grapples with the Nemean lion! In this place, some day, Greeks shall strive for the prize of the pancration.’ j. B Who is the speaker, before whose eyes the struggle is going on? Many vases, both red- and black-figured, show Hera- cles subduing the Nemean lion, in the presence of the hero’s half-sister and guardian-goddess Athena, who stands on the right; over against her on the left, behind Heracles, is another female form, who (in many instances at least) pre- sumably represents the nymph Memea. (See Roscher, Zex. Myth. s.v.: Bau- meister, Denkmdaler p. 655, fig. 722.) It is Athena, I conjecture, who speaks here; addressing Nemea. At this, the first labour of Heracles (v111. 8 f.), she who is: to protect him through all (7. 8. 363 ff.) predicts his great destiny,—to be the purger of Hellas from pests and wicked- ness. (Prophecy by Athena was not strange to Greek poetry: cp. Aesch. Eum. 685 ff.)—Blass and Wilamowitz think that Nemea speaks: but the tone seems too lofty and authoritative for the nymph. Further, it can scarcely be doubted that the poet would have fol- lowed the tradition attested by art, in conceiving Athena as present; but, in her presence, Nemea could not take such a part. 44f. ὕβριος... παύσει : so Teiresias predicted of Heracles (Pind. . 1. 64f.), καί τινα σὺν πλαγίῳ | ἀνδρῶν κόρῳ στεί- χοντα τὸν ἐχθρότατον | φᾶσέ νιν δώσειν μόρῳ (‘he should give to death those hatefullest of men who walk in guile and insolence’). 23 Str. 2. 338 ἄντ. β΄. 2 μηστᾷ λέοντι BAKXYAIAOY [XII : Olav τινὰ δύσλοφον ὠ- 3 Περσείδας ἐφίησιςεν; “A ’ 4 εἴρα παντοίαισι τέχναις" 5 Ν ,» » 89 ς οὐ γὰρ] δαμασίμβροτος αἴθων Ν 3 ΄ A 6 yah |kos ἀπλάτου θέλει ~ Ν ’ 3 7 χωρεὶν διὰ σώματος, €- — Ny ο — co 9 φάσγα vor" γνάμ |\bOn δ᾽ ὀπίσσω ἢ ποτέ φαμι 55 10 τᾷδε] περὶ στεφάνοισι. τ παγκ)]ρατίου πόνον Ἕλ- 4 ε ’ 3 » 1. λάνεσσι᾽)ν ἱδρώεντ᾽ ἔσεσθαι. ἐπ. β΄.(25) - ὃς νῦν παρ]ὰ βωμὸν ἀριστάρχου Διὸς 2 Νίκας ἐ]ρ[ ικ Ἰυδέος ἀν- δεθε]σιν ἄνθεα, ave | τρέφει παύροις βροτῶν 3 + χρυσέ lav δόξαν τ πολύφαντον ἐν αἰ- 5 6 at Jet, καὶ ὅταν θανάτοιο 7 κυάνεον νέφος καλύψῃ, λείπεται 65 ὁ ἀθάνατον κλέος εὖ ἐρ- 9 χθέντος ἀσφαλεῖ σὺν αἴσᾳ. 52 £. χωρεῖν Blass, Ἠετγιγεγάςη.---ἐγνάμφθη Tyrrell, Blass.—ONICCQ A: 55 τᾷδε] So Blass. second C deleted (by A*?). the 56 f. Ἑλλάνεσσιν Blass, δίκας ... κραίνων, ‘confirming judg- ments’; 2.6. securing that justice shall not be overridden by violence. Cp. Solon fr. 4..37 (of Eunomia), εὐθύνει δὲ δίκας σκολιὰς ὑπερήφανά T ἔργα | mpaiver: Pind. P. Iv. 153 εὔθυνε λαοῖς δίκας. 46—49 οἵαν. This eager exclamation is illustrated by the vases (¢.g. fig. 722 in Baumeister, p. 655), on which Athena and the other female figure are holding up their hands in wonder and delight.— δύσλοφον, ‘ pressing heavily’ (lit. ‘heavy on the neck’); Aesch. P. V. 931 δυσλο- φωτέρους πόνους. The vase just noticed shows Heracles grappling with the lion, who is erect on his hind feet; the hero has his left arm round the monster’s neck ; his right hand is on the throat.— TlepoefSas. Perseus was grandfather of Amphitryon, Alcmena’s husband, and great-grandfather of Heracles.—réxvats, ‘devices’ in grappling with the monster, since the sword is useless. 51 ἀπλάτου : Soph. 77. 1092 Νεμέας ἔνοικον, βουκόλων ἀλάστορα, | λέοντ᾽, ἄπλατον θρέμμα κἀπροσήγορον (‘that no man might approach or confront’). The lion was invulnerable: n. on VIII. 6 ff. 52—54 χωρεῖν : Blass cp. Xen. An. Iv. 2. 28 τὸ τόξευμα ἐχώρει διὰ τῶν θωράκων. (πείρειν is also possible, but is usually said of the man, not of his weapon; as //. τό. 405 διὰ δ᾽ αὐτοῦ πεῖρεν ὀδόντων | ἔγχεϊ.)---ἐγνάμφθη : 7. 3. 348 ἀνεγνάμφθη δέ οἱ αἰχμή. This is said by the spectator of the struggie, which is still in progress ; it is a parenthesis : ‘ see, his hands are on the monster (for his sword is useless,—it was bent back’). Heracles had thrown his sword aside before closing with the lion. The aorist is another indication that the poet had in his mind some picture of the type found on the vases. Heracles is there represented as using his hands alone. In one example (fig. 733 in Baumeister, p. 666) his sword XII] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 339 ‘See how that scion of Perseus, skilled in every resource, lays a crushing hand on the savage lion; for the gleaming bronze, slayer of men, refuses to pierce the dread monster’s body ; the sword was bent back. ‘Verily I prophesy that here the Greeks shall strive for wreaths in the strenuous toil of the pancration.’ And now, for those who have been crowned with the flowers of glorious Victory at the altar of Zeus the peerless king, that toil nourishes a golden renown, conspicuous in their life-time evermore ; few are they among men. And when the dark cloud of death enfolds them, there remains the undying fame of a deed bravely done, with a fortune that can fail no more. “EAdacly τιν᾽ K. Platt and others : παύροισι MS. A, corr. Al. 58—68 For the supplements here see Appendix. 63 OTAGANATOIO A, corr. 3, 62 παύροις 64 καλυψη is hanging on the branch of a tree in the background ; his bow and club have also been discarded. 55- 57 τᾷδε is right : ‘ Here’—in the vale of Nemea. The strenuous wrestling of Heracles with the lion foreshadows the conflicts of wrestlers (and boxers) in the pancration. The traces “EX......v in the Ms. seem to leave only three choices: (1) “EAAd- νεσσιν (Blass), which is the simplest. Cp. Pind. Z. 1. 47 Πανελλάνεσσι. (2) “Ἑλλασίν tw’ (Kenyon). The ms. has no apostrophe after the ν before ἱδρώεντ᾽, and that must be considered: it is not, however, decisive. τιν᾽ might seem slightly weak ; but, in a prophecy, might be intended to add a touch of mystery. (3) πόνον “Εἰλλασιν τὸν idpwevr’ (‘that arduous toil’) seems improbable here. On the whole, I incline to (1). 58—63 In the lacuna before παρὰ (v. 58) I insert ὃς νῦν. ὃς refers to παγκρατίου πόνον in 56, and is subject to τρέφει in 62. The whole passage is then clear. From Athena's prophecy concerning the pancration the poet passes to the victory of Pytheas, effecting the transition by means of a relative word, as Pindar often does (e.g. in O. 1. 25 the relat. τοῦ links proem to myth; in 95 ἵνα links myth to conclusion). ‘And now that toil (of the pancration), for men who have been crowned with the flowers of victory at the altar of (Nemean) Zeus, nourishes a golden glory,’ εἰς.---ἀνδεθεῖσιν (Housman) seems certain: the first syl- lable of v. 60 must be short, as it is in all the five corresponding verses, 93, 126, 159, 192, 225. (Blass’s ἀνθρώποισιν is therefore very improbable.) ἄνθεα, acc. denoting the ἀνάδημα : cp. C. 7. G. στέμμ᾽ ἀναδησάμενος: Athen. p. 676D στέψονται... ῥόδα. The dat. ἄνθεσι (Ix. 16) would be more usual.—éy αἰῶνι, ‘in their life-time’; as opposed to xal ὅταν θανάτοιο κιτιλ. This reading is confirmed by the fact that the syllable answering to the second of αἰῶνι is long in all the corresponding verses where it remains, viz. 95, 129, 194, 227; and presumably was so also in τό2.--παύροις βροτῶν, a sort of afterthought, serves to explain πολύφαντον : few there be that win such ant. 2. epode 2. glory.—For other views of the passage, see Appendix. 64 xvdaveov: the only example in B. of xvav- with v. 65:2. ἐρχθέντος, from ἔρδω : so in 207 ἐργμένον (perf. pass. part.). Both forms are unique. Of the passive the only other part extant is the pres. part. ἐρδόμενος (Pind. O. vit. 78, Her. Iv. 60). In Ll. 21. 282 ἐρχθέντ᾽ ἐν μεγάλῳ ποταμῷ (‘pent’), the word is from ἔργω. Hippocr. 5. 384 has ῥεχθείη : 71. 9. 250 ῥεχθέντος, and 20. 198 ῥεχθέν : from ῥέζω. It may be noticed, as Headlam remarks, that some writers of Ionic prefer -épxrns to -ρέκτης : as Herodas Vv. 42 παντοερκτέω (but Anacreontea X. 11 mavropéxrg); Antipater of Thessalonica in Anth. IX. 92. 4 εὐέρκταις. ἀσφαλεῖ σὺν αἴσᾳ. Thenceforth their fame is beyond the reach of φθόνος evpuBlas. 23—2 Col. 25 avr. γ΄. [XII 340 BAKXYAIAOY στρ. γ. ττῶν καὶ σὺ τυχὼν Νεμέᾳ, (35) - Λάμπωνος υἱέ, , 4 3 πανθαλέων στεφάνοισιν 79 + ἀνθέων] χαίταν ἐρεφθείς, “ 7 ε ,ὔ 5 αὔξων] πόλιν ὑψιάγυιαν fon) (49) s ’ ’ 8 κωμων πατρῳαν ἤλυθες τερψιμβρότων αὐλῶν ὑπό θ᾽ al δυπν Ἰόων “ ε / > ‘ 75 ονᾶσον, ὑπέρβιον ἰσχὺν 10 παμμαχιᾶν ἀναφαίνων. (45) : Lol 802 ἔδωκε τιμὰν μι κα la) , ὦ ποταμοῦ θύγατε A Ἦν > > /, δινᾶντος Atyw’ ἠπιόφρον, ἦ τοι μεγάλαν [Κρονίδας > ’ὔ ἐν πάντεσσιν [ ἀέθλοις, (5ο) 3 4 πυρσὸν ὡς “Ed aoe παντᾷ la ’ Ν ’ > “A s φαίνων: τό ye σὸΪν κλέος αἰ]νεῖ 6 ’ ε Ἁ / καί Tis ὑψαυχὴς Kol pa, 85 7 [λευκοῖς ἀνὰ γᾶν ἱερὰν 8. πόδεσσι ταρφέαϊς, 71- 74 For the conjectural supplements see Appendix. letter after A was, Blass thinks, B, P, C, or E. But A is also possible. 73 ἀ[δυπν]δων. The Kenyon remarks that the top of A in this Ms. often resembles that of the letter following A here; see e.g. the A of δύσλοφον in v. 46. conj. ἁβροπνόων : now, ἀερσινόων. ἁδυπνόων will then serve. See Appendix. Blass formerly 76 παμμαχίαν MS.: παμ- μαχιᾶν Κ. 78 δινᾶντος] T made from E by Al. 79 Κρονίδας Blass: ὅδε παῖς K. 81 ἀέθλοις K.: ἀγῶσιν Blass, Jurenka. - 82 πάντᾳ J.: 69 πανθαλέων, ------, being Doric for would be, ‘ illustrating thy native isle as πανθηλ- (Anth. g. 182. 6 ὕλη wavOnn7s) : see ἢ. on εὐθαλές in VIII. 5. 71—76 In the restoration tenta- tively given above, these points may be noted. (1) The vestiges in 73 f. suggest (e.g.) αὐλῶν ὑπό θ᾽ ἁδυπνόων | κώμων. But, if such words stood there, a verb of coming or returning stood in 71 or in 72. (2) Inv. 75 NACO(N) is more probable than NACO(T), as the space between O and the T of ὑπέρβιον requires a very broad letter, and in this Ms. N can be broader than T. In any case, πατρῴαν νάσου... ἰσχὺν παμμαχιᾶν would be awk- ward. νᾶσον probably depended on a verb such as ἤλυθες (cp. I. 4 ἤλυθεν) in 72. If it depended on ἀναφαίνων, ἰσχὺν must be acc. of respect, and the sense of great might in the feats of the pancra- tion’: but this is improbable; ὑπέρβιον should be the epithet of ἰσχύν. (3) The acc. πόλιν ὑψιάγυιαν in 71 can hardly have been in apposition with νᾶσον : the interval is too long. It may have been governed by a participle such as αὔξων: cp. Pind. O. v. 4 τὰν σὰν πόλιν αὔξων, P. Vill. 38 αὔξων... πάτραν (said of vic- tors).—Trappaxiay. παμμαχία occurs elsewhere only in Eusebius De Jaud. Constantini 7 init.: but Photius and Suidas give παμμάχιον᾽ παγκράτιον. For πάμμαχος as=maryKpatiacrys, cp. Plat. Luthyd. p. 271 C: Theocr. XXIV. r11 ff, where the πάμμαχοι are those who have learned all the σοφίσματα of wrestling and of boxing. xt] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 341 Such honours thou also, son of Lampon, hast won at Nemea; wreaths of luxuriant flowers have crowned thy head; for the glory of the stately city, amidst the gladdening sound of flutes and the choice strains of festal companies, thou hast returned to thy native isle, illustrating her pre-eminent strength in the feats of the pancration. O daughter of the eddying river, Aegina of gentle soul, verily the son of Cronus has given thee honour in all contests, making it to shine everywhere as a beacon-light for the Greeks. Yea, and thy glory is a theme for the high vaunt of some maiden, as oft with her white feet she moves o’er thy sacred soil, ἀλκὰν K., Jurenka: τῆλε Blass. 84f. καί ris] The I of KAI added by A??— TWVATXAC A: ἡ written above the second A by A*.—At the extreme right of v. 84 are the letters pay. (The p seems certain: though Jurenka finds cay.) They are separated from xo by the space of some seven letters only. But a whole verse (85) has been lost. were pieced on to v. 84. That verse probably ended in -pay, and the mutilated remains of it 86 ταρφέω[ν] K.: but Blass thinks that the final letter was s, and writes rap@éws (with Headlam and Platt). ἀναφαίνων: //. 20. 411 ποδῶν ἀρετὴν dvagatyvwy.—Blass (3rd ed.) reads παμμα- χίαν ἄνα φαίνων : but this does not seem good. 77 £ ποταμοῦ, the Asopus (VIII. 47 ff.). Zeus, transformed into an eagle (or according to Ovid Met. v1. 113 into a fiery shape, zgneus), carried off Aegina from her father to the island formerly called Οἰνώνη, which thenceforth bore her name.—ymiddpov: Aegina’s isle was a place ἔνθα Σώτειρα Διὸς Zeviov | πάρεδρος ἀσκεῖται Θέμις | ἔξοχ ἀνθρώπων (Pind. O. ΝΠ. 27): Z. IV. 22 εὔνομον πόλιν : cp. also Pind. fr. 1. It was a centre of commerce at which visitors from all parts of Hellas found hospitality and upright dealing. The passage on the glories of Aegina which begins here fills the greater part of the ode. Only at v. 190 does the poet return to the victory of Pytheas. 81 ἀέθλοις is more euphonious than ἀγῶσιν here. Blass prefers the latter because it will include sea-fights as well as athletic games: but the poetical sense of ἀέθλοις covers both. 82 ὃν ὡς x.7.A. The fourth verse of the strophe ends with a long syllable in 49, 70, 136, 148, 181 (where θάλασσαν is certain), 202; 2.6. in every place where it can be ascertained, except v. 115 (dorv). There is therefore a strong presumption against τῆλε, which Blass supplies. The word may have been παντᾷ: cp. V. 31 μυρία παντᾷ κέλευθος. As τιμὰν has just preceded, this seems slightly preferable to ἀλκάν: but the latter is quite possible. 84—86 καί τις ὑψανυχὴς κόρα: some daughter of the island, who exults in its legendary glories; one, perhaps, whose family claims descent from the Aeacidae. So Pindar imagines Hieron’s praises as sung in Magna Graecia by Locrian maidens: P. Il. 18 σὲ δ᾽, ὦ Δεινομένειε παῖ, Zedupia πρὸ δόμων | Ao- κρὶς παρθένος ἀπύει.---ὑψαυχὴς occurs only | here: but Pindar and Aeschylus use μεγαυχής. ws, ‘frequently’; the Homeric form of the adverb is ταρφέα (//. 12. 47, εἰς.). πόδεσσι may have had an epithet in the lost verse (85), such as λευκοῖς (cp. Eur. Bacch. 863, Jon 221); it could then go with θρῴσκουσ᾽ (go). The rest of v. 85 may have been something like ἀνὰ γᾶν ἱεράν, or max’ ἀνὰ χλοεράν. [I formerly thought of πολλᾶν προφέρουσα κορᾶν | πόδεσσι ταρφέων, pedibus frequen- tium (ταρφὺς is fem. in Aesch. 7h. 535): cp. Soph. 0.0. 718 f. τῶν ἑκατομπόδων | Νηρήδων. But it seems more likely that the companions were first mentioned in 80 f.]|—Blass would point after κόρα᾽ (taking her to be Athena;) and then read, στείχεις δ᾽ ἀνὰ γᾶν ἱεράν, referring to the nymph Aegina, with ἀγακλειταῖσι str. 3. ant. 3. 342 BAKXYAIAOY [XII > oh Ν 3 ΄, ο ηὔτε νεβρὸς ἀπενθής, (55) 0 ἀνθεμόεντας ἐπ᾽ [6 fous “A Ν 3 / x κοῦφα σὺν ἀγχιδόϊ pots QO 12 > ΄ επ. γ- θρῴσκουσ᾽ ἀγακλειτα ts ἑταίραις" : ταὶ δὲ στεφανωσάμεϊ ναι πλόκοις νέων 2 ἀνθέων δόνακός T ἐϊπιχω- (60) - ρίαν ἄθυρσιν + παρθένοι μέλπουσι τ εὸν κράτος], ὦ 95 5 δέσποινα tray ivov χθονός, 6 Ἐνδαΐδα τε ῥοδόϊ παχυν, 7 ἃ τὸν ἱππευτὰ Ἰν ἔτικτε Πηλέα (65) 8 καὶ Τελαμῶνα ἱ κορυστών, 9 Αἰακῷ seas ἐν εἰ vvais: στρ. δ΄ τοο 1 τῶν «θ' » υἷας ἀερσιμάχους, 2 ταχύν ὦ ᾿Αχιλλέα 3 εὐειδέος τ᾽ Ἔ ριβοίας (7°) 4 παῖδ᾽ Seiten Boal θόον 5 Αἴαντα σακεσφόρον ἥρω, 87 veBpos] NEKPOC A, corr. 45: sometimes worked. κλειταῖσι Νύμφαις Blass. letters before -εων. doubtful. 92 f. ἐπιχωρίαν J. τεὸν κλέος ὦ. noteworthy as showing how mechanically A 89 ayxidduas J. 91 After στεφανωσάμεϊναι there is room for about seven The traces of ov, which Blass supposes before εων, seem altogether 94 In K.’s editio princeps (p. 118) I suggested For κλέος Blass substitutes κράτος : ΘΟ ἀγακλειταῖς ἑταίραις K.: aya- and this is preferable, as the space between 7 and w admits about nine letters.—reoy γόνον (so also Thomas), or γάμον, Νύμφαις (the other nymphs of the island) in go. But the comparison to ‘a joyous fawn’ suggests a mortal rather than a semi-divine maiden. 87 For veBpos cp. Eur. Bach. 862 ff. ; ap ἐν παννυχίοις χοροῖς θήσω ποτὲ λευ- κὸν | πόδ᾽ ἀναβακχεύουσα, δέραν | εἰς αἱ- θέρα δροσερὸν ῥίπτουσ᾽, ὡς νεβρὸς χλοεραῖς ἐμπαίζουσα λείμακος ἡδοναῖς κιτ.λ.---ἀπενθής : fr. 7-2 θυμὸν... .ἀπενθῆ. 88 ὄχθους, ‘hills’: Eur. Heracl. 781 ἀνθεμόεντι γᾶς ἐπ᾿ 6x8. The word could also mean ‘river-banks’ (Ξε ὄχθας), as in Aesch. Ag. 1161, ᾿Αχερουσίους ὄχθους. B. often associates flowers with rivers (XV. 5, 343; XVIII. 39): δόνακος also (g2) might suggest this. But then we should expect some distinct mention of a river, to define ὄχθους. 89 Φ. ἀγχιδόμοις occurs only here: but cp. Theognis 302 γείτοσί τ᾽ ἀγχιθύ- ροις.---ἀγακλειταῖς : the epithet might mean merely, ‘famed for beauty’: Pindar P. 1X. 105 calls the daughter of Antaeus ἀγακλέα κούραν. But the word also suggests the idea of ‘high-born,’ ‘illus- trious’ (cp. Od. 17. 370 ἀγακλειτῆς βασιλείης). 91- 98 πλόκοις νέων (or the like) is a safer supplement than χρυσαυγέων or φοινικέων. If either of the latter words were read, the construction of στε- φανωσάμεναι must be either (1) with acc. adOupow,—‘crowned with festal wreaths. of flowers and reeds,’ the genitives de- pending on that noun: or (2) with gen. ἀνθέων, ἄθυρσιν being the acc. in appo- sition. A genitive with the simple o7e- φανοῦσθαι or στέφεσθαι is not unexampled (cp. Nonnus Dzonys. 5. 282); but the dative is normal. [We cannot properly compare Il. τ. 470 κρητῆρας ἐπεστέψαντο ποτοῖο-- ἔπλησαν, nor Aleman fr. 61 ἐπιστέ- φοισαι ἄρτων.) The fourth syllable from XII] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 343 bounding lightly as a joyous fawn towards the flowery hills, with her glorious neighbours and companions. And when they have crowned themselves with wreaths of epode 3. young flowers and of reeds, in the festive fashion of their isle, they hymn thy power, O queen of a thrice-hospitable land. They sing also of Endeis with rosy arms, who in wedlock with Aeacus bare chariot-driving Peleus, and the warrior Telamon ; and also of their sons, the kindlers of battle, swift Achilles, and str. 4. fair Eriboea’s offspring, the great-hearted helper at need, Ajax, shield-bearing hero ; conj. Housman. παγξείνου χθονός (πέδου Blass) Housman. 97 τὸν ἱππευτὰν Headlam.—értxre Πηλέα J. 95 ΠΑΙΞῈ ms.: but the I may have been made from Γ᾽, ---- 96 ᾿Ενδαΐδα τε ῥοδόπαχυν Palmer and J. 98 κορυστάν J. (κραταιόν conj. K.) 99 After EN Kenyon read A (hence ἐν αἴσᾳ Blass!): but the letter seems rather to have been E.—é€v εὐναῖς J.: ἐνηεῖ Blass?. viéas MS. without θ᾽) Wilamowitz, Housman. 100 θ᾽ add J.—vlas W. Christ, Blass : 108 βοαθόον K.: βοατὰν Blass.—Bodew (reading τῶν in 100 as relat., the end of the verse is long in 58 and 124, but short in 157 and 190.—émtxwpiay ἄθυρσιν, acc. in appos. with sentence, ‘a local sport,’ 2.6. ‘in the festal fashion of the isle’: ἄθυρσις (only here) from ἀθύρειν, which was said of dancing, singing, or other pastime: cp. Plat. Legg. 746B 7...7ap ἡμῖν Κόρη καὶ Aé- σποινα, εὐφρανθεῖσα τῇ τῆς χορείας παι- dud, κεναῖς χερσὶν οὐκ φήθη δεῖν ἀθύρειν.--- The local trait was the blending of reeds with flowers in the wreath. 94f. κράτος, ‘majesty’: Aesch. Ag. 258 ἥκω σεβίζων σόν, Κλυταιμνήστρα, κράτος.--παγξείνου : see n. on παγξένῳ in X.28. Pindar says of Aegina (0. VIII. 25 ff.) reOuds δέ τις ἀθανάτων καὶ τάνδ᾽ ἁλιερκέα χώραν | παντοδαποῖσιν ὑπέστασε ξένοις | κίονα δαιμονίαν. [I formerly pro- posed παῖ ξείνου πατρός, supposing B. to refer to the Phliasian legend that Asopus was of Phrygian origin, Paus. 2. 5 ὃ 3, ᾿Ασωποῦ τὸ ὕδωρ ἔπηλυ καὶ οὐκ ἐγχώριον. But, as it seems that the first hand may have written ITAI, I now prefer παγ- ξείνου. 96 ᾿Ἔνδαΐδα, the daughter of Σκίρων (a Megarian hero, XVII. 25 n.) and wife of Aeacus, to whom she bore Peleus and Telamon. (Apollod. 111. 12. 6: Pindar N. v. τ2 ᾿Ενδαΐδος ἀρίγνωτες viol.) See stemma in Introd.—podémaxvv: Hes. Theog. 247 Ἐὐνείκη ῥοδόπηχυς (cp. 1b. 251): Hom. hymn. ΧΧΧΙ. 6 "HG τε ῥοδόπηχυν : Sappho fr. 69 Bpodomaxees ἄγναι Xaperes.— For τὲ before podo-, cp. XV. 34 ἐπὶ podd- εντι. 97 ἱππευτάν, the Homeric ἱππότα. Πηλεύς (77. 16. 33 etc.). Thessalians were breeders and riders of horses. Pind. P. Iv. 152f. Κρηθεΐδας (Aeson, Jason’s father)...irwérais εὔθυνε λαοῖς δίκας. 98 κορυστάν, helmed warrior (//. 4- 457 etc.). I propose this, rather than a word like κραταιόν, because the last syllable of this verse is always long (see 44, 56, 77, I10, 122, 143, 155, 188, 221). 99 ἐν εὐναῖς (or εὐνᾷ) must, I think, be right here. For the statelier plural cp. Pind. P. 11. 27, 1X. 12. 100 τῶν θ᾽. In adding θ᾽ (which Kenyon, Blass and Jurenka accept) I was guided by the fact that υἷας ought to ~ be governed by μέλπουσι (94): it is still the maidens that sing of Achilles and Ajax. If θ᾽ is absent, then Soa- in 103 must be read as Bodow (cp. Eur. Helen. 1108 f. σὲ... | ...dvaBoarw, ‘loudly hymn thee’): but this is much less fitting or probable.—depotpdxouvs: cp. Hes. Of. 775 ἀερσιπότητος ἀράχνης: Scut. 316 ἀερσιπόται: Ap. Rhod. 2. 1061 ἀερσιλό- gous. On the other hand ἀρσίποδας in Hom. hymn. iv. 211 is exceptional. We might suppose synizesis in vidas: but vias is more likely. Cp. 111. 77 where vic seems certain. 102—104 ᾿Εριβοίας, daughter of Alcathous, king of Megara; wife of Telamon (Pind. 7. v. 45: Soph. AZ. 69). : 108 ξ. βοαθόον (βοή and rt ef), hast- BAKXYAIAOY [XII 344 105 6 OS τὰ ἐπὶ πρύμνᾳ σταθεὶς 7 ἔσχεν θρασυκάρδιον [ὁρ- 8 μαΐνοντα vi aas (75) 9 θεσπεσίῳ tui pi καῦσαι το Ἕκτορα 'χαλ κεομίτραἽν, Ifo ὅππότε ΠΙ[ηλεΐδας τ. τραχεῖαν ᾿᾿Αργείοισι μ]ᾶνιν > , > , / ἀντ. 8. : ὠρίνατ[ο, Δαρδανίδας > » ΕΠ (80) - τ᾽ ἔλυσεν ἀΐτας a \ Ν ’ 3 οἵ πρὶν μὲν [πολύπυργο |v > ’ Ν κέ Col.26115 4 Ἰλίου θαητὸν ἄστυ > el > ’ Ν ς οὐ λεῖπον, ἀτυζόμενοι [dé A > ~ ’, 6 πτ]ᾶσσον ὀξεῖαν μάχαν, Φ 9 5 / a (85) 7 εὖτ᾽ ἐν πεδίῳ κλονέων ’ > 3 4 8 μαίνοιτ Αχιλλεύς, ΄, , ΄, 2 120 9 λαοφόνον δόρυ σείων > > ν Ἁ 3 10 ἀλλ᾽ ὅτε δὴ πολέμοιο “ > ’ «x λῆξεν ἰοστεφάνου κ᾿ > , ers: (90): Νηρῇδος ἀτρόμητος vids > ν 3 > pre \ ἐπ. 8. ὥστ᾽ ἐν κυανανθέϊ ΘΙ paki ναυβάτας ’ / ε Ν 4 125 2 πόντῳ Βορέας ὑπὸ κύ- oh 3 μασιν datler 106 ἔσχεν] ἴσχεν Ludwich.—xaidoa Blass (καίειν K.). 109 The final N of this v., the ANIN in 111, and the final N of 114, are found in a fragment (18 K.) which was placed here by Blass.—yadxeouirpayv K. (suggesting also χαλκεοχάρμαν) : χαλκοκορυστάν Smyth (conj. Blass). 110 ὁππότε K.: οπότε Ms. 111 τραχεῖαν Desrousseaux, Blass: the letters A...A alone are certain.—Apyeiowot Blass! (’Arpeldacot Β].3).---μᾶνιν HNIN A: but H has been changed to A by a corrector. 112 £. Δαρδανίδας | ing at the war-cry, prompt to aid (Z/. 13. 477, 17. 481). The synizesis is harsh: ὁ τὸν ἂψ ὥσασθαι, ἐπεί ῥ᾽ Cp. Soph. “42. 1273 νῆα | οὔθ᾽ ἐπέλασσέ γε δαίμων. but I hesitate to adopt βοατάν, which would be a strange substitute for βοὴν ἀγαθόν.---σακεσφόρον, as in Soph. 42. 19. Cp. //. 7. 219 (of Ajax), φέρων σάκος hire πύργον, | χάλκεον, ἑπταβόειον. 105 The Homeric relative ὅς τε (Z/. I. 279 etc.) is freely used by lyric poets (as Alcman fr. 26. 3, and Pindar fas- sim).—émi πρύμνᾳ σταθεὶς, at the stern of his own ship. These services of Ajax are related in 7]. 15. 415—745- The stubborn conflict between Ajax and Hector is pithily described there in 417 f.: οὔθ᾽ ὁ τὸν ἐξελάσαι καὶ ἐνιπρῆσαι πυρὶ —1279. 108 θεσπεσίῳ, ‘terrible,’ cp. Od. 9. 68 λαίλαπι θεσπεσίῃ: Ji. 12. 440 f. (Hector’s cry to the Trojans) ῥήγνυσθε δὲ τεῖχος ᾿Αργείων καὶ νηυσὶν ἐνίετε θεσ- πιδαὲς πῦρ (‘fiercely blazing’). 109 χαλκεομίτραν : Pindar Λ΄. Χ. go has χαλκομίτρα (gen.). The very fact that χαλκοκορυστής is a stock Homeric epithet of Hector seems rather against supplying it here: B. might naturally wish to vary. χαλκεοχάρμαν (Pind. P. v. 82 χαλκοχάρμαι) would also serve.— Cp. //. 4. 187 (Gud τε καὶ μίτρη τὴν ΧΙ] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 345 who stood at his vessel’s stern, and stopped bold Hector, the bronze-girdled, when he was rushing on to burn the ships with dread fire ; what time the son of Peleus had set up his fierce wrath against the Greeks, and had given the children of Dardanus a respite from doom. Hitherto they had forborne to leave the goodly town of many-towered Ilion, and had shrunk in dismay from the keen fight, so oft as furious Achilles, brandishing his deadly spear, made turmoil in the plain. But when at last the intrepid son of the violet-crowned Nereid had ceased from war,— as Boreas, on the dark Thracian sea, falls in with mariners by night and buffets them with billows, τ᾽ ἔλυσεν ἄτας Desrousseaux (which had occurred to me also): Δαρδανιδᾶν | τ᾽ ἔλυσεν ἄταν is also possible.—Tpwot δὲ πάντ᾿ ἔλυσεν aivd Blass. 116 [οὐ] λεῖπον Blass. 118 IIEAION A: corr. A’. some correction between A and ®: perhaps of IO to 0. Herwerden : θύων ναῦν θοὰν Blass: Θρῆιξ ναυβάτας Crusius. θεότιμον Jurenka, Smyth. Platt, Thomas. 114 πολύπυργον Blass: 1197 πτᾶσσον Blass, 120 λαοφόνον] There has been 124 Θ[ρᾳκὶ ναυβάτας θύων ναυβάτας Smyth. χαλκῆες κάμον ἄνδρες. The μίτρα was a metal girdle, protecting a part of the body to which the θώραξ did not reach (Helbig, Hom. Epos p. 200). 111—113 ᾿Αργείοισι seems fitter here than ᾿Ατρείδαισι: the antithesis is between Greeks and Trojans.—ap{varto: the aor. midd. is found nowhere else. The impf. pass. occurs in 71. 9. 595 τοῦ δ᾽ ὠρίνετο θυμός, and the aor. act. in 11. 792 ὀρίναις.---ἄτας, the ‘destruction’ which was impending over them: cp. Pind. O. x1. 37 ὑπὸ στερεῷ πυρὶ | πλαγαῖς τε σιδάρου βαθὺν eis ὀχετὸν | ἄτας ἵζοισαν ἐὰν πόλιν. (ἄλγους is unsuitable here.)— Another possible supplement is that of Blass, Τρωσὶ δὲ πάντ᾽ ἔλυσεν aivd: but such a use of αἰνά seems questionable. 114 2. The lost word, ending in v, was doubtless an epithet of Ilium. πολύ- avpyov suits the context, as suggesting the security of the Trojans within their walls. The word occurs only in Hom. hymn. τι. (Apoll. Pyth.) 64. θεότιμον, however, is also possible: see ἢ. on XI. 7. —dorv. This is the only instance of hiatus between verses 4 and 5 of the strophe (cp. 70, 82, 136, 148, 181, 202): but ἄστυ <7’>... ἀτυζόμενοί is improbable. 115 ov λεῖπον is certainly right. Cp. 141 f., where their sally in force is de- scribed by πασσυδίᾳ δὲ λιπόντες τείχεα. 117 πτᾶσσον... μάχαν: cp. Aesch. P.V. 174 οὔποτ᾽ ἀπειλὰς πτήξας: Ly- cophron 280 πτήσσων δόρυ. So in 7|. 20. 4526. οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἔτι δὴν | ἀλλήλους πτώσσοι- 118 κλονέων, absolute, ‘making tur- moil’: 7]. 21. 532f. ἦ yap ᾿Αχιλλεὺς | ἐγγὺς ὅδε κλονέων. 122 ἰοστεφάνου, here the epithet of Thetis, is that of Persephone in III. 2. It might seem to have a special fitness for these dwellers in dark depths: but such a theory fails when we find the word applied also to the Muses (V. 3), to Aphrodite (//om. hymn. νι. 18), and, in a late epigram, to the Charites (Anh. VIII. 127). 124—126 ὥστ᾽ --ὡς, ‘as,’ an epic use admitted by Aeschylus and Sophocles not only in lyrics but also in trimeters: Pindar, however, uses ὥστε only with infin., and in this sense employs are. κυανανθέϊ (only here), ‘of dark hue’ (cp. μελανθής), under a stormy wind; little more than xvavéw: for -ανθής in this compound could not refer to the white crests of waves. Cp. Eur. Δ 7. 7 (the Euripus) πυκναῖς | αὔραις ἑλίσσων κυανέαν ἅλα στρέφει. (In Helen. 179, κνανοειδὲς ...0d@p, the epithet is a general one.) Dionysius Periegetes (c. 130 A.D.) 169 has κυαναυγής of the sea. Θρᾳκί: /. 23. 230 Θρηΐκιον.. πόντον: Boreas blows Θρήκηθεν (ὁ. 9. 5). For Θρᾷε-τε Θράκιος, cp. Simon. 31 Κρῆτα... τρόπον: Eur. Alc. 346 f. Λίβυν . . αὐλόν. (ϑύων Blass: but see p. 97.) --ναυβάτας ant. 4. epode 4. BAKXYAIAOY [XII 346 VUKTOS ἀντάσας, avat| ελλομένᾳ (95) λῆξεν δὲ σὺν φαεσιμβρότῳ ‘Aoi, στόρεσεν δέ τε πόντον 1380 7 ovpia’ νότου δὲ κόλπίωσαν πνοᾷ ᾿ 8 ἱστίον, ἁρπαλέως τ᾽ ἅ- 9 ελπτον ἐξίκοντο χέρσον σι υ ». , a ἴω > ἈΝ ,ὕ 3 στρ. ἐ. τὼς Τρῶες, ἐπεὶ κλύον ai- (101) 2 ,“χματὰν ᾿Αχιλλέα 135 3 μίμνοντ᾽ ἐν κλισίῃσιν. 4 εἵνεκεν ξανθᾶς γυναικός, 5 Βρισηΐδος ἱ ἱμερογυίου, (105) 6 θεοῖσιν ἄντειναν χέρας, 7 “φοιβὰν ἐσιδόντες ὑπαὶ 1408 χειμῶνος αἴγλαν" 9 πασσυδίᾳ δὲ λιπόντες το τείχεα Λαομέδοντος 127 ἀντάσας ἀνα- ANTACANTM A. The corrector (A*) added ac above the line after AC, and altered T into A. Over M he wrote what has hitherto been read as II. But this (as Blass was the first to observe, and as Kenyon recognizes) looks more like T followed by E or O (the rest of the second letter having been torn off). 128 δὲ] TE A: corr. A*?—¢gavotuSpsTw Blass. 180 οὐρία K.: OTPIAI Μ8., made from OTPANIA (by 41}).---κόλπωσαν Blass (ἐκόλπωσαν πνοαῖς E. Bruhn, -ev πνοά Lud- wich): πνοᾷ J. (Class. R. XII. p. 152, but with -7), Housman: so Blass® (πνοαῖς (xvI. 48) is better than ναῦν θοάν. ἐφορεύει: Soph. O. 7. 485 ὅ τι λέξω δ᾽ The reason is not ἐξίκοντο in 132, for the ‘ship’ would imply the crew (cp. Soph. O. C. 942 where αὐτούς refers to πόλιν in 939); it is rather the sense of δαΐζει. If ναῦν were read, that verb must have its literal meaning, ‘cleaves,’ ‘shatters’; but the ship comes safe to land. With ναυβάτας, it is figurative, ‘affticts’: cp. Od. 13. 320 ἔχων δεδαϊγμένον qrop. The notion of rough treatment is combined with that of harassing anxiety. -ο-Οὀὑπὸ κύμασιν : the waves rise above the ship: cp. Soph. Azz. 335 ff. (man) καὶ πολιοῦ πέραν πόντου χειμερίῳ νότῳ | χωρεῖ, περιβρυχίοισιν | περῶν ὑπ᾽ οἴδμασιν. 127 νυκτός, gen. of time: ἀντάσας, sc. avrots.—The correction in the Ms. points to avare- rather than to avar-: see cr. note. I therefore conjecture ἀνατελλομένᾳ (cp. Pind. 7. 111. 83 φλὸξ FOS PALE No exception can be taken to the place of δὲ as third word. It often holds a place later than the second: Aesch. Zum. 530 ἄλλ᾽ ἄλλᾳ δ᾽ ἀπορῶ: Ph. 959 φόνον φόνου δὲ ῥύσιον : AZ. 116 τοῦτο σοὶ δ᾽ ἐφίεμαι : Eur. fr. 776 δεινόν γε, τοῖς πλουτοῦσι τοῦτο δ᾽ ἔμφυτον. [In 1. 6 we find Διὸς Εὐκλείου δέ, and in XVII. 47 περὶ φαιδίμοισι δ᾽: these in- stances, however, are of the still commoner kind in which the words before δέ are instar unius; as Aesch. Ag. 606 γυναῖκα πιστὴν δ᾽, P. V. 384 ἐν τῷ προθυμεῖσθαι δέ. }-For the conjectures which have assumed avam-, see Appendix. 128 λῆξεν, like the aorists which follow, is gnomic.—acotpBpdte (with synizesis) appears more probable in an Ionic poet than the Pindaric φαυσιμ- βρότῳ (O. VII. 39). 129—182 στόρεσεν... οὐρία : the gentle, favouring breeze ‘Jays’ the sea after the storm, 7.2. allows it to subside : Verg. Aen. 6. 763 placidi straverunt aequora venti. The MS. has οὐρίᾳ, pro- bably an error due to mvog: though Βορέας could be the subject to στόρεσεν, in the sense that, by ceasing to blow, he XI] ETTINIKOI 347 but ceases with the rise of light-bringing dawn, when a gentle breeze smooths the deep, and the breath of the south-wind swells their sail, till they joyfully reach the land for which they had ceased to hope,— even so, when the Trojans heard that the warrior Achilles was tarrying in his tent on account of Briseis, the golden-haired, the lovely, they lifted up their hands to the gods ; for now they saw a bright gleam of sunshine from under the shadow of the storm. Leaving the walls of Laomedon with all their forces, Bl.}). 131 APITAAEOTA A: but T has been altered to C (by A*?). 133 ἐπεὶ κλύον was K.’s first reading, but in his ed. he gave ἐπέκλυον, with θεοῖσι δ᾽ in 138. 138 θεοῖσιν] OIC is written above an erasure: it is impossible to say what first stood there. 139 φοιβὰν] φοίβαν K. 141 δὲ λιπόντες] A wrote MEATIONTEC : A has been written above M, and I has been added above the line between A and II (by A??). makes a calm (cp. Soph. Az. 674 f. δεινῶν τ᾿ ἄημα πνευμάτων ἐκοίμισε | στένοντα πόντον). The epic δέ τε occurs also in fr. 3. 1 τίκτει δέ τε, but (as Smyth notes) not elsewhere in lyric poetry, except in Sappho fr. 94. 2. In this formula, τε marks the statement as general; hence it sometimes stands (as here) after a gnomic past tense (Od. 6. 185 μάλιστα δέ τ᾽ ἔκλυον αὐτοί). It was more especially used to introduce an additional touch in a simile: //. 2. 455 f. ἠῦτε πῦρ ἀΐδηλον ἐπιφλέγει ἄσπετον ὕλην | οὔρεος ἐν κορυ- φῇς, ἕκαθεν δέ τε φαίνεται αὐγή, | ὥς k.7..: where the clause with δέ τε comes next before the apodosis, just as it does in v. 463 (͵ὁ.), σμαραγεῖ δέ τε λειμών. In Sappho fr. 94. 2 also it brings in the second clause of a simile (οἵαν τὰν ὑάκινθον... | πόσσι καταστείβουσι, χάμαι δέ τε πόρφυρον ἄνθος ---Ὀὰϊ there the fragment breaks off). κόλπωσαν: so Meleager (c. 80 B.C.) in Anthol. 1X. 10 (ναῦται) πνοιῇ ἀπημάντῳ Ζεφύρου λίνα κολπώσαντες. Lucian Ver. Hist. 2. 9 ἄνεμος ἐμπεσὼν τοῖς ἱστίοις ἔφερε, κολπώσας τὴν ὀθόνην. Apart from our verse, the word is extant in no writer earlier than Polybius. ἁρπαλέως properly means ‘eagerly’ (Od. 6. 250 etc.), here ‘joyfully.’ In Mimnermus 12. 5—8, where the Sun’s voyage in his cup is described,—(evv7) φέρει --- εὕδονθ᾽ apradéws,—Bergk would take the adv. with φέρει as=‘ rapidly’; but the context rather indicates that Mimnermus meant, ‘in welcome sleep,’ — after toil. 183—138 ἐπεὶ κλύον is confirmed, as against émékAvov, by the size of the space in the papyrus between II and K. -- κλισίῃσιν. B. has the epic -yow of dat. plur. only here; but the Homeric colouring of the passage sufficiently ac- counts for it.—®eoto.v: cp. θεῶν as first word of the verse in V. 95 (ν. 50 ends with θεός.) 139 f. I leave φοιβὰν oxytone, since the papyrus indicates it (φοὶβαν) ; but we should expect φοίβαν (potBos). ὑπαὶ χειμῶνος, lit. ‘from under the storm’: the bright sunshine flashes out from beneath the rim of the storm-cloud that passes away. Cp. //. 17. 645 Zed πάτερ, ἀλλὰ σὺ ῥῦσαι br’ ἠέρος υἷας ᾿Αχαιῶν, | ποίησον δ᾽ αἴθρην, δὸς δ᾽ ὀφθαλ- μοῖσιν ἰδέσθαι. 141 πασσυδίᾳ-- πανστρατιᾷ, sallying forth (σευόμενοι) with all their forces. This is the regular sense of the word in Attic writers: Xen. 27. Iv. 4. 9 πασσυδίᾳ βοηθοῦντες: Eur. 770. 792 πανσυδίᾳ | χωρεῖν ὀλέθρου διὰ παντός : Thuc. VIII. 1 πανσυδὶ διεφθάρθαι (where Hude gives that form, with the cod. Vaticanus: πασσυδὶ and πασσυδεὶ are variants). In Il. 2. 11 f., however, θωρῆξαί σ᾽ ἐκέλευσε κάρη κομόωντας ᾿Αχαιοὺς | πασσυδίῃ, the word is usually rendered, ‘with all speed.” On the other hand in //Z τι. 725 the sense ‘with all our forces’ is fitter (as vv. 723 f. show). 142 τείχεα Λαομέδοντος : //. 7. 4521. (Poseidon speaking of the τεῖχος of Troy), τὸ ἐγὼ καὶ Φοῖβος ᾿Απόλλων | ἥρῳ Λαομέ- δοντι πολίσσαμεν ἀθλήσαντε. (In 71. 21. str. 5. 348 BAKXYAIAOY [XII (110): és πεδίον κρατερὰν 2 at€ay ὑσμίναν φέροντες" ἀντι. 1451 ὦρσάν τε φόβον Aavaorts: 2 ὥτρυνε δ᾽ "Apys 3 εὐεγχής, Λυκίων τε (115) 4 Λοξίας ἄναξ ᾿Απόλλων" s ἷξόν 7 ἐπὶ θῖνα θαλάσσας: Ο01.27:180 ὁ ναυσὶ δ᾽ εὐπρύμνοις παραὶ μάρναντ᾽, ἐναριζομένων δ᾽ ἔρ Ἰευθε φώτων (120) 9 aaa γαῖα μέλαινα ο Ἕκτορ Ἰέας ὑπὸ χειρός, 155 πῆμα μέγ᾽ ἡμιθέοις τ ὀξεῖαν] ἰσοθέων δι’ ὁρμάν. ἐπ. τ. τἃ TNdpjoves, 7 μεγάλαισιν ἐλπίσιν (125) 2 πνείοντες ὑπερφίαλον [φρόνημ᾽ ἐθάρσευν] Τρῶεϊὶς ἱ ἱππευταὶ κυανώπιδας ἐκ- πέρσασιν ᾿Αργείων] νέας παύραις χορὸν €tha|rivas τ᾽ ἐν ἁμέ]ρ[ α]ις ἕξειν θεόδματον πόλιν. 160 nA un 7 ὦ (130) 7 149 δῖνα K.: θεῖνα MS. (the spelling of Aristarchus, who derived it from θείνω) : cp. however IX. 10 ἐκείνησεν, XVI. QI νειν (=v), etc. 150 παραὶ Blass, with Platt and Housman: cp. 139 ὑπαί. 152 ἔρευθε Palmer: ...ETOE A: το added above the line by A® (ἐρεύθετο). 155 πῆμα μέγ᾽ J.: δεῖμα μέγ "Jurenka. 156 ὀξεῖαν J.: τεύχοντος Desrousseaux : βαρεῖαν Blass.—icobéwv] The O is written above an erasure.— δι’ ὁρμάν] ΔῚ OPMAN A: A=—OPMAN a corrector (the horizontal lines being 446—457, where the king’s fraud is told, all. At one moment, stirred by the fall Poseidon alone builds, while Apollo is serving as herdsman.) > 7 ’ 2 ἀνδρῶν ἐν εἰρήνᾳ φυλάσσει ΄ ’, VE: 2 , , > > , ἐπ.ς΄.190 1 νίκαν τ ἐρικυδέα μέλπετ᾽, ὦ νέοι, 2 Πυθέα, μελέταν τε βροτω- 3 φελέα. Μενάνδ ρου, (160) 4 τὰν ἐπ "Ἀλφειοῦ. τε ῥοαῖς θαμὰ δὴ 5 τίμασεν a. χρυσάρματος 195 6 σεμνὰ μεγάθυμος ᾿Αθάνα, 7 μυρίων 7 ἤδη μίτραισιν ἀνέρων 8 ἐστεφάνωσεν ἐθείρας (165) ο ἐν Πανελλάνων ἀέθλοις. > ’ XX στρ. ζ. : εἰ μή τινα θερσιεπὴς er an 200 2 φθόνος βιᾶται, > ’ Ν A 3 αἰνείτω σοφὸν ἄνδρα ‘ ’ ἴω Ἀ “ «σὺν δίκᾳ. βροτῶν δὲ μῶμος (170) s πάντεσσι μέν ἐστιν ἐπ᾽ ἔργοις" 186 Εὐνομία σαοσίφρων conj. Housman. 198 θαμὰ J., Nairn. 199 εἰ] Eis lost: the short stroke above I is part of the paragraphus with coronis, )———, written between 198 and 199 to mark the end of a system—el μή τινα θερσιεπής. Between the N and the A of twa there is a mark like a very small and partly broken o, perhaps intended to indicate that the words should be read as tw’ ἀθερσιεπής. 186 Eivopla τε σαόφρων, sc. κυβερνᾷ. The construction is harsh: -but I follow the MS., rather than read Εὐνομίᾳ (to depend on σύν) With the dative, the position of σαόφρων (referring to ᾿Αρετά) would be awkward ; though it might be regarded as practically adverbial (=cw- φρόνως). Housman’s Εὐνομία caocippwr would meet the difficulty; but that form of the adj. is not found, and can scarcely be assumed from σαοσίμβροτος in Hesychius. 187 θαλίας, acc. plur., ‘ festivities’ ; Her. Ill. 27 ἦσαν ἐν θαλίῃσι. Eunomia has these for her portion, because they belong to the peace which she maintains. Cp. fr. 3 (on the blessings of εἰρήνα), 12 συμποσίων δ᾽ ἐρατῶν βρίθοντ᾽ ἀγυιαί. 190 From the praises of Aegina and the Aeacidae, which began at v. 77, the poet now returns to his immediate theme. ὦ νέοι: the youths, wearing wreaths (vi. 8f.), who form the κῶμος. So Pindar 7. Vil. 2 Κλεάνδρῳ τις... ὦ νέοι... ἀνεγειρέτω κῶμον : cp. NV. il. 4 f. μελι- γαρύων τέκτονες | κώμων νεανίαι : ib. 65 f. ὕμνος... ὀπὶ νέων ἐπιχώριον χάρμα κελαδέων : P.V. τοβ ἐν ἀοιδᾷ νέων. See also VIII. 102 ff. 191 f. μελέταν is the ‘care’ used by the trainer, who, in preparing a com- petitor for the great contests, not only supervised his exercises, but prescribed his diet (Arist. Z7h. 11. 5), and regula- ted his whole life. The scientific trainer of athletes was, so far, a physician. He is called γυμνάστής (Xen. Alem. 11. 1. 20), or ἀλείπτης (Arist. /.c.): while παιδοτρίβης is properly the ordinary teacher of boys in a palaestra.—B : not found else- where; cp. δημωφελής. -- Μενάνδρου, an Athenian, mentioned by Pindar also in X11] ETTINIKOI 353 as doth also temperate Eunomia, to whom festivities belong, and who keeps the towns of pious men in peace. Sing, O youths, the glorious victory of Pytheas, and the helpful care of the trainer Menander: oft has that care been honoured on the banks of Alpheus by Athena of the golden chariot, majestic queen of lofty soul, when ere now she has set garlands on the heads of countless men at the great games of Hellas. Let those who are not thralls of bold-tongued Envy give just praise to a master of his art. Disparagement waits on every work of man: OEPC ὦ ΠΗΟ : the letter after the first C seems to have been I, but is not certain. Nairn conj. ἀθερσοεπής, ‘disparaging in speech’ (ἀθερίζειν) : Housman, ἀμερσιεπής (envy ‘bereaves of speech,’ when praise is due). Jurenka reads ἀθερσιεπής (θερ-μός, “ chill of speech’), comparing Ov. Met. 11. 763 (the domus Invidiae) ignavi plenissima Srigoris. 202 BPTQTON A: corr. Al. his ode on this same victory, Δ΄ v. 48: ἴσθι, γλυκεῖάν τοι Μενάνδρου σὺν τύχᾳ (‘by Menander’s happy aid’) μόχθων ἀμοιβὰν | ἐπαύρεο- χρὴ δ᾽ am’ ᾿Αθανᾶν τέκτον᾽ ἀθληταῖσιν ἔμμεν. Lampon, the victor’s father, is described by Pindar (1. ν. 66f.) as μελέταν | ἔργοις ὀπάζων, ‘bestowing care on feats of prowess’ (z.e. on athletics), and recommending it to his sons,—thus observing Hesiod’s maxim (Of. 382 μελέτη δέ τοι ἔργον ὀφέλλει). Pindar’s meaning (or a part of it) must be that Lampon, a rich man (cp. 224 f.), procured the best training for his sons. [{ was natural, then, that both poets should pay a tribute to Menander. 193—198 Athena has ‘honoured’ the skill of the Athenian trainer by giving several Olympian victories to his pupils, whose successes in the four ‘ Pan- hellenic’ festivals, taken all together, have been ‘countless.’—@apd (the accent given by Apollonius De adveré. p. 563. 3) is emphasized by δή, as in Pind. 4. 1. 17. —Of Athena’s three epithets, χρυσάρ- ματος denotes a conventional attribute; σεμνά, divine rank; and μεγάθυμος a personal quality: cp. v. 98 f.—A@dva: cp. σελάνα VILI. 29. 196 μίτραισιν. This μέτρα was a woollen headband to which the sprays or leaves of the wreath were attached: Pind. 7. Iv. 62 λάμβανέ ἔοι στέφανον, φέρε δ᾽ εὔμαλλον μίτραν. Hence the word is used as an equivalent for στέ- J. B. gpavos: O. 1X. 84 ᾿Ἰσθμίαισι Λαμπρομάχου μίτραις.---ἀνέρων : this inflexion of ἀνήρ is not elsewhere extant in B.: Pindar uses it freely. 198 Πανελλάνων: Pind. 7. ΠΙ. 47 Πανελλάνεσσι δ᾽ ἐριζόμενοι δαπάνᾳ χαῖρον ἵππων. Λ' 11. 38 ἐν Πανελλάνων νόμῳ. The four great πανηγύρεις are ‘ Panhel- lenic’ as distinguished from minor local festivals, such as those mentioned in IX. 30—35 (n.). 199 f. φθόνος can bluster as well as whisper: θερσιεπής denotes loud, im- pudent detraction. The Aeolic θέρσος (θάρσος) is found only in proper names, such as Θέρσανδρος, Θέρσης, Θέρσιππος, Θερσίτης. For the connecting vowel t in θερσιεπής cp. Θερσίλοχος. (Θερσολόχειος occurs, however, as the patronymic in an inscription: see Pape-Benseler s.v.) The sense of the word is illustrated by the name Θερσαγόρας (Dem. or. 23 ὃ 142), ‘bold in debate.’—Prarat: B. pictures φθόνος as a malignant force within the man, against which candour has to wrestle: v. 187 f. χρὴ δ᾽ ἀλαθείας χάριν | αἰνεῖν, φθόνον ἀμφοτέραισιν | χερσὶν ἀπω- σάμενον. Cp. XV. 31 φθόνος εὐρυβίας. Frag. trag. adesp. 547. 12 £. πρὸς γὰρ τὸ λαμπρὸν ὁ φθόνος βιάζεται, | σφάλλει δ᾽ ἐκείνους ods ἂν ὑψώσῃ τύχη. 202 £. σὺν δίκᾳ: cp. v. 196 (η.): X. 123 f.—@pos: Smyth refers to Anth. Planud. 84 παντὶ δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἔργῳ | μῶμος: and Theogn. 1184 (there is no man) ᾧ μὴ μῶμος ἐπικρέμαται. 24 epode 6. str. 7. 354 205 7 BAKXYAIAOY 6a δ᾽ ἀλαθεία φιλεῖ νικᾶν, ὅ τε πανδαμάτωρ 8. χρόνος τὸ καλῶς [XII 9 ἐϊργμένον αἰὲν ἀ ἔξει" (175). δυσμενέων δὲ pal tata x γλῶσσ᾽ ἀϊδ]ὴς μινύθει [The last v. of στρ. ζ΄, and the first nine of ἀντ. ζ΄ , are lost.] Col.29 avr..220 10 ἐλπίδι θυμὸν -iaive: ag Ν 3 ‘ ΄ II τα και cya πίσυνος 2 φοινικοκραδέμνοισι Μούσαις ἐπ. ζ΄. :- ὕμνων τινὰ τάνδε | εόπλοκον δόσιν (191) 2 φαίνω, ξενίαν τε [φιλά- 225 3 _yhaov γεραίρω, 4 τὰν ἐμοὶ Λάμπων [παρέχων χάριν οὐ 5 βληχρὰν ἐπαθρήσαις , ει, (195) 6 τὰν εἴ γ᾽ ἐτύμως apa Κλειὼ 207 ἐργμένον] Wackernagel conj. ἀργμένον (cp. ὑπαργμένον Her. VII. 11). faint traces after M would suit either A or I. 208 The 209 An upright can be traced before CMIN. Blass? supplies γλῶσσ᾽ ἀϊδὴς μινύθει from Cramer Anecd. Oxon. 1. 65. 22 (=fr. 46 Bergk4, δυσμενέων ὃ ἀϊδὴς λέγει Βακχυλίέδης. Blass. Μούσας Housman : 36 Bl.*), Bapurévws δὲ τὸ ᾿Αἴδης" 222 φοινικοκραδέμνοισι Μούσαις Blass (-o1s te Μούσαις Nairn) : τοιο Κλειοῦς Jurenka. τὸ γὰρ ἐπιθετικὸν ὀξύνεται" 220f. ἰαἰν[ ἐπ. τᾷ K.: ἰαίν[εἴται " καὶ τοῖο 223 νεοπλόκων δόσιν Blass: who after TANAE finds a small trace of N written above I (or P), as if ἰοπλόκων) had 204 ἀλαθεία. This may be merely the Ionic poet’s conventional Doricizing of ἀληθείη. See however Choeroboscus (Bekk. Anecd. p. 1314), ἀλήθεια κοινῶς καὶ ἀληθεία ᾿Αττικῶς. This was the older Attic accent (Chandler § δ 103, 2nd ed.). Cp. Ar. fr. 29 ὦ wapavola καὶ dvadela (instead of παράνοια etc.). 205 ff. πανδαμάτωρ : epithet of χρόνος in Simonides fr. 4, 5.--καλῶς with the epic (and Ionic) a, which is not found in Pindar. —épypévov: see on ἐρχθέντος in 65 f.—ééea, ‘exalts,’ strengthens in re- pute. In Od. 15+ 372 ἔργον ἀέξουσιν μάκαρες θεοί, ᾧ ἐπιμίμνω, the sense is ‘ prospers.’ 209 ἀϊδής. In Hes. Scut. 477, σῆμ᾽ ἀϊδὲς ποίησεν, the word is passive in sense, as it must be here. 220 ff. ἐλπίδι, as in 1X. 40, the ‘hope’ or ambition of a man who aspires to win fame by the exercise of some gift. The ten verses lost before v. 220 may have spoken of various pursuits, ending with a reference to the poet’s. In 221 the MS. has no point after rac: and tatve- τᾷ καὶ gives a far better rhythm than ἰαίϊνεται" καὶ etc., though the latter is otherwise unobjectionable (cp. Archil. fr. 36 ἄλλος ἄλλῳ καρδίην ἰαίνεται). In 222 a dat. plur. is more probable than ἃ genit. sing. (which would go with ὕμνων). The dat. will depend on πίσυνος : ‘In (or with) which hope, trusting to the Muses,’ etc. (We might read -os τε Μούσαις: but it seems less fitting that the Muses should he thus subjoined to the ἐλπές.) --φοινικοκραδέμνοισι : a merely ornamen- tal epithet, given to Latona in X. 97 (n.). 223 The letter after τάνδε may have been N: but it is very uncertain. As a conjectural supplement, νεόπλοκον δόσιν ΧΙ] ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ 355 but truth is wont to prevail; and all-subduing time ever strengthens the repute of fine achievement. The vain speech of foes covertly detracts [from worth; but fails in the end...] * * - * ~ + [Every one who works aright at his appointed task] has ant. 7. a hope to cheer his heart. With such hope I also, trusting in the Muses of purple kerchief, now present a gift of newly-woven song; thus honouring the epode 7. splendid hospitality shown to me by Lampon, his tribute to the Muse’s charm, not slight, which has found favour in his eyes. And if it be indeed radiant Cleio been corrected to ν(εοπλόκων). 226 f. οὐ at the end of 226 was first proposed by Housman : ἐπαθρήσαις (as part.) by Platt (who after it placed τέχναν) : παρέχων and χάριν by J.: τίει by Blass. 228. EIK’Ms.: εἴ γ᾽ J.(in 1897), Blass, Platt: elk as=el W. Schulze (cp. οὐκ Ξε οὐ), on analogy of Arcadian εἴκαν : Wilamowitz cp. Ar. Zys. 1099 aix εἶδον, and the Cnidian verse in Her. 1. 174, where he reads-aix (vulg. ef x’) ἐβούλετο. —Knrew | ---ἐνέσταξ[εν ppaciv]: so I had conjectured (but with φρεσίν) from KA- and ENEC, before EIQ and TAZ were furnished by a small fragment, containing the ends of vv. 227—230, which Blass identified as belonging here.—gpacly Housman and Blass. is suitable: Blass gives νεοπλόκων. 1 rather prefer the acc. sing., on account of τινά, which serves to soften the figurative sense. ὕμνων ἥδε νεόπλοκός τις δόσις seems better than the same phrase with νεοπλόκων. Another possibility would be veddporov. (Or, if the letter after τάνδε was M, μελίφθογγον or μελί- yAwooov.)—For δόσιν cp. Pind. O. vil. 7 Μοισᾶν δόσιν, and /. 1. 45 κούφα δόσις ἀνδρὶ σοφῷ κ.τ.λ. 2262. In the restoration of these verses two points may, I think, be taken as certain. (1) χάριν must have stood in 226, meaning the poet’s ‘charm,’ as in lI. 97 καὶ μελιγλώσσου τις ὑμνήσει χάριν | Κηΐας ἀηδόνος. There is no other word to which the τὰν in 228 could so fitly refer. (2) ἐπαθρήσαις, aor. partic., must be read in 227. The Aeolic form in -ats is not elsewhere used by B.: but his λαχοῖσαν in XVIII. 13 f., and Μοῖσα in’ Vv. 4, are also exceptional Aeolisms. ἐπαθρήσαι, with or without xe in 226, would require after it a word beginning with στ: but the possible words (στέφων, στίχων, στόμα) are all inadmissible. The remaining question seems to be between (i) παρέχων....τίει (Blass), and (ii) eg. μελέων (XVIII. 2) .. «τελεῖ or tive. I prefer (1),. because, (a) after ξενίαν, παρέχων is fitter than τελεῖ or τίνει : and (ὁ) τίει, governing χάριν, is better zz that place than a verb governing ξενίαν would be, since τὰν in 228 refers to χάριν. For the t in τίει, cp. Aesch. 4g. 942, Eur. Heracl. 1013. The meaning is, then, that Lampon, in affording (παρέχων) hospitality to the poet, ‘honours the poetic charm, not slight, on which he has looked with Javour. οὐ βληχράν (cp. X. 65), as being the Muse’s gift. The compound éraépew recurs only in later verse (Ap. Rhod. 4. 497 ἐπαθρήσαντας, where ἐσ- is a v.1., and Quint. Smyrn. I. 111, where Heyne reads ἐσάθρησα). Here the word denotes favourable regard; as ἐπιβλέπειν (τινί) does in Lucian Astro/.20. Cp. ν. 8 δεῦρ᾽ ἄθρησον. 228 £. εἴ γ᾽, siguidem: Plat. Phaedr. 242D εἴ ye σὺ ἀληθῆ λέγεις.---πανθαλής, as giving bloom to the flowers of song; Pind. O. vI. 105 ὕμνων.. εὐτερπὲς ἄνθος. One of the Muses was Θάλεια (Hes. 7%. 77). Distinguish this form, with ἄ, from that with a (69 n.). > Od. 2. 271 εἰ δή τοι σοῦ πατρὸς ἐνέστακται μένος hi: Her. 1X. 3 ἀλλά οἱ δεινὸς ἐνέστακτο ἵμερος κιτ.λ. v, Doric. This form occurs in Pindar, either without a variant (WV. 111. 62), or, as is far more often the case, with the v. 1. φρεσίν (O. VII. 24, P. τι. 56, Ul. 108, IV. 10g, 219). In 24—2 [XII, XIII 356 BAKXYAIAOY 7 πανθαλὴς ἐμαῖς ἐνέσταξ[ εν φρασίν, 230 8 τερψιεπεῖς νιν ἀοιδαὶ 9 παντὶ καρύξοντι hao. XIII. [XIV.] KAEOTITOAEMQI OECCAAQI ITTTTOIC TTETPAIA orp. a. * ED μὲν εἱμάρθαι παρὰ Sail μονος ἀν- 3 θρώποις ἄριστον᾽ : συμφορὰ δ᾽ ἐσθλόν 7 ἀμαλδύ- 4 νει βαρύτλατος μολοῦσα: 5 κἀγατ]ὸν ἰδ᾽ ὑψιφανῆ τε ύ- 6 xs κἸατορθωθεῖσα" τιμὰν -7 δ᾽ ἄλ]λος ἀλλοίαν ἔχει" ἄντ. a’. III. The title added in the left margin by A®. 8 ἐσθλόν τ᾽ or ἐσθλοὺς conj. J. (δαίμοσιν K.). : μυρί]αι δ᾽ ἀνδρῶν ἀρεταί, μία δ᾽ ἐκ 2 πασᾶ)ν πρόκειται, 1 δαίμονος Platt and others (ἐσθλοὺς K.): ἐσθλὸν MS. eRe ONHAHTWVI®ANHTE A: A® cancelled HAH and wrote KAI above.—xdyarov 6’ ὑψιφανῇ conj. J.: ἢ κυδρὸν ἠδ᾽ Blass : see comment.—revyer Blass and others. P. lll. 59, where the MSS. agree in φρεσίν, Boeckh restored φρασίν. Pindar also uses φρένεσσιν (7. 111. 5), as B. does (XIII. rr). If the Ionian’s conventional Doricism was consistent, he would have written φρασίν here; and we are not justified in assuming the reverse. 230 The stress is on τερψιεπεῖς. If Cleio has really inspired the poet, this ode, which honours Lampon (νιν), will please.—For the compound with ἔπος as epithet of docdai cp. VII. 7 n. ΣΚΤΙΙ. 1 εἱμάρθαι, impersonal. παρὰ ϑαίμονος : the best thing for men is that a good destiny should have been assigned (to them) by the gift of heaven: cp. XVI. 24 ἐκ θεῶν μοῖρα : Aesch. Ag. 1026 μοῖραν ἐκ θεῶν : Pers. τοῖ θεόθεν μοῖρα : Xen. H. VI. 3. 6 ἐκ θεῶν πεπρωμένον ἐστί: Pind. NX. Iv. 61 τὸ μόρσιμον Διόθεν πεπρωμένον. P. Wl. 59 χρὴ τὰ _feouxéra πὰρ δαιμόνων μαστευέμεν.--παρὰ δαίμοσιν is also pos- sible (mortal destiny is /azd up with the gods, is in their keeping): but here the god is rather the dispenser of fate. 2—6 The Ms. has a point after po- λοῦσα. Fortune, when it comes in a grievous shape, crushes (ἀμαλδύνει, weak- ens, brings low) even a brave spirit: but, when it has a prosperous course (κατορ- θωθεῖσα), makes ἃ man admired and eminent (ὑψιφανῆ v7). After ἐσθλόν in 3 τ᾽ has dropped out: unless, indeed, the poet wrote ἐσθλοὺς, but the transition from that plural to the singular in v. 5 would be very harsh. It can hardly be doubted that the metre here was the same as in the antistrophic verse (Io), [Blass, ac- cepting ἐσθλὸν without re, supposes that ~~--— here is substituted for the -~-- in verse 10. But this seems very im- probable, even if it be metrically pos- sible. ] 52. The first hand wrote ...ov ἤδη ὑψιφανῆ: where ἤδη was doubtless a corruption of ἠδ᾽, this, in turn, having replaced the less common form, t8’. The metre is shown by v. 12, --~~-~ ~--. [Blass however reads ἢ κυδρὸν ἠδ᾽ ὑψιφανῇ τεύ-, assuming that -—~-— could be sub- XII, XIII] ETTINIKOI 357 who has imbued my spirit with that charm, sweet will be the strains that tell forth his name to all the folk. XIII. [XIV.] for Cleoptolemus of Thessaly, victor in the chariot-race at the Petraia. A happy destiny is heaven’s best gift to mortals. Fortune str. r. can crush worth, if she comes fraught with suffering; she can make a man admired and eminent, if her course be prosperous. The honour won by men takes various shapes: the forms of human excellence are countless; but one merit has ant. τ. the foremost place among all,— & £. The end of v. 8 (MIAAE) is contained in a small fragment placed here by K., which gives also the last letters or syllables of ν. 10 —é€x πασέων conj. Richards (ἐκ πασᾶν Jurenka A), 11 (N), 12 (APMO), and 13 (M@A). : ἐξ ἀλλᾶν Housman: és τιμὰν R. Ellis. stituted for the --~~ in v. 12: but here again it seems more than doubtful whether such a substitution is possible. The me- trical effect is almost intolerably harsh.] I regard ἰδ᾽ as well-nigh certain. ἰδέ is Homeric, but is not used by Pindar: it is probable in Soph. “2:2. 969, but does not elsewhere occur in Tragedy. (For an instance of elided ἐδ᾽, see Od. 3. 10.) We might, indeed, read (κλεινὸν) ὃ καὶ ὑψιφανῆ (δέ sometimes follows re: Soph. O. C. 367 ff.) : or κλεινόν τε K.7.A. Then, however, the scribe’s ἤδη would remain without satisfactory explanation, since it is unlikely that it could have arisen from so familiar a word as δέ. There is room before ov for four or five letters. Five is the number required by Blass’s ἢ κυδρ]όν : but his ἢ cannot (in my opinion) be right. We need καί, δέ, or τε. I would suggest κἀγατ]ὸν (ἀγητός) or kayavdv: for crasis of καί at the be- ginning of a verse, see III. 81 x@r1, and XVII.- 50 κηὔτυκτον. In Class. R. ΧΙ]. Ρ. 131 (Mar. 1898) I proposed καὶ κλει- vov, which still seems to me_ not improbable. In KAIKAEINON the re- semblance of KA to KA might have led to the loss of KAI, leaving in our Ms. only KAEINON. The number of letters before ov for which this conjecture re- quires space is, therefore, only the same as that demanded by the emendations noticed above,—-five. In objecting to it as requiring too much room (‘nimia pro spatio,’ 2nd ed. p. 121) Blass evidently overlooked the fact that, on my hypo- thesis, καί had dropped out. Tevxa=rlOnor: Od. 13. 397 ἀλλ᾽ ἄγε σ᾽ ἄγνωστον τεύξω: so Pind. NV. Iv. 83 ff. ὕμνος... ἰσοδαίμονα τεύχει | φῶτα: Aesch. Eum. 668 τὸ σὸν πόλισμα καὶ στρατὸν τεύξω μέγαν. Sf. μυρίαι δ᾽... ἀρεταί. From the importance of happy fortune for the attainment of honour, the poet passes to the various kinds of honour that men may win, and the variety of excellences in . different aspirants. Cp. vill. 88f., and IX. 38 ff. μία... πρόκειται. It seems possible, or even probable, that πρόκειται here means, ‘is set in front’ (of all others), ‘ holds the Jirst place’; as προτιθέναι τί τινος can mean ‘to prefer’ (Her. III. 53, etc.). Cp. Arist. Zop. VI. 5 (p. 1426 24) ἐν ols οὐ πρόκειται Tod λόγου τὸ τί ἐστιν (‘where the nature of the thing is not put first in the account of it’). We might then read: (1) ἐκ πασᾶν, ‘ranks first among them all,’ as suggested by H. Richards (writing ἐκ πασέων) in Class. R. Xil. 76 (ἐξ ἀλλᾶν Housman, 7. 73). Or: (2) εἰς ὄλβον, ‘in respect to happiness.” (és τιμὰν Robinson Ellis, 74. 65: but cp. 6.) I slightly prefer (1), as better fitted to inter- pret the sense of πρόκειται. [Blass writes és ξυνὸν πρόκειται, z.¢. ‘is set before men 358 BAKXYAIAOY [XIII a Ν Ν Ν a 10 3 ὃς τὸ] πὰρ χειρὸς κυβερνᾶ- + Tat διϊ]καίαισι φρένεσσιν. ae , ε , sour ἐῆν βαρυπενθέσιν appo- fea) 7 Kat rN ζει μ]άχαις φόρμιγγος ὀμφὰ κλαγγεῖς χοροί, Ἵ ¥ > 9» , \ ἐπ. α΄. τ τ οὔτ᾽ ἐν θαλίαις καναχὰ ’ὔ > > 9535 ε ’ 2 χαλκόκτυπος᾽ ἀλλ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστῳ aun »0ὸ7Ῥ’ἮἸ WwW 20 καιρὸς] ἀνδρῶν ἔργματι Kah- λιστος: εὖ ἔρδοντα δὲ καὶ θεὸς ὀΓ ρθοῖ. Κλεοπτολέμῳ δὲ χάριν νῦν χρὴ Ποσειδᾶνός τε Πετραΐί.- 7 ov τέμενος κελαδῆσαι, ’ > 3, ε ’ cs 8 Πυρρίχου τ᾽ εὔδοξον tmmdv|tkov υἱόν, 10 ΣΦ. ὃς τὸ Headlam, Pearson: ὃς τὰ Wilamowitz: a 7a Blass: εἰ τὸ Richards: és ye K.—KYBEPNAI A: corr. A!l.—xvBepvéra: Κ. : xvBépvacey Wilamowitz. 12 οὔτ᾽ ἐν] οὐκ ἐν K.: οὔτοι Ellis: οὐκ ἂν (with ἁρμόζοι) Platt. 18 μάχαις J. for their common good,’—whatever the special ἀρετή of each may be.—My former conjecture, accepted by Kenyon and Smyth, was εὐδαίμων πρόκειται, ‘is set before men,’—‘is proposed to their efforts,’—‘as truly happy,’ ze. ‘with a sure promise of happiness.”] 10f. ὃς.. κυβερνᾶται, a relative clause serving to define the ἀρετή meant in 8f. ; equivalent in sense to ef (or ὅτε) τις κυβερνᾶται. Thuc. Il. 44 § 1 τὸ δ᾽ εὐτυχές, ol dv τῆς εὐπρεπεστάτης (ξυμφορᾶς) λάχωσι: VI. 14 τὸ καλῶς ἄρξαι τοῦτ᾽ εἶναι, ὃς ἂν τὴν πατρίδα ὠφελήσῃ ὡς πλεῖστα. Cp. also νι. 68 §1: Od. 24. 286. τὸ πὰρ χειρός, ‘his immediate task’ ; the act which is next to come from his hand. The phrase resembles τὸ πὰρ ποδός: Pind. P. 111. 60 (a man should pray for things which befit men), γνόντα τὸ πὰρ ποδός, οἵας εἰμὲν αἴσας, ‘aware of what lies in front of him, and of our mortal destiny.’ There, τὸ πὰρ ποδός is the thing to which one will come at the next step from where his foot now is: 1.6., what lies directly in front of him,— decay and death. Cp. also P. x. 62f. τυχών Kev ἁρπαλέαν σχέθοι φροντίδα τὰν πὰρ ποδός" | τὰ δ᾽ εἰς ἐνιαυτὸν ἀτέκμαρτον προνοῆσαι : ‘if he succeeds, he will seize with rapture on his immediate desire; but what a year may bring forth, no sign can foreshow.’ As τὸ πὰρ ποδός suits Pindar’s thought of men moving on their appointed paths, so τὸ πὰρ χειρός suits our poet’s thought here. Happy is he who is guided by a just mind in /¢hat which his hand finds to do at each successive moment. 12—16 μάχαις is on the whole much more probable in v. 13 than Aaxats, the conjecture of Blass (2nd ed.). Hesychius gives λάχη (séc)- λῆξις, ἀποκλήρωσιΞ. (In Aesch. 7%. 914 τάφων πατρῴων λαχαί are their ‘ portions’ in those graves.) It may be granted that B. could have used λαχή as=Adyos. And at first sight Aaxais is distinctly commended by Bapv- πενθέσιν. Compare, however, X. 68 paxas...\uypats. The reasons which weigh with me in favour of μάχαις are chiefly these. (1) The antithesis be- tween joyous music and καναχὰ...ὀκτυπος (15f.). With λαχαῖς, we must there read, as Blass does, orepvéxturos. But καναχά denotes some sharp sound, esp. the clanging of metal: //7. τό. 105 πήληξ βαλλομένη καναχὴν ἔχε : Soph. Ant. 130 χρυσοῦ καναχῆς. In I. 12 B. uses γλυκεῖαν αὐλῶν καναχάν to describe the brisk, high-pitched notes of flutes. καναχὰ στερνόκτυπος could not well denote the sound made by Jdeating the breast (cp. Soph. Az. 631 ff. χερόπλακτοι δ᾽ | ἐν στέρνοισι πεσοῦνται | δοῦποι). It would have to mean, ‘a shrill sound (of γόοι) XII] ETMINIKO} 359 his, who is guided by just thoughts in each thing that his hand finds to do. The voice of the lyre, the clear strains of choral song, accord not with the grievous stress of battle, as the clash of arms has no place amidst festivity. To every epode τ. work of man the fitting season lends the fairest grace; and heaven prospers him who works aright. Now, in tribute to Cleoptolemus, ’tis meet to celebrate the sacred domain of Poseidon Petraios, and the glorious son of Pyrrhichus, victor in the chariot-race... (so K., and Blass?): λαχαῖς Blass?.—duga J. (a conjecture afterwards confirmed by the letters M®A in the fragment mentioned above in n. on 8 f.). 18 EPAONTI A: corr. A*?—ép60? J. στερνόκτυπος Blass”. 17 καιρὸς J. 16 χαλκόκτυπος Κ.: accompanied by beating of the breast’: this, however, would be a forced sense On the other hand καναχὰ χαλκόκτυπος (the clash of arms) is a natural phrase: and it is strongly confirmed by XVII. 59 χαλκεοκτύπου μάχας. (2) In 16f. the poet adds that καιρός should be observed in every deed or work of man, ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστῳ... ἔργματι. This is suitable if the anti- thesis to festivity is fighting; but less so, if it is mourning. (3) Music and choral song are prominently named by B. him- self (fr. 4. 2) among the gifts of Eipjva, Cp. //. 18. 490ff.,—the city at peace, with its festal music of αὐλοί and φόρμιγ- yes, contrasted with the city at war. λιγυκλαγγεῖς (only here): cp. IX. 10 λιγύφθογγον. λιγύς is notably frequent as an epithet of the Muse, the lyre, or song (e.g. Od. 24. 62, Terpander fr. 6, Alcman fr. 1, Stesichorus fr. 44, Pind. O. IX. 47, etc.). 17 καιρός: from Theognis 401 μηδὲν ἄγαν σπεύδειν" καιρὸς δ᾽ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν dpioros | ἔργμασιν ἀνθρώπων : cp. also Hes. Of. 694 καιρὸς δ᾽ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἄριστος : Pind. O. ΧΠΙ. 47f. ἕπεται δ᾽ ἐν ἑκάστῳ | μέτρον" νοῆσαι δὲ καιρὸς ἄριστος (‘a just measure goes with every deed; and to discern it is the highest opportuneness’). 18 εὖ ἔρδοντα : suggested by ἔργματι. Each deed should be done in season; and if a man does it aright, the god, too, prospers him. Cp, Eur. fr. 432. 2 τῷ γὰρ πονοῦντι καὶ θεὸς συλλαμβάνει. There is an allusion to success in the games (cp. ul. 94 πράξαντι δ᾽ εὖ), which smooths the transition from the prefatory moraliz- ing to the proper subject of the ode. 19—21 χάριν: the poetical tribute. The acc. is in apposition with the sen- tence (χρὴ... τέμενος κελαδῆσαι). An exact parallel is afforded by Pind. O. xt. 78 ff. (484 B.C.) kal νυν ἐπωνυμίαν χάριν! νίκας ἀγερώχου κελαδησόμεθα | βροντὰν καὶ πυρπάλαμον βέλος εἴς. : where χάριν has a like sense, and is similarly in ap- position with the sentence.—viv, as so often, when B. passes from proem to theme: IX. g-n. Πετραίου : schol. Pind. P. Iv. 138 (where Pelias, king of Iolcus, is addressed by Jason as παῖ Ποσειδᾶνος Πετραίου), Πετραῖος τιμᾶται Ποσειδὼν παρὰ Θετταλοῖς, ὅτι διατεμὼν τὰ ὄρη τὰ Θετταλικά, λέγω δὴ τὰ Τέμπη, πεποίηκε δι᾽ αὐτῶν ἐπιτρέχειν τὸν ποταμὸν Πηνειόν, πρότερον διὰ μέσης τῆς πόλεως (sic) ῥέοντα καὶ πολλὰ τῶν χωρίων διαφθείροντα. Her. Vil. 129 gives the legend, without mentioning the cult. . Cp. schol. Ap. Rhod. 3. 1244 (on πέτρην θ᾽ Aipoviny): τὴν Θεσσαλίαν Πέτραν" χωρίον δέ ἐστιν ἐν ᾧ Ποσειδῶνος ἄγεται ἀγών. It is only a conjecture that the scene of the Ilerpata was somewhere near Tempe. 22 f. ᾿ΟΘΘΡΉΚΗ probably the victor’s father. Cleoptolemus has been named in 19 as the recipient of the poetical offering. But there is no unfitness in this second reference to him as victor. Blass’s supplement ἱππόνικον υἱόν may therefore be accepted. In v. 23 ὃς refers to υἱόν, i.e. Cleoptolemus, and the two epithets refer to his father Pyrrhichus. Verse 24 may have been, as Herwerden suggests, πατρὸς mepuxds.—Jurenka, sup- posing Pyrrhichus to be the charioteer, supplies ἱππόν[ωμον ὁρμάν] : but see on Vv. 43 360 BAKXYAIAOY ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ στρ. β΄. [XII rds φιλοξείνου τε καὶ ὀρθοδ[ ίκου [The last six verses of στρ. β΄, the whole of ἀντ. β΄, and the first three verses of ἐπ. β΄, are lost.] ἐπ. β΄. 4° 4 πὺ - εἰῤώδεα Θεσσαζλ - - s¥ π᾿ υυ] ἐν γυάλοις: 6 -- - - Πα ντέλης κί - - - , -υυυυ -Ἰδὼν [The rest of the ode is lost.] 23 This verse, the first of the second strophe, is the last in column XXIXx. After this at least one whole column has been lost, as ode XIV begins at the top of the next column which has been preserved. indicates, to verses 4—7 of an epode (probably the second). 40—43 These words belonged, as metre They are supplied by a small fragment (no. 11) which K. placed here. 40—43 Metre indicates that these vestiges belonged to verses 4—7 of an epode. εὐώδεα was probably the epithet of Poseidon’s temple or altar (cp. Pind. O. VII. 32 εὐώδεος ἐξ ἀδύτοιο : Eur. 7770. 1061 f. θυόεντα βωμόν). γνάλοις must denote the valley in which the chariot- race was held. Thus (¢.g.): βωμὸν ἀμφ᾽] εὐώδεα Θεσσαλ[ίας εὐδαίμονος) ἐν γυάλοις, if in v. rg there was synizesis in Κλεοπτο- λέμῳ : if there was not, the epithet of Θεσσαλίας might be ἱπποκυδέος, or Άἱπ- πομήτιδος (Pind. 7. VI. 9).—The letters ντέλης belonged, as the accent in the Ms. shows, to a proper name, doubtless Ilav- τέλη. (The names Παντέλειος and Παντέλεος are extant.) This was pre- sumably the charioteer. The x might suggest xuBépva|cev or κυβερνήτας : see V. 47-—We might conjecture that the poet, having no myth available which would suit his Thessalian theme, had recourse to description of the chariot-race itself, such as Simonides is known to have used in some epinikia. eunttee wed τῶ as Hera Ἐ: Sages gi: his rik a any Col. 30 στρ. a’. 362 BAKXYAIAOY [XIV AlOYPAMBOI XIV. [XV.] AN]THNOPIAAI H EAENHJC ATTAITHCIC Nv aon » ὦ x ᾿Αντήνορος ἀντιθέου σύζυξ θεμερῶ πις, ᾿Αθάνας πρόσπολος, ὥϊξεν ἁγνὸν Π͵αλλάδος ὀρσιμάχου ναὸν θύρας τε χ)ρυσέας ἀγγέλοις δισσοῖσιΪν ᾽Α Aaprudda Μενελ]άῳ 7 ᾿Ατρεΐδᾳ βασιλεῖ ργείων ᾽᾿Οδυσσεῖ γπὼ - - - βαθύ]ζωνος Θεανὼ ἀντ. «. τ- - σὺ -ο υ͵Ἱὸν 2¥—-VY-UY -] προσήνεπεν U 10 34% -υὑ - - -ὺὔὺ ἐΪ]ὐκτιμέναν 4- - Ve KH KV -- 5-U-- πῦ - -Ἴδὼν τυχόντες ὁ-πυυ-υυὐ- ππυὺυ -] σὺν θεοῖς U ᾽ - ---V--—-v-—|ous [ἐπ. a’, and the first v. of στρ. β΄, are lost.] HIV. ᾿Αν]τηνορίδαι [ἢ Ἑλένη]ς ἀπαίτησις. The title was written by A, not, as usual, in the left margin, but at the top of the column, since this ode, the first of the extant Διθύραμβοι, began a new volume or a new section. See Introduction to the Ode. 1 ᾿Αντήνορος is certain, agreeing with such vestiges as remain before ἀντιθέου. 2 The letters before C AGANAC were almost certainly III: the epithet must then have ended in -Gms. Blass further thinks that ENQI (or EPQI?) preceded IT: but this is wholly uncertain: he supplies δάμαρ τερενῶπις. The first syll. of the v., however, xIV. 1—9 £With regard to the embassy of Odysseus and Menelaus to Troy, and the treatment of the subject by Bacchylides, see the Introduction to this Ode. The poem begins somewhat abruptly. Theano, wife of the Trojan Antenor and priestess of Athena, is with the two envoys at the temple of the goddess on the acropolis of Troy. So much is clear from the remains of vv. 1—5. Probably she has taken them thither in order that they may sup- plicate Athena to prosper their mission. Their hospitable reception at the house of Antenor is presupposed. The traces in verses 2—4 favour some such con- jecture as that of Crusius (see cr. n.): she opened the temple of Pallas, with its golden doors, to the Greek envoys. No point occurs in the Ms. before that XIV] AIOY PAMBO! 363 DITHYRAMBS. XIV. [XV.] THE SONS OF ANTENOR OR THE DEMAND FOR THE RESTITUTION OF HELEN. God-like Antenor’s [wife of grave mien], priestess of Athena, str. τ. deep-girdled Theano, [opened the holy temple] of battle-rousing Pallas with its golden doors [to the two envoys] of the Greeks, Odysseus, son of Laertes, and Menelaus, the prince sprung from Atreus... * * * * * * is long in 44 and 51. I suggest σύξυξ θεμερῶπις. 3 ΣΦ. Crusius supplies ὥϊξξεν ἁγνὸν] Παλλάδος ὀρσιμάχου [ναὸν πύλας τε χ]ρυσέας : perhaps θύρας would be better; 71. 6. 207 f. αἱ δ᾽ ὅτε νηὸν ἵκανον ᾿Αθήνης ἐν πόλει ἄκρῃ, Prat θύρας ὥιξε Θεανὼ καλλιπάρῃος κιτ.λ. 5 ἀγγέλοις ἵκουσιν Crusius : -- --- πρέσβεσσιν Blass. 6 Λαρτιάδᾳ Μενελ]άῳ Crusius, Nairn, Wilamowitz.—1’ added above line by A*. 7 βαθύζωνος K. 12 The letter before QN seems to have been A or Δ. [παρ᾽ ἀλλήλων τυχόντες ?>—TYXONTAC A: corr. A’. 18 σὺν θεοῖς] These words answer to -ᾳ βασιλεῖ in 6, θελξιεπεῖ in 48, and -ἂς Θέμιτος in 55. Probably ye, τε, or δέ has dropped out after σύν. 14 After this verse all the rest of column xxx is lost. Column xxx! begins with v. 37 (ἄγον κ. τ. λ.), the second v. of epode f’. The number of verses lost is therefore 22 (15—36). which follows προσήνεπεν in v. 9. There was certainly no break in the first sentence before βασιλεῖ in v. 6, and perhaps none before Θεανώ in v. 7. But, whether she or Odysseus was subject to προσήνεπεν, a new sentence or clause must have begun in the lost part of v. 8 or of v. 9. 2 ᾿Αθάνας πρόσπολος: //. 6. 297 ff. at δ᾽ ὅτε νηὸν ἵκανον ᾿Αθήνης ἐν πόλει ἄκρῃ, | τῇσι θύρας ὥὦϊξε Θεανὼ καλλιπά- ρῃος, | Κισσηΐς, ἄλοχος ᾿Αντήνορος ἱπποδά- pow: | τὴν γὰρ Τρῶες ἔθηκαν ᾿Αθηναίης ἱέρειαν. Her father Κισσῆς, a Thracian prince,—to be distinguished from He- cuba’s father Κισσεύς (Eur. Hec. 3),—is mentioned in //. 11. 223.—The epithet ended in -ὥπις (see cr. n.). θεμερῶπις, ‘of grave mien’ (epithet of αἰδώς in Aesch. P.V. 134), would be not unfitting for the priestess.—Blass (2nd ed.) gives τερενῶπις (not extant). 5 Possibly ἀγγέλοις δισσοῖσιν : cp. 71. II. 140 ἀγγελίην (of this embassy).— [πρέσβεσσιν Blass: there is, however, no instance in classical poetry of πρέσβεις as= ‘ambassadors.’ In Aesch. Suppl. 727, where πρέσβη is commonly read, πρέσβυς could mean only senex.] 9 προσήνεπεν, impf., a form given by Mss. in Pind. 2. IV. 97 and Ix. 29, where some edd. read mpocévvere.—Was the subject to this verb Theano or Odysseus? It might seem fitting that she, as priestess of the temple, should speak here. In any case, a speech by Odysseus presumably occurred before v. 37. A fragment, not unsuitable to a speech by him, is con- jecturally placed in vv. 30 and 31 (n.). If that conjecture be right, several lines before v. 30 must also have been spoken by him. Supposing, then, that a speech by Theano began at v. 10, it cannot have been long. τυχόντες in 12 may have referred (whoever was the speaker) to the ‘obtaining’ of satisfactory terms by the Greek envoys. 364 στρ. β΄. - — WY .--ὧὐὁο .. BAKXYAIAOY [XIV 23 2—- — οὖ — μεσονύΪκτιος κέαρ [The last five vv. of orp. β΄, and the first v. of ἀντ. β΄, are lost.] —_ —- WwW -—- Ww - dvr. β΄. 30 «ἡ --ὐὺὖὺ «οὐ yap ὑπόκλοπον φορεῖ 3 βροτοῖσι φωνάεντα λόγον σοφία.» [The last four vv. of ἀντ. β΄, and the first v. of ἐπ. β΄, are lost.] éer.B'.36 -—--Y---Ww-w- Col.31 - ἄγον, πατὴρ δ᾽ εὔβουλος ἥρως 3 πάντα σάμαινεν Πριάμῳ βασιλεῖ 4 παίδεσσί τε μῦθον ᾿Αχαιῶν. 49 ς ἔνθα κάρυκες δι᾿ εὐ- 6 ρεῖαν πόλιν ὀρνύμενοι 7 Τρώων ἀόλλιζον φάλαγγας στρ. γ. + δεξίστρατον εἰς ἀγοράν. ς παντᾷ δὲ διέδραμεν αὐδάεις λόγος: 45 3 θεοῖς δ᾽ ἀνίσχοντες χέρας ἀθανάτοις 4 εὔχοντο παύσασθαι δυᾶν. 5 Μοῦσα, τίς πρῶτος λόγων ἄρχεν δικαίων; 6 Πλεισθενίδας Μενέλαος γάρυϊ θελξιεπεῖ 23 μεσονύ]κτιος κέαρ is ἔτ. 9 K., conjecturally placed here by Blass ; says) the colour is darker than that seen in the extant part of col. xxx. tint is found, however, in parts of col. XxxI. though (as he A similar These two words ended v. 2 of a strophe, as is shown by the large vacant space above them (the last three verses of an epode, as well as the first of a strophe, being short). 30 f. On the suggestion of G. F. Hill, Blass places here fr. 35 (Bergk), preserved by Clem. Alex. Paedag. 111. 23 pecovixtios κέαρ. If (which is doubtful) the words belonged to this place, Odysseus may have been con- trasting the bliss of peace with ‘the midnight fear’ which torments the heart in war-time. Cp. what the poet. says of peace in fr. 3. 10: οὐδὲ συλᾶται μελί- ῴρων | ὕπνος ἀπὸ βλεφάρων. 90 f. οὐ γὰρ ὑπόκλοπον. Metre is the only definite ground for placing these words here. Clement quotes them in his Paedagogus, as in his Stromateis he quotes vv. 50—56 (cr. n.). The fact that this ode was familiar to him may be viewed as slightly strengthening the conjecture based on the metre. On the other hand, verses of this measure may have occurred in more than one of the poet’s odes. It seemed best, on the whole, to print the words here, with a due indication of the doubt. If they were spoken by Odysseus, what was the context? Possibly he was deprecating the suspicion that his plea for a peaceful settlement veiled some insidious design : σοφία would then be the art of the orator. That word might, however, suggest rather the art of the poet, as though B. were saying that there is nothing ‘furtive’ in the ‘clear utterance’ of poetry. (Contrast Pind. O. 11. οἵ ff. φωνάεντα συνετοῖσιν᾽" és δὲ τὸ πὰν ἑρμηνέων χατίζει.) 37 ff. ἄγον: (the sons of Antenor) proceeded to conduct Odysseus and Menelaus to the Trojan agora. Mean- XIv] AIOYPAMBOI 365 [ Verses 30f. ?...for no guile lurks in the clear utterance that ant. 2. wisdom brings to mortals. ] * * * * * * [The sons of Antenor] then led [the envoys to the market- epode 2. place of Troy]; while their father, the sage hero, went to declare all the word of the Achaeans to king Priam and his sons. Thereupon heralds, hastening through the wide city, began to gather the array of Trojans into the marketplace where warriors muster. Everywhere the str. 3. loud rumour ran abroad; and men lifted up their hands to the immortal gods, praying for rest from their woes. Say, Muse, who was the first to plead the righteous cause? Menelaus son of Pleisthenes spake with winning voice, 310, οὐ yap ὑπόκλοπον φορεῖ | βροτοῖσι φωνάεντα λόγον copia: but he writes βροτοῖς δὲ instead of βροτοῖσι. As metre shows (cp. 44 f.), these words formed ν. 2 (latter part) and v. 3 of a strophe or antistr.; so, if fr. g is rightly referred to str. β΄, they belonged to antistr. β΄. . 38 σάμαινεν] σάμανεν Blass. Cp. XVI. 51. 47 λόγων ἦρχεν K., with Purser: APXEN AOTQN ms.—The ὑποστιγμή after AIKAIQN is abnormally placed on a level with the bottom of the letters. (Cp. Vill. 83 cr. n.) while their father (εὔβουλος ἥρως, as in //. 3. 148 πεπνυμένος) ‘went to lay’ (imperf.) ‘all the word of the Achaeans before Priam,’ and to obtain his sanction for the calling of the assembly. There- upon (ἔνθα, v. 40) the heralds went forth to convoke it. (I can see no need for changing the odpatvey of the Ms. to σάμανεν, with Blass.) Somewhere, then, in the course of the lost verses the sons of Antenor came on the scene. Antenor himself (we may suppose) had previously learned the wishes of the envoys: there is nothing to show that he is imagined as present here. According to the schol. on //. 24. 496, B. represented Theano as having borne fifty sons to Antenor (only ten are named in the //iad). This mention may have occurred in the verses lost between 31 and 37. Was his choice of that surprising number connected with the requirements of a κύκλιος χορός, which consisted of fifty members (Simon. fr. 147, 476 B.c.)? The Antenoridae, as such a chorus, may have formed a spectacular element in the production of this dithyramb. 42f. γγας: a term applied in the J/iad only to the ‘ranks’ of men drawn up in battle array, or engaged in fighting. But the poet may have had in mind the phrase describing how the Achaeans ‘marched forth by companies to the place of assembly,’ ἐστιχόωντο | ἰλαδὸν εἰς ἀγορήν (7). 2. 92).---δεξίστρατον only here: cp. δεξίδωρος, δεξίθεος, δεξί- μῆλος, δεξίπυρος.---εἰς (instead of és) is extant in B. only here and in εἰσάνταν (ν. 110). 44f. αὐδάεις, ‘loud’: Aesch. Zum. 380 αὐδᾶται φάτις.--ἀνίσχοντες χέρας : Ill. 36 π. 46 παύσασθαι δυᾶν. Weil observes that B. seems here to conceive the embassy as occurring in the middle .- of the war, and not before its com- mencement. Rather, I think, he is following the Κύπρια, which must have been his chief authority. According to the summary of that epic given by Proclus in his Χρηστομάθεια, two battles between Greeks and Trojans occurred soon after the landing of the invaders, and de/ore the embassy. In the first encounter the Trojans were victorious; in the second, they were defeated. 47 Μοῦσα, τίς mparos...; in the epic style (//. ε. 8 etc.). Pind. P. Iv. 70 τίς yap ἀρχὰ δέξατο ναυτιλίας ; —Adyev... δικαίων, ‘righteous pleas’ for the restora- tion of Helen.—The ms. places ἄρχεν before λόγων: cp. IX. 19D. 48 ID\ac@evidas. According to a post-Homeric genealogy of the Pelopidae, the father of Agamemnon and Menelaus 366 BAKXYAIAOY [XIV 7 φθέγξατ᾽, εὐπέπλοισι κοινώσας Xapicow’* ἀντ.γ΄. 59 I ὧὦ Τρῶες ἀρηΐφιλοι, 3 Ζεὺς ὑψιμέδων, ὃς ἅπαντα δέρκεται, οὐκ αἴτιος θνατοῖς μεγάλων ἀχέων, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν μέσῳ κεῖται κιχεῖν πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις Δίκαν ἰθεῖαν, ἁγνᾶς Εὐνομίας ἀκόλουθον καὶ πινυτᾶς Θέμιτος" 7 ὀλβίων παῖδές νιν αἱρεῦνται σύνοικον. ao w ~ Ww 55 ‘ Ἂ ε 3 27 , es} ΄ ἐπ. γ. τἃἁ δ᾽ αἰόλοις κέρδεσσι καὶ ἀφροσύναις > ’ ’ὔ > > ἈΝ 2 earrtous θάλλουσ᾽ ἀθαμβὴς 9: TBpis, ἃ πλ[οῦτον] δύναμίν τε θοῶς 60 4 ἀλλότριον ὦπασεν, αὖτις 5 δ᾽ ἐς βαθὺν πέμπει φθόρον, 6 κείνα καὶ ὑπερφιάλους γ Γᾶς παῖδας ὠὦλεσσεν Τίγαντας. 50--56 These seven verses are quoted by Clem. Alex. Strom. V. 731, without the poet’s name (ὁ λυρικός φησι). Sylburg and Boeckh rightly gave them to B., though for a wrong reason, viz. because B. had made Cassandra predict the fall of Troy (Porphyrion on Hor. C. 1. 15, and schol. Statius 7%. VII. 330): Bergk* fr. 29. Clement supplies the defects of our MS. in 51—53. 54 Δίκαν ἰθεῖαν] ΔΙΚΑΛΗΘΗΑΝ (AH instead of NI) A: A’ wrote NI above, and altered the second was not Atreus, but his son Pleisthenes. This occurs first in Stesichorus fr. 42, where Agamemnon is βασιλεὺς Πλεισ- Gevidas. Aesch. Agam. 1602 πᾶν τὸ Πλεισθένους γένος: td. 1569 δαίμονι τῷ Πλεισθενιδᾶν. In θελξιεπεῖ the second part of the compound denotes the θέλκτρον (and not, as in @edélvoos, the object): cp. Apigr. Gr. 1053 θελξιμελὴς.. φόρμμγξ. 49 κοινώσας Χάρισσιν, having taken counsel of the Graces, z.e. happily in- spired by them. The object of κοινώσας is left to be understood from the context : it is φθέγματα, λόγον, or the like, suggested by φθέγξατο. (Jurenka, less well, supplies γᾶρυν.) In Pind. 20. Iv. 115 the object is expressed, νυκτὲ κοινάσαντες ὁδόν (‘when Night alone knew the secret of their way’). The use of the middle voice, however, illustrates the ellipse here. The full phrase is κοινοῦσθαί τινί τι, ‘to con- sult one about a thing’ (Xen. ZH, vil. 1. 27 τῷ μὲν θεῷ οὐδὲν ἐκοινώσαντο, .. αὐτοὶ δὲ ἐβουλεύοντο) : but κοινοῦσθαί τινι (without an acc.) also occurs (Xen. Ax. ν. 6. 27). —The Charites gave eloquence no less than song; thus an epigram (Ath. VII. 416) describes a poet who was also an orator as τὸν σὺν "Ἔρωτι | καὶ Μούσαις κεράσαντ᾽ ἡδυλόγους Χάριτας. 50—56 Clement’s citation of these verses (cr. n.) is introduced by the words, κακῶν yap ὁ θεὸς οὔποτε αἴτιος. 52 οὐκ αἴτιος : cp. the words of Zeus to the gods (Od. τ. 32), ὦ πόποι, οἷον δή νυ θεοὺς βροτοὶ αἰτιόωνται" | ἐξ ἡμέων γάρ φασι κάκ᾽ ἔμμεναι" οἱ δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ | σφῇσιν ἀτασθαλίῃσιν ὑπὲρ μόρον ἄλγε᾽ ἔχουσιν. Eur. fr. 254 πόλλ᾽, ὦ τέκνον, σφάλλουσιν ἀνθρώπους θεοί.---τὸ ῥᾷστον εἶπας, αἰτιά- σασθαι θεούς. 53—55 ἐν μέσῳ κεῖται, it is ‘open to all men,’—like a prize proposed in a competition for which all may enter. Dem. or. 4 ὃ 5 ἦθλα τοῦ πολέμου κείμενα ἐν μέσῳ: Cp. the fragment in Clem. Alex. Strom. 5. 654 (Bergk* adesp. 86 B), οὐ γὰρ ἐν μέσοισι κεῖται | δῶρα δυσμάχητα Μοισᾶν | τὠπιτυχόντι φέρειν. --- κιχεῖν, ‘reach,’ ‘attain to,’as toa goal. Hesiod (Op. 289 ff.) and Simonides (fr. 58) place ᾿Αρετή on a height which men must climb with toil,—Atxayv ietay ‘straightforward τ a ΘΝ εξ i XIV] AIOYPAMBOI 367 counselled of the fair-robed Graces: ‘Warriors of Troy, Zeus, who rules on high and beholds all ant. 3. things, is not the author of grievous woes for mortals. No, open before all men is the path that leads to unswerving Justice, attendant of holy Eunomia and prudent Themis: happy the land whose sons take her to dwell with them. ‘But Insolence,—the spirit, void of reverence, who luxuriates epode 3. in shifty wiles and illicit follies—who swiftly gives a man his neighbour's wealth and power, but anon plunges him into a gulf of ruin,—she it was who destroyed the Giants, overweening sons of Earth...’ H to ΕἸ.---Δέκαν ὁσίαν Clem.—ayvas] ἁγνὰν Clem. : corrected conjecturally by Bergk. 55 ἀκόλουθον omitted by A: added above line by A*.—@éucros] Θέμιδος Clem. : corr. Bergk. σύνοικον] CTNAIKON A: corr. 43, Palmer. XII. 131 (Mar. 1898).—o¢’ conj. Platt. 56 viv] ὦ vw Clem.: ὦ deleted by Neue.—aipeiyra:] εὑρόντες Clem. — 57 κέρδεσσι Blass: ψεύδεσσι K. (Palmer): the traces before AECCI seem to suit the former best. 59 aJ.: ἁ Κι.---πλοῦτον 61 δ᾽] The slight traces before EC suit A’, as I noted in Class. Rev. 63 ὥλεσσεν K.: QAECEN Ms. Justice (v. 6 εὐθύδικος) : contrast Hes. Op. 219 σκολιῇσι δίκῃσι. Justice is “ at- tendant on holy Eunomia and prudent Themis’: 2.6. justice as between men is secured by good laws administered in a righteous spirit. δΔέκη guards the rela- tive rights derived from a principle of Right, Θέμις. Hence Themis was called the mother of Eunomia and Dike: see n. on XII. 182—186. 56 ὀλβίων παῖδες : /7. 6. 127 δυστή- νων δέ τε παῖδες ἐμῷ μένει ἀντιόωσιν. --- σύνοικον : Soph. Azz. 451 οὐδ᾽ ἡ σύνοικος τῶν κάτω θεῶν Δίκη. Smyth refers to Ariphron (of Sicyon, c. 410 B.C.?), fr. of a paean to Ὑγίεια (Bergk* 111. p. 596), σὺ δέ μοι πρόφρων σύνοικος εἴης. 57—63 In ν. 59 we should read ἃ πλοῦτον, not ἃ. Two views of the con- struction are possible: I prefer the first. (1) Place a comma only after φθόρον, when κείνα will serve merely to resume the subject Ὕβρις : ‘ Insolence, ...who enriches and then ruins men,—she too it was who destroyed the Giants.’ (2) A colon or full stop — stand after φθόρον. The δ᾽ after αὖτις would then bring in the apodosis. ‘ Insolence,... who enriches men,...then presently (αὖτις δὲ) ruins them. She too it was,’ etc. For this use of δέ, cp. 71. 5. 438 GAN ὅτε δὴ τὸ τέταρτον ἐπέσσυτο δαίμονι ἴσος, | δεινὰ δ᾽ ὁμοκλήσας προσέφη ἑκάεργος ᾽᾿Απόλλων : and Thuc. I. 11 ὃ 1 ἐπειδὴ δὲ... ἐκράτησαν, φαίνονται δ᾽ κιτ.λ. 57 £. αἰόλοις, ‘shifty’: Pind. Λ΄ vii. 25 αἰόλῳ ψεύδει.---κέρδεσσι, ‘wiles’: 11. 23. 709 κέρδεα εἰδώς : Pind. P. I. 912 εὐτραπέλοις κέρδεσι.---ἐξαισίοις, exceed- ing αἶσα, breaking the bounds set for mortals : ‘illicit,’ ‘lawless’: Od. 4. 690 ῥέξας ἐξαίσιον. In a ύναις ἑξαισίοις there is a reference to Paris, led by his mad passion to sin against Zeus Xenios. --αἀθαμβής, devoid_of awe, reverencing nothing: cp. ἀναιδής. Ibycus fr. 1 ("Epws) ἄσσων παρὰ Κύπριδος ἀζαλέαις μανίαισιν ἐρεμνὸς ἀθαμβής. Phrynichus fr. 2 σῶμα δ᾽ ἀθαμβὲς γυιοδόνητον. Plut. Lyc. 16 βρέφη . . ἀθαμβῆ σκότου (‘unawed by’). 61 δ᾽ és: for δέ as first word of the verse, cp. XVI. 13, Pind. P. Iv. 180. 62 ΣΦ. ὑπερφιάλους : here in the bad sense, ‘ overweening’: see on X. 78. Tas παῖδας... Γίγαντας. The Γίγαντες, who are unknown to the //ad, appear in the Odyssey as a ‘haughty’ race (ὑπερθύμοισι), ruled by Eurymedon (an ancestor of the Phaeacian king Alcinous): ‘he destroyed his infatuate folk (λαὸν ἀτάσθαλον), and was himself destroyed’ (Od. 7. 60),— how, we are not told. The Odyssey says nothing of a Giants’ War with gods. Neither does the Zeogony, though it describes the Giants as the fierce sons of Gaia, τεύχεσι λαμπομένους, δολέχ᾽ ἔγχεα χερσὶν ἔχοντας (185 f.). Here, however, B. must be alluding to their war against the Olympians. Xenophanes refers to an vow 368 BAKXYMAOY [xv XV. [XVI] [HPAKAHC] Rh Pees στρ. I Πυθίου [en εἶμ᾽. ἐπεὶ ΤᾺ δι 3 ν ; ) w εἰ 2 OAK Ἰάδ᾽ ἔπεμψεν ἐμοὶ χρυσέαν 2 3 Πιερ |tadel v év6 |povos Οὐρανία, 4 πολυφ dre γέμουσαν ὕμνων 5 ἐς θεόν," εἴτ᾽ ap ἐπ᾽ ἀνθεμόεντι Ἕβρῳ >= ΥΡη, έν » παν. The title [HPAKAHC] is conjecturally supplied by K. The left margin of the papyrus, in which it may have stood, has been torn off. The rent begins at XIV. 61, and extends to the bottom of the column (xv. 8), being widest in Xv. 4—8. 1 The letter before OT is either I, or a letter ending with an upright stroke, such as N. The space before OT would not suffice for more than 4 letters, even if one of them was thin. The space between ov and ἐπεὶ corresponds to 4 letters (AACQ) in the line above (Χιν. 63), and again to 4 (EIIEM) in v. 2: but there would be room for 5, if one or more were thin (as B, I). the third, which Blass makes Ὁ, a (as out: the second may have Leen II or I: Kenyon agrees) equally well be E. Hence Πυθίου & ἄγ᾽ οἵμ᾽ (Blass), or ἔπ᾽ εἶμ᾽ But Λαός μου ἄκον᾽ (Crusius) requires too much space before ov: possible. The first letter after OT is torn ), is while πᾶς this, fr. 1. 21 μάχας διέπειν Τιτήνων οὐδὲ Γιγάντων : but the earliest source for a definite myth is Pindar J. 1. 67 f. ὅτάν θεοὶ ἐν πεδίῳ Φλέγρας Γιγάντεσσιν μάχαν | ἀντιάζωσιν : Heracles fought on the gods’ side. This Phlegra was identified with the isthmus of Pallene (Her. vil. 123). The ΤΓιγαντομαχία was a sequel to the Tiravouaxla: Earth brought forth the Giants to avenge the Titans (Claudian Gigantom. 2 Titanum...crebros miserata dolores). Zeus was Γιγαντολέτωρ (Lucian Timon 4), and Athena Τιγαντολέτειρα (Suidas s.v.). The Giant-saga was a product of local folk-lore rather than a poetic creation, being associated with places where volcanic forces were or had been active: eruptions and earthquakes were ascribed to δαίμονες imprisoned under ground. The Ivyavrouaxia often supplied motives to vase-painting and to sculpture, as on the pediment of the Megarian thesaurus at Olympia (Paus. 6. 19. 3), the metopes of Selinus, and the metopes of the Parthenon. The ancients took γίγας as = ‘earth- born’ (Ztym. M., Eustath. on 71. 4. 159, Ρ- 1490. 19) ; a derivation which Lobeck sought to support by assuming yis ἃ5 Ξε γῆ. G. Curtius (I. p. 204) refers the word to rt γα (ye-ya-ws), yt-ya(v7)-s: and Schwenck (ap. Roscher p. 1653) regards γι as a re- duplication. The primary sense might then be merely, ‘of mighty growth’; as Hesych. explains γίγας by μέγας, ἰσχυρός, ὑπερφυής. At any rate no awkward tau- tology was felt in such a phrase as Tas παῖδες Viyayres, or γηγενὴς | στρατὸς Γιγάντων (Soph. 77. 1058 f.). νυ. 1—12 On the text of this passage see Appendix. 1—4 [Πυθίου ἔπ᾽ εἶμ᾽. At Delphi during the three winter months, when Apollo was supposed to be absent, the cult of Dionysus was in the foreground, and dithyrambs took the place of paeans (Plut. περὶ rod E τοῦ ἐν Δελφοῖς, ς, 9). This ode seems to be ἃ dithyramb written for performance at Delphi, probably to- wards the end of winter. The πολύφατοι ὕμνοι which Urania has sent to the poet must be such as suited the Pythian cult. There is perhaps a special reference to hymns of the kind called κλητικοί, by which Apollo would be invited to return from the north to Delphi. Menander of Laodicea (c. 200 A.D. ὃ), in his Περὲ ἐπιδεικτικῶν c. 2 (Walz Rhet. 1X. p. 132), mentions Bacchylides as a writer of the kindred class called ἀποπεμπτικοί, hymns by which a god was sped on his journey. Thus the poet says, in effect :—‘I will repair to Apollo’s temple, for the Muse xv] AIOYPAMBOI 369 XV. [XVI.] HERACLES. I will go towards the temple of Pytho’s lord, since fair- str. throned Urania has sent me from Pieria a golden argosy freighted with songs of fame [concerning the god],—whether, on the flowery banks of Hebrus, μου τις ἄκον᾽ (Jurenka) inserts too much between ov and ἐπεί. 2 ὁλκάδ᾽ Sandys. 8 Πιερίαθεν Blass: é0@povos J. (C/ass. R. ΧΙ. 132), and now Blass (who first proposed ἐπὶ dpévas). 4 The space before -άτων suffices for 5 letters. πολυφάτων K.: see comment. 5—8 For the conjectural supplements see Appendix. 5 At a distance of about six letters from the beginning of the verse, E is clear. The letter before it was probably N. The right-hand vertical stroke is traceable; also a spot of ink in a position which would correspond with the middle of the cross-stroke. A space of about 6 letters separates this E from ἀνθεμόεντι "EBpoft. The letters after E seem to have been IT (or IT). The next (4?) letters are uncertain. Blass gives εἴτ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ἐπ᾽, and there is nothing in the traces which excludes this.—Between ἀνθεμόεντι and Ἕβρωι Blass inserts που. has given me themes meet for this season at Delphi.’ Cp. fr. 11 (οὐχ ἕδρας κ.τ.λ.), the beginning of a ὑπόρχημα: ‘’Tis no time for sitting still or tarryihg; we must go to the rich temple of Itonia with golden aegis, and show forth some choice strain.’—IIv@iov, neut.: ἐπί with gen., ‘towards’ (Her. Iv. 14 ἰόντι ἐπὶ Κυΐξ- κου). 2 ὁλκάδ᾽. Poets not seldom compare themselves to voyagers (Pind. P. 11. 62, Verg. G. Iv. 116 ff., etc.) ; and Pindar says of an ode, τόδε μὲν κατὰ Φοίνισσαν ἐμπο- Adv | μέλος ὑπὲρ πολιᾶς ἁλὸς πέμπεται (P. 1. 67). But the image used here,—that of an argosy sent by the Muse,—is novel. The word ὁλκάς is used by Pindar with reference to his song, but in a wholly different context: his work is not fixed in one place, like a statue, but is to go forth from Aegina ἐπὶ πάσας ὁλκάδος ἔν 7 ἀκάτῳ, ‘on every ship of burden and in every boat.’ ὁλκάς there is not figurative but literal— xpvoéav with v, as in Ix..6. 8. Πιερίαθεν] Pieria, a narrow district in the s.w. corner of Macedonia on the w. coast of the Thermaic Gulf, between the Peneius and the Haliacmon. It was the cradle of a primitive poetry linked with a cult of the Muses (‘Pierides’), and was the legendary birthplace of Orpheus.—Ovpavia: see v. 176 n. 4 πολυφάτων seems probable (Pind. O. τ. 8 ὁ πολύφατος ὕμνος : LV. VII. 81 8: πολύφατον θρόον ὕμνων). After Οὐρανία, a word beginning with a consonant is wanted, since in the corresponding vv., 15 and 16, the division of φῶθ᾽ between the two verses shows synaphea. δ About six letters, of which the last ~ was probably N, formed the dactyl lost before εἴτ᾽. I suggest és θεόν, to go with ὕμνων, hymns ‘relating to the god.’ Such would be (4...) ὕμνοι κλητικοί, praying him to return (see on 1—4). A reference to Apollo is not indispensable here, since the subject to ἀγάλλεται in v. 6 might be Πύθιος, supplied from Πυθίου (v. 1); but it is desirable. εἴτ᾽, followed by ἢ, as in Eur. 7. 7. 272f. εἴτ᾽ οὖν ἐπ᾿ ἀκταῖς θάσσετον Διοσ- κόρω, | ἣ Νηρέως ἀγάλμαθ᾽ : conversely h...etre in Soph. Az. 177 f., Eur. Ale. 114. —"EBpw: now the Maritza. It rises in the N.w. of Thrace, s. of the Haemus range, and flows into the Aegean: the broad mountain wilds of Rhodope (Despot Planina) lie s.w. of its upper course, ἀνθεμόεντι: a purely conventional epithet (cp. 34 ῥοδόεντι, and XVIII. 39f.). Classical poets more often associate the Hebrus with wintry cold (Theocr. vil. 110, Verg. Aen. XU. 331, Hor. EZpist. τ. xvi- 13)- Alcaeus was our poet’s authority for naming the Hebrus in connexion with Apollo’snorthern ἀποδημία. Schol.Theocr. l.c., ᾿Αλκαῖός φησιν ὅτι “EBpos κάλλιστος ποταμῶν: this occurred no doubt in his hymn (of which Himerius or. XIV. 10 25 370 font co nN Col. 32» ἄνθεα medouxvelr, τὸ Πύθι Λπολλον, Ir τόσα χοροὶ Δελφῶν ΒΑΚΧΥΛΙΔΟΥ [XV θηρσὶν ἀγάλλεται ἢ δολιχαύχενι κύκνῳ, ὀπὶ ἁ [Beig φρένα τερπόμενος, μέχρι vdava |S ἵκῃ παιηόνων τού veal ef +e Ν / > > ’ ’ὔ 2 σὸν κελάδησαν παρ᾽ ἀγακλέα ναόν. ἀντ. : πρίν ye κλέομεν λιπεῖν 2 Οἰχαλίαν πυρὶ δαπτομέναν 15 nn Φ ὦ ᾿Αμφιτρυωνιάδαν θρασυμηδέα po- θ᾽, ἵκετο δ᾽ ἀμφικύμον᾽ axrav: ἔνθ᾽ ἀπὸ λαΐδος εὐρυνεφεῖ Κηναίῳ Ζηνὶ θύεν βαρναχέας ἐννέα ταύρους 6 S Before AJTAAAETAT there is room for 6 letters, if at least two of them were thin (as B, E, ©, I, or C).—The letter after ἀγάλλεται is H (ἢ), not H (9 K.). 7 After AEIA there has been an erasure. Blass thinks that the scribe wrote I, that a corrector cancelled it, and that finally it was made into N.—What now stands there looks like N with a line drawn through it. for more than four letters, of which one at least must have been thin. Before [AJAEIA(I) there cannot have been room 8 παιηόνων gives a brief abstract in prose) describing Apollo’s visit to the Hyperboreans. Aris- tophanes, too, may have had Alcaeus in mind, Av. 772 ff.: τοιάδε κύκνοι... | ξυμ- mya βοὰν ὁμοῦ | πτεροῖς κρέκοντες: ἴακχον ᾿Απόλλω,... | ὄχθῳ ἐφεζόμενοι παρ᾽ Ἕβρον ποταμόν. In ἀνθεμόεντι "EBpw (4~ - -2.--- -) the hiatus is excused by the aspirate. In εὐρυνεφεῖ Kynvalw (v. 17) --- -- -- is substi- tuted for +~--. 6 I suggest Sind 3 as ἃ possible supplement. In the passage of the Aves just quoted, the φῦλα... ποικίλα θηρῶν are mentioned (777). Asto Apollo ¢he hunter, often associated with Artemis Agrotera, see Aesch. fr. 200 ἀγρεὺς δ᾽ ᾿Απόλλων ὀρθὸν ἰθύνοι βέλος: Soph. O. C. τορι Tov ἀγρευτὰν ᾿Απόλλω: the Xenophontic Cynegeticus I, §1 τὸ μὲν εὕρημα θεῶν, ᾿Απόλλωνος καὶ Ἀρτέμιδος, ἄγραι καὶ κύνες: τό. 6. 13 (the hunter should pray) τῷ ᾿Απόλλωνι καὶ ᾿Αρτέμιδι τῇ Ayporépa μετα- δοῦναι τῆς θήρας. At Megara there was a temple dedicated to “Apremus ’ Ayporépa and ᾿Απόλλων ᾿Αγραῖος (Paus. I. 41. 3). —kixv : the swan was sacred to Apollo, being probably a symbol of the spring-god. A chariot drawn by swans was the gift of Zeus to him (Alcaeus fr. 2). 7 ἁδεΐᾳ : there is no other example of diaeresis in this word; but it is certain here. 8 f. The lacuna in the Ms. before δ᾽ ἵκῃ could not hold more than six letters. But the scansion required for the lost syllables is -~-—-~ (cp. v. 20). To find six letters which shall give that metre, and also fit the sense, seems impossible. The corresponding syllables in ν. 20 contain thirteen letters. The hypothesis that syllables belonging to ν. 8 had been wrongly attached to v. 7 is excluded by the space in the Ms. after τερπόμενος. It seems, then, almost certain that the text of the papyrus was defective here. A defect may have existed in the Ms. which the scribe copied ; or, as is perhaps more likely, he inadvertently omitted something. He did so not infrequently ; thus in v. 12 he left out the letters ya of ἀγακλέα, and in XIV. 55 the word ἀκόλουθον. I suggest μέχρι I[v0avdd ten. The last syllable (-vos) of v. 7 must be long, and therefore, as there is synaphea (cp. rg f.), v. 8 must begin with a consonant. For μέχρι with a simple subjunctive, cp. Her. Iv. 110, Thue. I. 137 §2: for the é, Ar. Vesp. Zoo. —See Ap ppendix. TIv@avas’ (Πυθόαδ᾽ Blass, see Ap- pendix) : cp. Pind. O. vi. 37 Πυθῶνάδ᾽.. ᾧχετ᾽ ἰών: IX. 12 ἵει γλυκὺν Πυθῶνάδ᾽ xv] AIOYPAMBO! 371 he is taking his joy [in the chase], or in swan with slender neck, charmed in soul by its sweet voice ;—{until,] O Pythian Apollo, thou returnest [to Pytho], to seek those flowers of song, those many paeans, which choruses of Delphians are wont to uplift at thy glorious shrine. Meanwhile, we sing how Amphitryon’s son, the adventurous hero, left Oechalia a prey to fire: then came he to the sea- washed cape, where he was to offer from his spoil nine bellowing bulls to Cenaean Zeus, lord of far-spread clouds, (Wilamowitz, Desrousseaux) is certain: in the Ms. the top of the II has been effaced. The letters before παιηόνων are IKHI (of H only 11 remains). The letter before IKHI must have been A or A. The space between A and the beginning of the verse may just have held 6 letters (if one at least was thin), but not more. 12 ἀγακλέα] AKABA A: γα added above line by A’. TOCCA Ms. κλεέμεν (inf.) Blass. 11 τόσα K.: 18 κλέομεν] ὀϊστόν.---παιηόνων ἄνθεα : Pind. O. 1Χ. 48 ἄνθεα δ᾽ ὕμνων νεωτέρων. --- πεδοιχνεῖν, infin. of purpose after ἵκῃ (cp. Thuc. νἹ. 50 ὃ 4 δέκα τῶν νεῶν προὔπεμψαν... κατα- σκέψασθαι). The Aeolic πεδ- does not occur elsewhere in B.: was he influenced here by a reminiscence of Alcaeus? (See on Vv. 5.) 11lf. τόσα, relative; a rare use (I. 37 n.), admitted here, perhaps, to avoid a syllaba anceps at the end of v. τὸ (cp. vy. 22, ending with βοῦν).---κελάδησαν, gnomic aor. 13 πρίν ye κλέομεν. The meaning of πρίν is shown by the preceding verses (8—12), which speak of Apollo’s return (in spring) to Delphi. πρίν is the adverb. ‘Before (that moment)’—7.e. ‘Ere thou comest,’—while Delphi yet awaits thee, and it is still the season of dithyrambs,— ‘we sing how Heracles left Oechalia,’ etc. The emphasis given by ye is thus appropriate.—For € before KA, cp. III. 3, Vil. 9 f., XVI. 127 f. 14 Οἰχαλίαν, the city of Eurytus father of Iole. The Euboean Oechalia was placed by legend in the territory of Eretria (Hecataeus af. Paus. 4. 2. 3: Strabo. το, p. 448). After sacking Oechalia, Heracles marched some fifty miles N.W. to Κήναιον, the ἀμφικύμων ἀκτά οἵ v. 16. This promontory (now Cape» Lithada) forms the end of a peninsula which runs out westward, at the N.W. extremity of Euboea, towards the mouth of the Malian Gulf. Zeus Κήναιος was worshipped on the hill-tops near it: Aesch. fr. 29 EvSotéa κάμπτων ἀμφὶ Κηναίου Διὸς | ἀκτήν : Soph. 77 238. Αἰ Cenaeum Heracles prepared sacri- fices to Zeus from the spoils of Oechalia. But meanwhile he had sent Iole, in charge of his herald Lichas, to his home at Trachis. Deianeira, seeing that she had a rival, then resolved to use the ‘philtre’ given her by Nessus. The fatal χιτών, steeped in it, was brought by Lichas to Heracles at the moment when he was about to begin the sacrifice; and he put it on. As soon as the flames blazed up on the altar at which he stood, the tunic became glued to his flesh, and ‘the venom began to devour him’ (Soph. Tr. 771): he was carried across the strait to Mount Oeta, and there, by his own command, burned on a pyre. 15 2. ᾿Αμφιτρνυωνιάδαν : v. 156 n.— ἵκετο with ἵ (cp. v. 4), as in //. 13. 837, 19. 115.---ὠὠΟἮῸἨΙἈμφικύμον᾽ ἀκτάν : Soph. 77. 752 ἀκτή τις ἀμφίκλυστος : the only point which distinctly suggests that these verses were in the mind of Sophocles when he wrote 77. 750—762. The epithets were, however, obvious. The epic Οἰχαλίας ἅλωσις, attributed to Creophylus of Samos, must have been one of the sources from which Sophocles derived his material, and may have been also used by B. This would suffice to account for a general resemblance between our passage and that in the 7rachiniae. As to the details of the sacrifice, those given in vv. 18—20 differ from 77. 760—762. It would be gratuitous to assume that μέλλοντι... τεύχειν in 77. 756 was imitated from θύεν... ε here, or λείας ἀπαρχὴν 7b. 761 from ἀπὸ λαΐδος. 17 1. Κηναίῳ: π. on 14. --ο-θύεν, 25—2 ant. 372 7 δύο τ᾽ ὀρσιάλῳ δαμασίχθονι μέλ- λε κόρᾳ τ᾽ ὀβριμοδερκεῖ alvya 20 8 9 παρθένῳ ᾿Αθάνᾳ ὑψικέραν βοῦν. τότ᾽ ἄμαχος I ο I " ΒΑΚΧΥΛΙΔΟΥ δαίμων [Xv 1 Δαϊανείρᾳ πολύδακρυν ὕφανε Lal 25 τ μῆτιν ἐπίφρον᾽, no wr WwW 30 on Ὁ ὕστερον ἐρχομένων, ἐπεὶ πύθετ᾽ ἀγγελίαν ταλαπενθέα, 3τ 7 4 4 Ιόλαν ὅτι λευκώλενον Διὸς υἱὸς ἀταρβομάχας + Ν Ν / 4 ἄλοχον λιπαρὸν moti δόμον πέμποι. ἃ δύσμορος, ἃ τάλαιν᾽, ’ὔ 3 ’ 3 ’ φθόνος εὐρυβίας νιν ἀπώλεσεν, δνόφεόν τε κάλυμμα τῶν e > / οἷον ἐμήσατο" 5 ᾿ ον ε /, / 1 ὅτ᾽ ἐπὶ ῥοδόεντι Λυκόρμᾳ ’ , , ’ ᾽ὔ 351 δέξατο Νέσσου πάρα δαιμόνιον τέρ[ας. 20 ΚΟΡΑΙΔ A: T written above A (by A??). 24 AAIANEIPA A: I added by al. 22 ὑψικέραν sic MS. 29 λιπαρὸν] λιπαρὰν Platt (cp. Vv. 169). Doric inf.; cp. ἐρύκεν XVI. 41, ἔσχεν 88: φυλάσσεν XVIII. 25.— ε with pres.: Ill. 30n. 19 Neither epithet for Poseidon oc- curs elsewhere. δαμασίχθονι, ‘earth- subduing,’ having earth in his power; as he is able to upheave it with his τρίαινα: the notion is the same, then, as in σεισίχθων, ἐννοσίγαιος. From another point of view he is γαιηόχος, ‘earth-encircling’ (or perhaps ‘earth- upholding,’ as though it rested on his waters). 20 ὀβριμοδερκεῖ (only here), ‘of fierce aspect’ (cp. ὀβριμοεργός, the notion of strong’ passing into that of ‘violent’). So it is said of her in //. 1. 199, dew δέ of ὄσσε φάανθεν: Soph. Az. 450 ἡ Διὸς yopy@ms ἀδάματος θεά (yopy. also in fr. 760. 2). The attribute of flashing eyes suits her as a war-goddess (περσέ- mods etc.), but really points to her older meaning as a weather-daimon, the Athena who springs armed from the head of Zeus (the lightning that splits the storm-cloud). —The hiatus is unobjectionable, since the syllable before ἄζυγα, though corre- sponding with one which is long in v. 8, might equally well be short. (The γ᾽ which Blass adds after ὀβριμοδερκεῖ is undesirable.) ἄζυγα: so, in the sacrifice to Athena prescribed by Helenus (7. 6. 94), the oxen are to be ἠκέστας, such as ‘have not felt the goad.’ 22 ὑψικέραν (like καλλικέραν in XVIII. 24), as if from a fem. nomin. ὑψικέρα. If it were contracted from -κεράαν, the accent should be -κερᾶν. Pindar fr. 325 has ὑψικέρατα πέτραν, as if from a nomin. ὑψίκερας. ὩΣ τότ᾽ refers to the time denoted by . μέλλε, when Heracles, having cates Cenaeum, ‘was intending to sacrifice.’ It was from Cenaeum that he sent Lichas with Iole to Trachis, and then Deianeira made her plan. Thus τότε, though not clear, is correct. In xv] AlOYPAMBOI 373 and twain to the god who rouses the sea and shakes the earth: also a high-horned ox, untouched by the yoke, to the maiden with the flashing eyes, the virgin Athena. Then it was that the God with whom none may strive wove for Detaneira a shrewd device, fraught with sorrow; when she learned the bitter tidings that the dauntless son of Zeus was sending to his goodly house the white-armed Iole, his bride. Il-fated, hapless one, what a plan did she conceive! Potent jealousy was her bane, and that dark veil which hid the future when, on the rose-clad banks of Lycormas, she received from Nessus his fateful gift of wondrous power. 32 ANO®PEON Ms.: δνοφερόν K. corr. Ludwich and Wilamowitz. 34 ἘΠῚ ΠΟΤΑΜΩ. POAOENTI ms.: 35 ΠΑΡ A: a added above line by A‘. 7 Tr. 756 wéddovre (unlike μέλλε here) refers to the moment just before the sacrifice—when Lichas returned with Deianeira’s gift. ἄμαχος δαίμων, irresistible Destiny. (Jurenka, less well, I think, understands’ the φθόνος εὐρυβίας of v. 31, where he prints Φθόνος.) 25 μῆτιν ἐπίφρον᾽, the ‘shrewd de- vice’ that was to work woe. ἐπίφρων ΞΞ fin possession of φρήν᾽ (cp. ἐπίτιμος) : in Od. 19. 325 f. Penelope says, εἴ τι γυναικῶν [ἀλλάων περίειμι voov καὶ ἐπί- gpova μῆτιν. Cp. 23. 12 (the gods have power) ἄφρονα ποιῆσαι καὶ ἐπίφρονά περ μάλ᾽ ἐόντα. In Soph. 77. 554 Deianeira speaks of her plan as λυτήριον, and the Chorus say (589) δοκεῖς map’ ἡμῖν οὐ βεβουλεῦσθαι κακῶς. 26 ταλαπενθέα, here merely Ξε ‘griev- ous,’ ‘cruel’: but cp. Vv. 157. 28 f. ἀταρβομάχας, a word peculiar to B., like ἀδεισιβόας (V. 155 etc.).— ἄλοχον... πέμποι, was sending her (to be) his bride. In Soph. 77. 365, where Lichas speaks with Deianeira, Heracles is described as sending Iole ‘in no care- less fashion,’—déuous ws τούσδε πέμπων οὐκ ἀφροντίστως, γύναι, οὐδ᾽ ὥστε δού- dnv.—lt is safer to keep the λιπαρὸν of the MS. as a conventional epithet of δόμον (‘opulent’ or ‘stately’). It may serve to suggest a contrast with Iole’s own home, a prey to sword and fire (v. 14). λιπαρὰν (cp. V. 169) would be unsuitable here. 80 τάλαιν᾽ gives the more probable metre, and is confirmed by the space in the Ms. between A and N. (So far as the form is concerned, τάλαν could stand: it is fem. in Ar. Zec/. 124, etc.) 32 Svddeov is supported by Hesych. δνοφέῃ" σκοτεινῇ. Nicander Alex, 501 ζοφέη νύξ. 84 ὅτ᾽ ὅτε is relative to the moment implied in κάλυμμα: ‘the veil which rested on the future’ at the time when she received the gift: ra ἐρχόμενα ἐκαλύπ- Tero ὅτε ἐδέξατο K.T.\.—Before 6 the papyrus has ποταμῷ, which mars epode. the metre, and was evidently a gloss - on Λυκόρμᾳ. For the epithet cp. v. 5 ἀνθεμόεντι. Avxéppaq, the older name of the Evenus (Fidhari), which rises in the Oeta-range, and flows through Aetolia tothe Corinthian Gulf. Strabo 7. 327: ὁ Εὔηνος, ὁ Λυκόρμας πρότερον καλούμενος. Tozer (Geo. of Greece, p- 96) describes it as ‘one of the fiercest and most treacherous torrents in Greece.’ Avxépuas expressed the ‘wolf-like rush’ of its waters. 35 tépas: a term applied in //. 5. 742 to the Τοργείη κεφαλή of Athena’s aegis, and in Pind. O. ΧΙ. 73 to the golden χαλινός given by Athena to Bellerophon. 374 BAKXYAIAOY [XVI XVI. [XVIL.] HIOEOI H] @HCEYC ΄ στρ. a, : Κυανόπρῳρα μὲν ναῦς μενέκτυπον , XN ε ’ > > Ν ¥ 2 Θησέα Sis ἑπτά τ᾽ ἀγλαοὺς ἄγουσα a > ’ὕ 3 κούρους Ἰαόνων + Κρητικὸν τάμνε πέλαγος" 5 τηλαυγέϊ γὰρ [ἐν] φάρεϊ 6 βορήϊαι πίτνον αὖραι 7 κλυτᾶς ἕκατι 7 οἸλεμαίγιδος ᾿Αθάνας: Col. 33 8 κνίσεν τε Μίνωϊ κέαρ 9 ἱμεράμπυκος θεᾶς 10 Κύπριδος αἰνὰ Sapa: x χεῖρα δ᾽ οὐκέτι παρθενικᾶς τ ἄτερθ᾽ ἐράτυεν, θίγεν 1.3 δὲ λευκᾶν παρηΐδων" 4 Boaocé τ᾽ Ἔρίβοια χαλκο- νι. The title was added in the left margin, opposite v. 1, by A*: ἴθεοι remains, with @HCETC below it: the rest has been torn off. Before Θησεύς, ἢ is supplied by Blass: καὶ by K. 4 τάμνε K.: TAMNEN Ms. 1 KYANOIIPQPA A: KTANOIIPQIPA Al 6 βορήϊαι] The ~ placed over A in the Ms. meant that the word was nom. plur., not dat. sing. 7 πολεμαίγιδος] XVI. 1 κυανόπρῳρα, contracted from kvavompwerpa (spelt -πρώϊρα in Etym. M. 5. Ὁ. πρῴρα, where the word is ascribed to Simonides). A different form is read in Od. 3. 299, νέας xvavompwpelous.—piv without a following δέϊ: cp. IX. 47, and n. on III. 15 f.—pevéxtutrov (only here), steadfast in the din of battle: cp. Orph. Argon. 541 μενέδουπος ᾿Αθήνη. So peve- δήϊος, μενεπτόλεμος, μενεχάρμας. 2 2. ἀγλαούς, of youthful beauty: cp. 103 f. ἀγλαῶν... «γυίων: V. 154 ἀγλαὰν ἥβαν.---κούρους, the seven youths and seven maidens: ἤθεοι is similarly col- lective in 43, 93, 128.—Iadvev, Athe- nians, as in XVII. 2. 4 Κρητικὸν... πέλαγος, the part of the Aegean south of the Cyclades and north of Crete, often a stormy sea; Soph. 77. 117 πολύπονον ὥσπερ πέλαγος Κρήσιον: Hor. C. 1. 26. 2 f.—The ship is sailing from Athens to Crete; and has left the Cyclades behind. It has the north wind astern, the course being now due south, 5 τηλαυγές. According to Attic legend, the ship had a black sail; but Aegeus, confident that his son would triumph, gave a white one also to the κυβερνήτης, telling him to hoist it on his return, if all had gone well. Simonides varied the story by describing the sail of good omen as ved (φοινίκεον Plut. Thes. 17): τηλαυγέϊ here rather suggests a white sail.—dpei with a, as in Homer and Aesch. Ch. 11 (but ἅ in Soph. 77. 916: cp. 2b. 662). 7 πολεμαίγιδος, ‘with warlike aegis.’ A cup (now in the Louvre) by Euphro- nius, a painter of red-figured vases, shows Theseus received by Amphitrite beneath the sea (vv. 109 ff.): Athena, who stands in the background, has aegis, helmet and spear: see Introd., p. 225. For the compound with πόλεμος, cp. XVI] AlOY PAMBOI 375 XVI. [XVII.] THESEUS OR THE ATHENIAN YOUTHS AND MAIDENS. A dark-prowed ship was cleaving the Cretan sea, bearing str. 1. Theseus, steadfast in the battle din, with seven goodly youths and seven maidens of Athens; for northern breezes fell on the far-gleaming sail, by grace of glorious Athena with warlike aegis. And the heart of Minos was stung by the baneful gifts of the Cyprian goddess with lovely diadem; he could no longer restrain his hand from a maiden, but touched her fair cheeks. Then Eriboea cried aloud πελεμαίγιδος conj. Housman, Headlam, Wackernagel: and so Jurenka. 10 αἰνὰ K. (Jurenka, Smyth): ἁγνὰ Blass? (ἁβρὰ Β].}). J. (K.): MINQ ms. 8 Miwt The faint traces before NA are indecisive: but the letter was either I or a thin Γ. 14 f. βόασέ τ᾿ Blass (who found the letters T’ EP on a small fragment): βόασε 5° K.— λινοϊθώρακα conj. Wilamowitz. (1) Batrachm. 475 Παλλάδα πέμψωμεν πολεμόκλονον : (2) Dionys. De comp. verb. 17 Βρόμιε...πολεμοκέλαδε : (3) schol. Od. 1. 48 πολεμόφρων. For the accent, cp. μελάναιγις in Litym. Magn. 518, 54 (cited by Headlam). In fr. 23 (Bergk), where the MSS. give xpucavyldos (Ἰτωνίας), χρυσαίγιδος should be written.—The in- genious conjecture πελεμαίγιδος would mean ‘aegis-shaking’ (πελεμίζω as= πάλλω). The aegis of Athena, however, is usually depicted as a short cape or mantle, with Gorgon’s head and snaky ringes: she can spread it to the breezes as a sail (Aesch. Zum. 404), but is never described as shaking it like a shield. Sf. κνίσεν (i), ‘stung’: Her. vi. 62 τὸν δὲ ᾿Αρίστωνα ἔκνιζε dpa τῆς γυναικὸς ταύτης ὁ ἔρως: Pind. P. xX. 60 ἔρως ὑπέκνιξε ppévas.— Miyai (——~) is required by metre (cp. 31, 74, 97). That form of the dative occurs in Diod. 5. 79, Aelian Nat. An. 5. 2, Nonnus 7. 361, etc.: but Μίνῳ in [Plat.] Minos 319 C.— B. follows the same account as Hellanicus (Plut. Zhes. 17): Minos came to Athens and himself chose the fourteen victims, whom he is now taking to Crete in an Athenian ship.—tpepdparvwos: cp. Vv. 13 π.: Pind. V. ὙΠ. 15 Μναμοσύνας... λιπαράμπυκος. 10 αἰνὰ δῶρα: she gives desires that work. woe. J/. 24. 30 (Paris) τὴν δ᾽ ἤνησ᾽ (Aphrodite) 7 of πόρε μαχλοσύνην ἀλεγεινήν. Soph. Ant. 791 (of “Epws), σὺ καὶ δικαίων ἀδίκους φρένας παρασπᾷς ἐπὶ λώβᾳ.---Εοτ αἰνὰ the only alternative seems to be ἁγνὰ, which is unsuitable here. (The traces in the Ms. exclude ἁβρὰ, which would otherwise be pos- sible.) In v. 40 the ὕβρις of Minos is πολύστονος. 1lf. ἱκᾶς --παρθένου: as Hes. Op. 699 παρθενικήν. These are rare instances of the sing. used as a subst. (though παρθενικῇ...νεήνιδι occurs in Od. ᾿ 7. 20): but the plural παρθενικαί is frequent (//. 18. 567, Od. 11. 39, Aleman fr. 21, Theocr. XVIII. 2). τυεν, epic (1. 2. 97 épyriov, but 8. 345 ἐρητύοντο with v). 13 For δὲ as first word of the verse, cp. XIV. 61 π.---λευκᾶν, ‘fair,’ as probably in Eur. Med. 923 evxip...... παρηΐδα: though there it might be ‘pale,’ as it certainly is in Soph. Ant. 1239 λευκῇ mapeg (of the dead Antigone). The pallor of fear is expressed by χλωρός. 14 f. ᾿Ἐρίβοια : so Hyginus, Astron. 11. 5: the Frangois amphora (see p. 224) has Ἑρίβοια or ᾿Επίβοι. The wife of Telamon and mother of Ajax is called Eriboea by Pindar (7. v. 45) and Sophocles (4i. 569); but Periboea by Apollod. 3. 12. 7 and Paus. I. 42. I. 376 15 θώρακα Πανδίονος ἴδεν δὲ Θησεύς, μέλαν δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ὀφρύων δίνασεν ὄμμα, maps τέ (F)ou 16 ἔκγονον τ I 7 on BAKXYAIAOY [XVI x9 σχέτλιον ἄμυξεν ἄλγος, 20 εἶρέν τε: Διὸς υἱὲ φερτάτου, 2r ὅσιον οὐκέτι τεᾶν : ἔσω κυβερνᾷς φρενῶν A ’ 23 θυμόν: ἴσχε μεγαλοῦχον ἥρως βίαν. ἄντ. α΄. τ τι μὲν ἐκ θεῶν μοῖρα παγκρατὴς 25 « ἄμμι κατένευσε καὶ Δίκας ῥέπει τά- λαντον, πεπρωμέναν αἶσαν ἐκπλήσομεν, ὅταν ¥ ‘ Ν A , ἔλθῃ: σὺ δὲ βαρεῖαν κάτε- 3 4 5 oe μῆτιν. 99 5 8 > ’ ‘ ει Και τῆν κεδνὰ τέκεν λέχει Διὸς ὑπὸ κρόταφον Ἴδας μιγεῖσα Φοίνικος ἐρα- 9 τώνυμος κόρα βροτῶν 30 εἴἶρεν] εἶπεν conj. Wilamowitz.—geprara’ Wilamowitz, Platt. 25 f. τάϊλαντον. NAC a: «added after A (by A??). 22 KYTBEP- The letters TA were repeated χαλκοθώρακα : B. thinks of the youth- ful Theseus as hero and warrior, wearing the usual armour. (Acc. to Hellanicus, Plut. Zhes. 17, Minos stipulated at Athens that the #@e should go on board wxarmed; but this detail, if it was known to B., is ignored.}—IlavStoves. Pandion, son of Cecrops, was father of Aegeus, the reputed father of Theseus. See on v. 36. 7—19 μέλαν probably refers simply to colour. Smyth renders it ‘sombre,’ ‘indignant,’ remarking that μέλας is seldom (as in Anacreont. 16. 12) an epithet of the eye. See, however, Arist. Anim. Gener. 5 ἃ 34 τὰ δὲ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ὄμματα πολύχροα συμβέβηκεν εἶναι" καὶ yap γλαυκοὶ καὶ χαροποὶ καὶ μελανό- φθαλμοί τινές. εἰσι. ---ὑπ᾽ ὀφρύων, lit., ‘from under...’; cp. XII. 139 f. ὑπαὶ | χει- μῶνος.---δίνασεν, if sound, must be ass δινάω (cp. V. 191 n. on φώνησεν): should have expected δίνησεν, from δινέω: cp. 107 δίνηντο, and V. 2 ἱππο- δινήτων.---Ἔπγ. Or. 837 δινεύων βλεφάροις, ‘wildl rolling his eyes’ (in madness), -σχέτλιον, ‘cruel’; the only instance of the word in B. 20 εἶρεν, imperf. of elpw, as again in 74. This part of elpw occurs nowhere else. B. sought variety, having etwe(v) in 47, 52, 81. ov. As ν. 21: begins with a vowel, it is tempting to read φερτάτοι᾽ : cp. 43f., 86f., 109 f. But if there was no synaphea, φερτάτου could stand. Ἢ 21 2. ὅσιον... κυβερνᾷς, keepest it within the moral law. —Cp. Aesch. Pers. 767 a γὰρ. αὐτοῦ θυμὸν φακοστρόφουν. οὔχον (only here), if sound, means lit. ‘possessing great things’ (μὸ- γαλο + oxos), as a king of wide dominion might be so called; hence ‘lordly,’ and then, in a bad sense, ‘arrogant,’ ‘over- weening.—Kenyon suggested μεγάλ- avxov, which Blass and Jurenka adopt : cp. Pind. P. VIII. 15 Bia δὲ καὶ μεγάλαυχον ἔσφαλεν ἐν χρόνῳ. That word would be fitter if a vaunt had accompanied the act; but Minos has not yet spoken. Further, Hesych. has μεγαλουχία" μεγαλαυχία: ὑψηλοφροσύνη. Headlam, indeed, suggests that the true reading there may be meyadoyxia (a word used by Democritus, Stob. Flor. 103. 25): here, he would read μεγάλαυχον or XVI] ASIOYPAMBOI 377 to Pandion’s grandson with breastplate of bronze; Theseus saw, and wildly rolled his dark eyes beneath his brows, and cruel pain pricked his heart as he spake :— “Ὁ son of peerless Zeus, the spirit in thy breast no longer obeys righteous control ; withhold, hero, thy presumptuous force. ‘Whatever the resistless doom given by the gods has decreed for us, and the scale of Justice inclines to ordain, that appointed fate we will fulfil when it comes. But do thou forbear thy grievous purpose. If the noble daughter of Phoenix, the maiden of gracious fame, taken to the bed of Zeus beneath the brow of Ida, bare thee, peerless among men; by mistake in 26 zwit.: corr. Al? Cp. 58. by K., Jurenka, Smyth; a comma by Blass. μιγεῖσα and πλαθεῖσα (35). 29 After μῆτιν a full stop is placed 31 Housman would transpose μεγάλογκον. But the MS. reading here and the traditional réading in Hesych. must be considered together. On the whole, I think it safer to retain μεγαλοῦχον. 24—27 6 τι is governed by ῥέπει as well as by κατένευσε. Δίκας τάλαντον ῥέπει τι when one of the two scales, by sinking, shows that the doom which it carries is preponderant, and so decides that it shall be operative. This transitive sense of ῥέπω is implied in the use of the passive by Aesch. Suppl. 405 τῶνδ᾽ ἐξ ἴσου ῥεπομένων, ‘these alternatives being evenly balanced.’ Otherwise it occurs only in compounds; as Aesch. Zum. 888 οὔ ray δικαίως τῇδ᾽ ἐπιρρέποις πόλει | μῆνίν τιν᾽ (cause wrath to descend on the city’): 4g. 250f. Δέκα δὲ τοῖς μὲν παθοῦϊσιν μαθεῖν ἐπιρρέπει: Soph. Ant. 1158 f. τύχη καταρρέπει | τὸν εὐτυχοῦντα (‘depresses,’ ‘humbles’).—If ῥέπει were taken here as intransitive, it would be necessary (1) to supply ὅποι from 8 τι: or (2) to take καὶ Δίκας ῥέπει τάλαντον as a parenthesis (the so-called διὰ μέσου construction): ‘whatever fate has decreed (the scales of justice inclining thereto’). But either of these two would be harsh. —For the image, cp. //. 22. 210 ff.: Zeus puts δύο κῆρε...θανάτοιο in the scales, one for Achilles, and one for Hector; the latter proves the heavier (ῥέπε δ᾽ Ἕκτορος αἴσιμον ἦμαρ), and so Hector is doomed to die.—In Anth. 6. 267. 4 it is said of a just man, (eins οἷδε τάλαντα δίκης.---ἐκ θεῶν μοῖρα: XIII. I π.-ἐκπλήσομεν, a frequent phrase, as with μοῖραν (Her. Ill. 142), μοχθήματα (Eur. Helen. 741), κίνδυνον (7.7. go). 29f. βαρεῖαν... μῆτιν, ‘thy grievous purpose’ (in regard to Eriboea: vv. 8 ff.). A full stop (or at least a colon) should be placed after μῆτιν, and only a comma after φέρτατον in 33. By placing only a comma after μῆτιν, and a colon after φέρτατον (as Blass does), the spirit of the sentence beginning with εἰ καί σε is much impaired. 80 ὑπὸ κρό v, ‘beneath the brow’ of Ida. ὑπό with acc. normally means, ‘along under’: J/. 5. 27 ὅσσοι ἔασιν ὑπ᾿ ἠῶ 7 ἠέλιόν τε: Her. v. 10 τὰ ὑπὸ τὴν ἀρκτόν: id. VI. 137 τὴν χώρην... ὑπὸ Ὑμησσὸν ἐοῦσαν (but presently κατοι- κημένους.. ὑπὸ τῷ Ὑμησσῷ, with ref. to the fixed abode). Here the accus. (not elsewhere used by B. with ὑπό) seems to have been prompted by metrical convenience, and hardly differs in sense from the dative.—xpéragos is the side of the forehead, in plur. the temples: said of a hill, it denotes the cliffs just below the summit (cp. é¢pis). Aesch. P.V. 721 (ὄρους) κροτάφων ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν: Anthol. append. 94 ἔναιον ὑπὸ κροτάφοις Ἑλικῶνος. 31£. Φοίνικος. The father of Europa was Phoenix, acc. to //. 14. 321 (Zeus speaks), Φοίνικος κούρης τηλεκλειτοῖο, | 7 τέκε μοι Μίνω τε καὶ ἀντίθεον ‘Padd- μανθυν: and Hesiod gave the same account (schol. //. 12. 292). Apollo- dorus (3. 1. 3) makes Agenor the father of Europa, Phoenix, and Cadmus; but recognizes the other version. Sidon or Tyre was named as the place from which Europa was carried off by Zeus. The legend points to the blending of Phoenician with Hellenic elements in Crete. ant. I. 378 BAKXYAIAOY [XVI , 5 Ν. 5 Ν το φέρτατον, ἀλλὰ κἀμὲ x Πιτθέος θυγάτηρ ἀφνεοῦ 3515 πλαθεῖσα ποντίῳ τέκεν 13 Ποσειδᾶνι, χρύσεον 4 Σ5;τέ (β)οι δόσαν ἰόπλοκοι 5 κάλυμμα Νηρηΐδες. 16 τῷ σε, πολέμαρχε Κνωσίων, 40 τ7 " Col. 34 19 / ’ κέλομαι πολύστονον ἃ Y > \ Δ 8 ἐρύκεν VBpw* ov γὰρ ἂν θελοι- > > ’ > Ν > Len μ ἀμβρότου “ἐραννὸν ᾿Αοῦς 20 ἰδεῖν φάος, ἐπεί τιν᾽ ἠϊθέων 2 σὺ δαμάσειας ἀέκον- 45 22 τα" πρόσθε χειρῶν βίαν 23 δείξομεν" τὰ δ᾽ ἐπιόντα δαίμων κρινεῖ. 89 τῷ Platt: τῷ Κ.---Κνώσιε Blass. 42 ἀμβρότου Wilamowitz: AMBPOTOI’ ms, 40 πολύστονον κέλομαϊ Wilamowitz. 43 ἐπεί] ἔτ᾽, εἰ conj. Herwerden. éparavupos, ‘of gracious fame’: cp. Hes. TZheog. 409 ᾿Αστερίην εὐώνυμον. This is the sense of the adj. in Stesich. fr. 44 (in his proem to the love-story of Rhadina and Leontichos) ἄρξον ἀοιδᾶς ἐρατωνύμου | Σαμίων περὶ παίδων. (Cp. 1. 2f. χαριτώνυμον, n.) 83 φέρτατον, ‘peerless’ (epithet of Zeus himself in v. 20),—here emphasized by its place.—dAAd introduces the apo- dosis after εἰ καί (29): Sappho fr. 1. 22 ai δὲ δῶρα μὴ δέκετ᾽, ἀλλὰ δώσει : Soph. fr. 854 εἰ σῶμα δοῦλον, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ νοῦς ἐλεύ- θερος. This use οὗ ἀλλά after εἰ μή occurs in the //ad (τ. 181 f.), where αὐτὰρ also is so used (22. 389) 34 Πιτθέος. Pittheus, son of Pelops, king of Troezen, was the father of Aethra (v. 59), the mother of Theseus. He was said to have founded Troezen by a συνοικισμός: hence his name has been explained as the ‘Persuader’ (rt πιθ-: Schneidewin De Pittheo Troezenio). A monument, near the Troezenian temple of Artemis Soteira, showed him sitting in judgment, with two assessors. At the Μουσεῖον there he ‘taught the art of words’ (Paus. 2. 30. 9, 31. 3: Plut. Thes. 3).--ἀφνεοῦ, ~~—: the same scan- sion is found in Pind. fr. 218. 4 ds μὲν ἀχρήμων, apveds τότε: Aesch. fr. 96. 3 λιπεῖν ἀφνεοῖσι δόμοισιν. Cp. ἀρᾶχνᾶν in fr. ‘gs haber: the first syllable is short in all the corresponding places, 12, 78, 101; but as it might be azceps, there is no reason to suspect the reading. It is very improbable that this word should have changed places with μιγεῖσα in v. 31. (The syllable answering to the first of Jay is long in 74, but short in 8 pers d 97) οσειδᾶνι. Isocr. or. 10 ὃ 18 een ὁ λεγόμενος μὲν Αἰγέως (15 f. n.), γενόμενος δ᾽ ἐκ Ποσειδῶνος. The story was that Poseidon had been the lover of Aethra either before or just after her union with Aegeus (Paus. 2. 33. 1: Apollod. 4. 15. 7, Hyginus Fad. 37). The key to the confused legend is that Aegeus and Poseidon were originally identical. _ Aly-eds i is connected with αὖγ- es, ‘waves ” (Artemidorus 2.12 Τὰ μεγάλα κύματα aiyas ἐν τῇ συνηθείᾳ λέγομεν), aly-ls ‘storm-wind,’ αἰγι-αλό-ς ‘shore’: Curt. Ztym. §140. Poseidon has his deep-sea palace at the Euboean Alyai (7. 13. 21 ff.): he is Alyatos, Alyatwy. Then Αἰγεύς, from being a name for the Sea- “god, became an independent hero, with a ἧρῷον at Athens (Paus. 1. 22. 5), where he was the eponymus of the Alyyis φυλή. The legends of Aegeus embody the oldest traditions of an Attic and Ionic Poseidon-cult. Troezen, where Poseidon was peculiarly honoured (Plut. Zhes. 6), claimed Theseus as the son of her own Sea-god ; and Athens did likewise. XVI] ΔΙΘΥΡΑΛΛΒΟΙ 379 yet I, too, was borne by the daughter of wealthy Pittheus, in wedlock with the sea-god Poseidon, and the violet-crowned Nereids gave her a golden veil. ‘Therefore, O war-lord of Cnosus, I bid thee restrain thy wantonness, fraught with woe; for I should not care to look on the fair light of divine Eos, after thou hadst done violence to one of this youthful company: before that, we will come to a trial of strength, and Destiny shall decide the sequel.’ --ἠϊθέων (with the Ms.) Crusius, Blass, Jurenka, assuming synizesis of éw: cp. 93, 128. ἠθέων K. Hence the double paternity in the myth. 37f. Verse 37, τέ (F)ot δόσαν ἰόπλο- κοι, lacks a short syllable at the end, as compared with each of the three corre- sponding verses, 14, 80, and 103. Verse 38 begins with a short syll. (cad), where a long is found in 15, 81, 104. (1) These two facts might suggest ἰόπλοκοι κάϊλυμμ᾽ (2) If κάλυμμα belonged wholly to 38, one short syllable might be supplied after ἰόπλοκοι. But no satisfactory emen- dation, on either plan, has yet been made. See Appendix. 38 Νηρηΐδες here are the same as the Νηρέος κόραι of 102f. In his commentary on our poet’s ἐπίνικοι, Didymus mentioned a distinction drawn by some gramma- rians:—elol τοίνυν of φασι διαφέρειν τὰς Νηρεΐδας τῶν τοῦ Νηρέως θυγατέρων, καὶ τὰς μὲν ἐκ Δωρίδος [the wife of Nereus] γνησίας αὐτοῦ θυγατέρας νομίζεσθαι, τὰς δὲ ἐξ ἄλλων ἤδη κοινότερον (as ἃ more general term) Νηρεΐδας καλεῖσθαι. These words are quoted in the treatise περὶ ὁμοίων καὶ διαφόρων λέξεων, p. 79, which bears the name of the Alexandrian Ammonius (¢. 390 A.D.) ; Bergk, Bacchyl. fr. το. Nairn pointed out the neglect of the distinction here (Class. R. ΧΙ. 453). 89 τῷ (//. 1. 418 etc.) is the spelling given by the codex Venetus (roth cent.) in all Homeric passages where the sense is ‘therefore.’ This was the Alexandrian tradition (cp. Lenz on Herodian 1. 492, 10). Leaf regards this epic τῶ as ‘a genuine relic of the old instrumental.’ The Attic poets probably wrote τῷ (Soph. O. 7. 511 π.).- -πολέμαρχε : Aesch. Ch. 1071 f. ᾿Αχαιῶν | πολέμαρχος ἀνήρ.--- Κνωσίων, scanned ---- (see vv. 16, 82, 105): for the synizesis, cp. Od. 14. 263 Αἰγυπτίων (also 71. g. 382 -tas, Od. 4. 83 -lovs, etc.): Z/. 2. 537 ἹἹστίαιαν: Pind. P. τν. 225 γενύων (~-).—For the spelling of Κνωσός, see I. 13 n. -_-~ . 41f. ἐρύκεν: xv. 18 Ove η.--ἀμ- Bpérov. Keeping the Ms. ἀμβρότοι᾽, Blass supposes the last syllable to be short; he compares 92 and 129 (-ai in ’A@avalwy and παιάνιξαν). But a shortening of οἱ in the genitive-ending -o1o is unexampled. Others defend ἀμβρότοι᾽, holding that -—~- could replace the -~~ found in 19, 85, and 108.—épavvdv (an epic epithet of places) is used by Simonides fr. 45 (ἐραννὸν ὕδωρ) : Pindar has only éparés and ἐρατεινός. 43—45 ἰδεῖν. As the sense is, ‘I should not wish to /ve longer,’ we should have expected the present inf. ὁρᾶν. But the aor. infin. may perhaps be explained in connexion with the clause ἐπεὶ... δαμάσειας. ‘After any such deed of thine, I should not care to look again on the sunlight,’"—or ‘to live one moment longer.’ Cp. the Homeric θαῦμα ἰδέσθαι, expressing the way in which the object strikes the beholder; as contrasted (e.g.) with ἐπεὶ οὔπω τλήσομ᾽ ὁρᾶσθαι | μαρνά- μενον φίλον υἱόν (7. 3. 306). ἐπὲ... δαμάσειας : the optative in the relative clause corresponds to the hypo- thetical optative with ἄν in the principal clause: cp. Soph. 0, C. 560 δεινὴν γάρ τιν᾽ ἂν πρᾶξιν τύχοις | λέξας, ὁποίας ἐξαφισταίμην ἐγώ: Ll. 13. 343 μάλα κεν θρασυκάρδιος εἴη | ds τότε γηθήσειεν .---- ἠϊθέων here, as in 93 and 128, includes both youths and maidens. The word usually denotes unmarried youths only: Zl. 18. 593 ἠΐθεοι καὶ παρθένοι: Plut. Thes. 15 ἠθέους ἑπτὰ καὶ παρθένους τοσαύτας. ---ἀέκοντα : the masc. is used in the general statement, though the special reference is to Eriboea and the other maidens: Soph. £7. 771 δεινὸν τὸ τίκτειν ἐστίν: οὐδὲ yap κακῶς πάσχοντι μῖσος ὧν τέκῃ προσγίγνεται.---ϑαμάσειας: 7). 3. gor ἄλοχοι δ᾽ ἄλλοισι δαμεῖεν: Od. 6. 109 παρθένος ἀδμής. 45:1. χειρῶν βίαν (x. gt) δείξομεν, BAKXYAIAOY [XVI : τόσ᾽ εἶπεν ἀρέταιχμος ἥρως" 2 τάφον δὲ ναυβάται 3 φωτὸς] ὑπεράφανον 5° 4 θάρσος" 6 μῆτιν, εἶπέν τε: ᾿Αλίου τε γαμβρῷ xoral oar ἦτορ, 5 ὕφαινέ τε ποταινίαν μεγαλοσθενὲς a , ὟΝ ¥ 4, 7 Zev πάτερ, akovoov: εἴπερ ple Kovp la 8 Φοίνισσα λευκώλενος σοὶ τέκε, 55 9 νῦν πρόπεμπ᾽ ἀπ᾽ οὐρανοῦ θ] οὰν το πυριέθειραν ἀστραπὰν zt σᾶμ᾽ ἀρίγνωτον᾽ εἰ ᾿ς. δὲ καὶ σὲ Τροιζηνία σεισίχθονι 13. φύτευσεν Αἴθρα Ποσει- 60 14 15 χειρὸς ἀγλαὸν δᾶνι, τόνδε χρύσεον 6 ἔνεγκε κόσμον «ἐκ» βαθείας ἁλός, 17 δικὼν θράσει σῶμα πατρὸς ἐς δόμους. τὸ εἴσεαι δ᾽ αἴ κ᾽ ἐμᾶς κλύῃ 49 φωτὸς Blass: ἀνδρὸς K. The only trace of the word in the MS. is a long stroke which goes below the line, decidedly suggesting P rather than T: on the other hand the space before it seems scarcely large enough for ANA.—TIIEPASNON A: after ® the letter a has been written above the line by A’. χόλῳ [ζέσ᾽ ἦτορ Jurenka: χολώ[θη κέαρ Blass: cp. 116. 50 χολώϊσατ᾽ ἦτορ K.: 51 ὕφαινε] ὕφανε Blass. ἦ.6. we two will come to a trial of strength. Od. 20. 180f. πάντως οὐκέτι νῶι διακρινέεσθαι ὀΐω | πρὶν χειρῶν γεύ- σασθαι. 47 ἀρέταιχμος : probably a compound of the same class as πολέμαιγις : z.e. the notions of ἀρετή and αἰχμή were present to the poet’s mind, and he simply con- joined them, meaning, ‘ valiant with the spear.’ [The Homeric verb ἀρετᾶν, ‘to prosper’ (Od. 8. 329, 19. 114), might suggest the sense, ‘successful with the spear’; but this seems too artificial. ]— According to Wackernagel (cited by Blass) ἀρέταιχμος is=dpécarxmos, 7.0. ἀρεσκόμενος τῇ αἰχμῇ, ‘delighting in the spear.” He compares "Apécavdpos. [Add ᾿Αρέ[η]σαιχμος, a proper name given by Pape-Benseler from an inscr. in Keil Analecta Epigraphica p- 108: also ’A- ρέσιππος, ‘delighting in horses.’] For the τ, Wackernagel compares Bwridverpa (Alcman fr.-40); but σ᾽ would there be impossible (cp. Bérys, Bodrns): and it is not likely that dpéracyuos was B.’s attempt to Doricize ἀρέσαιχμος. 49f. φωτὸς is more probable than ἀνδρὸς, in view of the space (cr. n.): and a consonant is preferable after vavBdrac (cp. 114f.). φώς is a favourite word with B., who often pers it of heroes (v. 158, Meleager : 15, Heracles: XVII. 19 and 30, τ ἀπὼν --ὑπεράφανον, ‘lofty’: Plat. Symp. 217 Σωκράτους ἔργον ὑπερήφανον : Phaedo 964 (αὕτη ἡ σοφία) ὑπερήφανος... ἐδόκει εἷναι, γνῶναι τὰς αἰτίας ἑκάστου. This good sense is much rarer than the bad; but the primary meaning of the word was merely = ὑπερφανής. Curtius Zzym. § 392 explains the form by supposing that ὑπερη contains the adj. stem ὑπερο with epic lengthen- ing Δ (cp. νεηγενής, ἐλαφηβόλο:). ᾿Αλίου yap : the wife of Minos was Πασιφάη, daughter of Helios: Apoll. Rh. 3. 999: Paus. Vv. 25.9. (The name XVI] AlOYPAMBOI 381 Thus far the hero valiant with the spear: but the seafarers epode 1. were amazed at the youth’s lofty boldness ; and he whose bride was daughter of the Sun-god felt anger at his heart; he wove a new device in his mind, and said :-— “Ὁ Zeus, my sire of great might, hear me! If the white-armed daughter of Phoenix indeed bare me to thee, now send forth from heaven a swift flash of streaming fire, a sign for all to know. And thou, if Troezenian Aethra was thy mother by earth-shaking Poseidon,—cast thyself boldly down to the abode of thy sire, and bring from the deep this ring of gold that glitters on my hand.—But thou shalt see whether my prayer is heard Cp. xiv. 38. 53 εἴπερ [με κούρα] Festa, Blass: [με νύμφα] conj. Jurenka: [μ᾽ ἀλαθέως) Palmer, K. A vestige of the last letter remains in the left margin of col. XXXV: it cannot have been C, but may have been A. 55 θοὰν Palmer. 58 EI was wrongly repeated ad inzt.: corr. A'? Cp. n. on 25 f.—Tpofyvia Blass. 62 f. θράσει] θ written (by A*?) over another letter, perhaps I. After θράσει K. inserts τὸ, Jurenka σὸν (σὺ conj. J., Headlam, R. Ellis).—éixav θράσει σῶμα πατρὸς és δόμους | ἔνεγκε κόσμον βαθείας ἁλός MS.: Blass transposes 62 and 63, adding ἐκ before βαθείας. originally denoted a moon-goddess: Paus. Ill. 26. 1 Σελήνης ἐπίκλησις...ἐστὶν 7 Πασιφάη.)---κχολώσατ᾽ ἦτορ is the most probable supplement, if in 116 ἐρεμνόν is sound: see ἢ. there. (Blass, reading εἰρμένον there, writes χολώθη κέαρ.) 7|. 15. 155 ἐχολώσατο θυμῷ: Od. 9. 480 χολώσατο κηρόθι μᾶλλον. Hes. Th. 568 ἐχόλωσε δέ μιν φίλον ἦτορ (‘he angered him at his heart’). 51 Ζ. ποταινίαν, ‘of a new kind,’ ‘new and strange,’ as in Soph. Ant. 849 τάφου moraviov (‘a strange tomb’): id. fr. 153. 4 ἡδονὰς ποταινίους.--- μῆτιν : he would invite Theseus to show his trust in Poseidon (v. 36) by jumping overboard. If Theseus should decline the challenge, he would be humiliated ; if he should accept it, he would be lost. Cp. 86. 55f. πυριέθειραν : the ἔθειρα is the shimmer of the lightning. 58 Τροιζηνία. I follow the Ms. in keeping the usual spelling. Blass writes Tpofyvia (referring to Kiihner- Blass, Gramm. 1. 13, 137). Tpogjveoe occurs in C. J. G. τ. 106, 1. 5. 10. (Pape-Benseler s. τ. cites no other evidence for that form.) In //. 2. 561 Τροιζῆν᾽, and 847 Τροιζήνοιο, are traditional. 62f. There are several reasons for transposing vv. 62 and 63, as Blass does, and adding ἐκ before βαθείας. (1) If the order of these two verses is correct in the Ms., then v. 62, δικὼν x.7.X., is shorter by a syllable than v. 128. It has been proposed to insert σὺ, τὸ, or σὸν before σῶμα. Some critics, however, hold that no such remedy is needed, and that -- -- -- (-Kav θράσει) here answers to —~-~ (ἐν δὲ πόντος) in 128. (2) A graver objection to the Ms. order is the well-nigh intolerable awkwardness of τόνδε χρύσεον | χειρὸς ἀγλαὸν | separ- ated by a whole verse (δικὼν... δόμους) from κόσμον : and this is made still worse by the fact that ἀγλαὸν (v. 2, n.) might equally well be the epithet of σῶμα. (3) ἔνεγκε...βαθείας ἁλός is in itself admissible: cp. Soph. Z/. 324 ff. δόμων... évragua...pépovoav: Ph. 613 &yowro νή- cov. But the addition of ἐκ is here a decided gain in clearness. (4) With the Ms. order, -elas ἁλός in 63 answers to éparg ([)οπί in 129: while, if v. 63 ends with warpés és δόμους, the corre- spondence is exact. (5) Minos hints a doubt as to whether Theseus is Poseidon’s son; that is the sting. The ironical πατρὸς ἐς δόμους comes most forcibly at the end.—The MS. order may have arisen from the verse δικὼν. «δόμους (which is not necessary to the sense) having been accidentally omitted, and then inserted in the wrong place. 64 εἴσεαι... αἵ κε...κλύῃ: 711. 4. 249 ὄφρα ἴδητ᾽ αἴ x’ ὕμμιν ὑπερσχῇ χεῖρα Κρονίων: 10. 15. 32 ὄφρα ἴδῃς ἤν τοι χραίσμῃ φιλότης τε καὶ εὐνή. Κρόνιος εὐχᾶς BAKXYAIAOY [XVI > id c 4 ’ 20 ἀναξιβρόντας ὁ πάντων μεδέων. , > > 5 A A στρ. B. + κλύε ὃ ἄμετρον εὐχὰν μεγασθενὴς 4 ε 4 4 7 - 4 2 Ζεύς, ὑπέροχόν τε Μίνωϊ φύτευσε Ν ’ 3. τιμὰν φίλῳ θέλων Ν re / 4 παιδὶ πανδερκέα θέμεν, 3, » > ε ἈΝ 4 5 ἄστραψέ θ᾽. ὁ δὲ θυμάρμενον , a 6 ἰδὼν τέρας πέτασε χεῖρας Ν 3 > ’ / 4 7 κλυτὰν ἐς αἰθέρα μενεπτόλεμος ἥρως, 8 εἶρέν Te’ Θησεῦ, «σὺ; τάδε 75 9 μὲν βλέπεις σαφῆ Διὸς το δῶρα: σὺ δ᾽ ὄρνυ᾽ ἐς βα- x ρύβρομον πέλαγος" Κρονίδας ΟΟἹ. 86... δέ τοι πατὴρ ἄναξ τελεῖ Ν J ’ὔ 13 Ποσειδὰν ὑπέρτατον ΄ὔ / > > fh κλέος χθόνα κατ᾽ ἠὔδενδρον. 8ο 14 a > ax > > , 13 ὡς εἶπε' τῷ δ᾽ οὐ πάλιν 16 θυμὸς ἀνεκάμπτετ᾽, ἀλλ᾽ ev- / 66 ἀναξιβρέντας MS.: corr. K. stroke has been drawn through the middle of I. So vew for vw in gt, ἐκείνησεν for ἐκίνησεν in IX. το.---ἄμετρον K.—Blass, not T.) Δ ΑἹ γπτ >A 67 The papyrus has AMEITPON, but a short (The sixth letter is clearly P, who thinks that the Ms. has ἄμεπτον, writes ἄμεμπτον, with Herwerden; so also Jurenka. 68 Μίνωϊ K., Wilamowitz, Jurenka: Mivw (= Μίνῳ) Blass, Housman. 66 ἀναξιβρόντας (only here): cp. VI. 10 ἀναξίμολπος, XX. 8 ἀναξίαλος. B. has t before Bp only here and in v. 109 μῆλᾶ ροτῶν. 67 ἄμετρον εὐχάν. To ask Zeus for the sign of the lightning was to pray for a very extraordinary mark of favour ; the εὐχή was ἄμετρος as exceeding the ordinary limit of a mortal’s prayer. There is a similar phrase in //. 15. 598, where the prayer of Thetis, that the Greeks might suffer defeat until they had made amends to Achilles (1. 508 ff.), is called ἐξαίσιον ἀρήν, an ‘exorbitant’ or ‘immoderate’ prayer. The τιμή which Zeus gave to Minos was, as the poet says, a ‘surpassing’ one: thus ὑπέροχον confirms ἄμετρον .--- he conjecture ἄμεμπτ- τον is against the Ms., and gives a weak sense; Zeus heard the ‘ d/ameless’ prayer; z.é. heard it without disapproval. 68—70 The Miver of the Ms. has been scanned in three different ways. (1) As -~-, which corresponds with vv. 2 (dyAaods), 25 (καὶ δίκας), and gr (-ιν πνέουσ᾽). This is supported by Wila- mowitz, who remarks that the lengthening of t may be partly compensatory for the shortening of a. For the tcp. //. 1. 283 λίσσομ᾽ ᾿Αχιλλῆϊ μεθέμεν χόλον (in thesis) : for ὦ before another vowel, Od. 6. 303 npwos. (2) As —— (= Μίνῳ) : so Housman, and (in his 2nd ed.) Blass. The syllables -6v τε Μιν-, -~-, then answer to —~-~ in the other places. (3) As —-~: so Blass (1st ed.), assuming that --~~ (Mivwi gur-) could answer to -~-—~ elsewhere. The first of these three views seems to me the most probable, though the t can be justified only by a metrical stress on that syllable (assisted, perhaps, by the shortening of w).—A transposition, φύτευσε Μίνῳ, is unsatisfactory, because the last syllable is short in 2 and 25, and probably in gt also (see ἢ. there). It is possible that Μίνωι is a gloss; but it XVI] AIOYPAMBOI 383 by the son of Cronus, the all-ruling lord of thunder,’ Mighty Zeus heard the unmeasured prayer, and ordained a surpassing honour for Minos, willing to make it seen of all men, for the sake of his well-loved son. He sent the lightning. But the steadfast warrior, when he saw that welcome portent, stretched his hands towards the glorious ether, and said :— ‘Theseus, there thou beholdest the clear sign given by Zeus. And now do thou spring into the deep-sounding sea; and the son of Cronus, king Poseidon, thy sire, will assure thee supreme renown throughout the well-wooded earth.’ So spake he: and the spirit of Theseus recoiled not; 69 f. φίλῳ... παιδὶ] φίλον... παῖδα Housman, Blass”. 72 πέτασε χεῖρας Wilamowitz, Christ, Richards (who suggests also χέρα πέτασσε), Ludwich: πέτασσε χεῖρας Blass?: χεῖρας πέτασσε MS. (χεῖρε πέτασε K.). 742.
    τάδε | μὲν βλέπεις J. (K.), and so Jurenka, Smyth: τάδ᾽ «ἐμὰ-- | μὲν βλέπεις conj. Platt: τάδε. μὲν | ἔβλεπες Richards, Blass?. 80 ETAENAPON Ms.: ἠὔδενδρον K., Blass? (εὐρύεδρον Herwerden formerly, but he now accepts ἠὔδενδρον). does not seem likely. The obvious /@ γόνῳ would be too near φίλῳ.. παιδί: fot κλέος would be scarcely compatible with τιμάν. Verses 39 and 120 might suggest Kvwoiw: but this also is im- probable. φύτευσε τιμάν: remark the early re- currence of the verb used in 59. Pind. P.1V. 69 θεὀόπομποί σφισιν τιμαὶ pirevder: 7. ν. 12 σύν τέ οἱ δαίμων φυτεύει dbEav.—- φίλῳ.. παιδί, ‘for (the sake of) his dear son,’ to be taken with θέλων... θέμεν. ---- πανδερκέα, ‘seen by all.’ Elsewhere, ‘all-seeing’ (Anth. 9. 525. 17, Quint. Smyrn. 2. 443). ' ἢ 72 f. τέρας: the lightning had come from a clear sky (αἰθέρα, 73). So in Od. 20. 114, Zeus having thundered, at the prayer of Odysseus, from a cloudless sky, the hero says, οὐδέ ποθι νέφος ἐστί" τέρας νύ τεῳ τόδε φαίνεις.---πέτασε χεῖρας answers metrically to πίτνον αὖραι in v. 6, καί σε κεδνά in 29, and ὀμμάτων δα- in 95. The ms. has χεῖρας πέτασσε: cp. 1X. 10}. 74 f. A short syllable is wanting after Θησεῦ:- cp. 8, 31, 97- (1),The best remedy would be to read τάδ᾽ -ἐμὰ >, and that may be what the poet wrote. In our Ms., however, nothing has been lost after ΤΑΔΕ, with which this v. ends. If TAA’ EMA was the original reading, the letters MA must have dropped out at some earlier stage in the transmission of the text. (2) Another resource is to insert od after Θησεῦ, where it might so easily have dropped out. The od δ᾽ ὄρνυ᾽ in 76 is not a decisive objection. When σὺ δὲ precedes an imperative, the stress on the verb is much stronger than that on the pronoun, as is seen when it follows a protasis with the same person as subject: ¢.g. Her. vil. 159 εἰ δ᾽ dpa μὴ δικαιοῖς ἄρχεσθαι, σὺ δὲ μηδὲ βοήθεε (where σὺ δὲ is merely ‘¢hen’): cp. Her. Il. 68, 77. 9. 301 f., Aesch. Ag. 1061, Xen. Cyr. 5. 5. 21. (3) Others read τάδε μὲν ἔβλεπες (see cr. n.). An aorist, referring to the moment just past, might be substituted for the present: thus εἴσιδες would be analogous to ἐπήνεσα (Soph. Az. 536), ἔφριξα (7b. 693), etc. But the imperfect ἔβλεπες is surely im- possible. 76 ΣΦ. Spvv’, ὄρνυο, -- ὄρνυσο, pres. im- perat. midd. of ὄρνυμι. Neither the act. nor the midd. present imperat. of that verb seems to occur elsewhere, though the aor. imperat. is not rare (ὄρσο, ὄρσεο, ὄρσευ). For the dropping of o in 2nd pers. sing. pres. imperat. middle, cp. il. το. 201 παρίσταο, τό. 497 μάρναο, Od. τ8. 171 φάο (᾿Ξρεακ᾽).---βαρύ͵ ν: Eur. Helen. 1305 βαρύβρομον...κῦμ᾽ ἅλιον. —When Kopovidas or Κρόνιος is said of Poseidon, he is always named (as here and in Corinna fr. 1, Pind. O. VI. 29), or indicated, as in XVII. 21 by Avratov | σεισίχθονος. BO ἠΐδενδρον: Pind. P. Iv. 74 εὐ- δένδροιο... ματέρος (Earth). 82 ἀνεκάμπτετ᾽, like a bending sword (XII. 52 ff. ἐγνάμφθη δ᾽ ὀπίσσω φάσγανον). Str. 2. 384 , 2 > 17 TWAKT@V €7T BAKXYAIAOY > , ικ βιων [XVI Ἀ ΕΣ ’ 4 7 3% σταθεὶς ὄρουσε, πόντιόν τέ νιν 85 19 δέξατο θελημὸν ἄλσος. 20 tal o lev δὲ Διὸς vids ἔνδοθεν 21 κέαρ, κέλευσέ τε KAT οὖ- :: pov ἴσχεν εὐδαίδαλον a a Binet tf 5...» 2 ¢Qs 23 Vaa* μοιρα ὃ ετέραν εἐπορσυν ὁδόν. Ἂ ψ ἀπε ina ΄, ΄ ἀντ. β΄.90 τ ἵετο δ᾽ ὠκύπομπον δόρυ" OOEL 2 vw Bopeas ἐξόπιν πνέουσ᾽ anra: ta > 5 ’ 8. τρέσσαν δ᾽ ᾿Αθαναίων 4 ἠϊθέων «πάν; γένος, ἐπεὶ 5 ἥρως θόρεν πόντονδε, κα- 95 6 ’ τὰ λειρίων τ᾽ ὀμμάτων δά- ’ ”~ > ’ὔ 3 ’ 7 κρυ χϑον, βαρεῖαν ἐπιδέγμενοι αναγκαν" 86 τάφεν Pearson, Weil, Blass? (υἱὸς δὲ Διὸς ἔνδοθεν κέαρ τάφε conj. Richards): τᾶξεν K.: τᾶκεν Β].} κάτουρον Housman.—icyxev K.: (‘ Remis navis cohibenda erat ; hinc epitheton’). 87 £. xaroi[pjov MS.: ἴσχειν Μ5.---ἑκατοντόρον (Pollux 1. 82) σχὲν Blass? κατ᾽ οὖρον K., Jurenka, Smyth: 91. νιν Housman and others: 83—85 ἰκρίων, a raised half-deck at the stern, on which, in the Homeric ship, the chiefs have their place (Od. 13. 72; 15. 282, 557): beneath it there was room for storage (75. 15. 206). An equivalent term was ἐδώλια (Soph. Az. 1277n.): Her. 1. 21 describes Arion as στάντα ἐν τοῖσι ἑδωλίοισι when he sang, before springing into the sea.—ora@els is here a poetical substitute for ords, as in Pind. Iv. 84 ἐστάθη = ἔστη. [In Od. 17. 463 ὁ “δ᾽ ἐστάθη hire πέτρη | ἔμπεδον, the pass. perhaps emphasizes the idea of fixity.]}—OeAnpov (the accent prescribed by the s.), from @eAnuds: Hes. Of. 118 ἐθελημοί: Callim. Dzan. 31 ἐθελημός. Arcadius 61. 3 τὸ δὲ θελεμὸς ἀπὸ τοῦ θελημὸς ὀξύνεται. [Aesch. Suppl. 1027 θελεμὸν πῶμα (of the Nile) 15 usually explained with Hesych. 65: ἥσυχον. J— πόντιον... ἄλσος: the phrase of Aesch. Pers. 111, suggesting the sacredness of the sea as the domain of Poseidon (Neptunia prata): it is thus peculiarly fitting here. 86 f. τάφεν (cp. v. 48)... ἔνδοθεν κέαρ, ‘felt a secret awe in his heart.’ Minos had expected that Theseus would decline his challenge. The prompt and dauntless manner in which Theseus had accepted it filled him with amazement; though he seemed to have got rid of his foe, he felt an inward misgiving. But he did not allow his feeling to appear.—[raxev (or Tagev) ...xéap would mean, ‘he wasted his heart within him’; z.e. ‘he felt his soul melt within him,’—the emotion being one of surprise and fear. Cp. Od. ΧΙΧ. 263 μηδ᾽ ἔτι θυμὸν | rHKe πόσιν γοάουσα. But the word is more suitable there than it would be here.] 87—89 κατ᾽ οὖρον tryxev...vaa, ‘to keep the ship before the wind.” When Theseus sprang overboard, the impulse of the κυβερνήτης (an Athenian, cp. Plut. Thes. 17) would naturally be to bring up the ship, which was running before the north wind (vy. 6): but Minos ordered him to keep on his course. Secretly disquieted by the confidence of Theseus, Minos did not care to wait at that spot. If he went on, at any rate—so he thought (v. 121n.)—he should see Theseus no more. ‘Fate,’ however, ‘ was preparing a different issue.’ The ship sped on its way; but Theseus reappeared at a later moment (119).—For ἴσχεν (Dor. inf., 41 n.)=éxeuw, said of steering a ship on a certain course, cp. Od. 10. 91 ἔνθ᾽ oly’ εἴσω πάντες ἔχον νέας: Her. VI. 95 οὐ παρὰ τὴν ἤπειρον εἶχον Tas νέας. Reading κάτουρον, Housman under- XVI] AIOYPAMBOI 385 he took his place on the well-built stern, and sprang thence, and the domain of the deep received him in kindness. The son of Zeus felt a secret awe in his heart, and gave command to keep the cunningly-wrought ship before the wind; but Fate was preparing a different issue. So the bark sped fast on its journey, and the northern breeze, blowing astern, urged it forward. But all the Athenian youths and maidens shuddered when the hero sprang into the deep; and tears fell from their bright young eyes, in prospect of their grievous doom. νειν MS.—BOPEOTC A: a written above OT by A*.— ἐξόπιν K.: ἐξόπιθε Wilamowitz, Blass: εξοπιθεν MS.—dajra] dnra Housman, Smyth (ἀῆτα Wilamowitz). 98 ἠθέων -“-πᾶν:- Κ.: Weil. 94 f. θόρεν] ope Purser, Christ-—Richards conj. πόντονδε θόρεν ἥρως, κατά | τε λειρίων ὀμμάτων. 95 f. δάϊκρυ χέον J., and so Blass, Jurenka, Smyth: δάκρυ | xéov Μ5.---ἐπιδέγμενοι Jurenka, Smyth: ἐπιδεγμένοι Blass. stands, ‘he ordered them to s¢op the ship which was running before the wind.” But, even with κάτουρον, the sense would be, ‘to keep the ship before the wind’: κάτουρον could not stand for τὴν κατ᾽ οὖρον πλέουσαν. Blass, also, supposes that ἔσχεν means ‘stop’; but of κάτουρον he says, ‘non sufficit,’ and has recourse to a much bolder emendation :---κέλευσέ θ᾽ ἑκατόντορον σχὲν...νᾶα, ‘to stop the hundred-oared ship.’ ᾿ 90 ὠκύπομπον: Eur. 7. 7. 1136 ναὸς ὠκυπόμπου. --- δόρυ, ‘ship’ (like ¢rads, Hor. C. I. i. 13 etc.): Aesch. Pers. 411 ἐπ᾽ ἄλλην (sc. ναῦν) δ᾽ ἄλλος ηὔθυνεν δόρυ (cp. Ag. 1618). Pind. P. τν. 27 εἰνάλιον δόρυ, and 38 ἐκ dovparos.—The v is lengthened before ode as v before oo in δορυσσόος. Cp. also 77]. 17. 463 ὅτε σεύαιτο διώκειν (and 23. 198). σόει is imperf. of coéw: with the augment it would be ἐσσόει (cp. ἔσσευα, ἔσσυμαι, ἐσσύθην). The only other part of σοέω extant is preserved by Hesych., ἐσσοη- μένον τεθορυβημένον, ὡρμημένον. 91 ἐξόπιν occurs only in Aesch. Ag. 115 (though κατόπιν τε κατόπισθεν is fre- quent): and its rarity would account for the ἐξόπιθεν of the ms. It is decidedly preferable on metrical grounds to ἐξόπιθε, which would weaken the rhythm ; nor is the long syllable answering to -e re- solved in 2, 25, or 68.--ἀήτα is the accent in the Ms., indicating the Doric form of ἀήτη (Hes. Of. 643, etc.). ἄητα (with Aeolic accent) would be preferable, since in all the corresponding verses (2, 25, 68) the last syllable is short. The Aeolic form is probable (if not certain) jJ. B. in Simonides fr. 41, οὐδὲ yap ἐννοσίφυλλος ἄητα τότ᾽ ὥρτ᾽ ἀνέμων (ἀήτα Bergk’, though formerly ἄητα). But ἄητα (or ἀῆτα) would be masc. (=dayrns): and the fem. Bopeds (attested by the accents in the Ms.) is certain. No such form as Bopeos (for Bépetos) was in use. Cp. Aesch. frag. 195. 2 Bopeddas ἥξεις πρὸς mvods. For this reason alone I refrain from altering the MS. accent on ἀήτα. 92 ᾿Αθαναίων with at: so 128 παιά- viav: Ar. Vesp. 282 φιλαθήναιος, Ἐφ. 139 δείλαιος: Eur. 27. F. 115 γεραιέ: Anth. 9. 281. 3 παλαιός: Orph. fr. 2. 2 δικαίων. 93 The corresponding verses (4, 27, 70) begin with -~-. A long syllable is therefore wanting between ἠϊθέων and yévos. Kenyon inserts wav, and nothing better has been proposed. 94—96 The iambus θόρεν answers to ~~~ in 5, 28, 71. This discrepancy would be removed by the transposition which Richards suggests, wévrovde θόρεν ἥρως, κατά | τε λειρίων : and the emphatic place given to πόντονδε would also be fitting. I hesitate to adopt it only be- cause it presupposes that te had either (1) been shifted to its place after λειρίων, which seems improbable: or (2) lost, and then wrongly inserted there; which we are not entitled to assume, since the Ms. text is metrically possible, ~- (θόρεν) being an admissible substitute for ~~~. λειρίων.... ὀμμάτων, eyes of delicate beauty,—the bright eyes of youth. Cp. Shakespeare’s ‘young-eyed cherubins’ (Merchant of Venice, ν. i. 62). In 7. 13. 830 χρόα λειριόεντα is ‘delicate’ skin : and in //. 3. 152 the chirping sound 26 ant. 2. 386 BAKXYAIAOY [XVI 8 φέρον δὲ δελφῖνες ἁλι- 9 ναιέται μέγαν θοῶς 4 Ν ε ’ το Θησέα πατρὸς ἱππί- δόμον, μέγαρόν τε θεῶν /, Ν > Ν τόθι κλυτὰς ἰδὼν ΙΟΟ τι ου ’ το μόλεν᾽" 13 ἔδεισ᾽ ὀλβίοιο Ny- τᾷ ρέος κόρας" ἀπὸ γὰρ ἀγλα- ι5.. ὧν λάμπε γυίων σέλας 10516 ὦτε πυρός, ἀμφὶ χαίταις 7 δὲ χρυσεόπλοκοι 18 δίνηντο ταινίαι" χορῷ δ᾽ ἔτερ- τ Tov κέαρ ὑγροῖσι ποσσίν' ’, Ν ¥ ’, 20 σεμνάν τε πατρὸς ἄλοχον φίλαν 1102 ἴδε βοῶπιν ἐρατοῖ- 2 σιν ᾿Αμφιτρίταν δόμοις" 97 £. ἁλιναιέται K. (deleting ev before αλι-), Jurenka, Smyth; ἐναλιϊναιέται MS., .¥6\ev Housman, Wilamowitz, Blass, Richards, Smyth, «μέγαρον Jurenka: 102 f. ἔδεισ᾽ ὀλβίοιο Νηϊρέος Richards, Ludwich, Blass? : 100f. δόμον, μέγαρόν τε.. and others: δομόνδ᾽ ἔμολέν τε.. Blass. ἔμολέν τε...μέγαρον MS. ἔδεισεν Νηρῆος ὁλ βίου K. δόμον" (ἔδεισε Νηρῆος ὀλ᾽βίου Bl.1, Smyth): ἔδεισε, Νηρέος ὀλβίου Μ5., the diastole marking the division of the words. 105 ore] The Ms. seems to have had QITE.—ore K. 107 δίνηντο Blass: δινεῦντο K.: AEINHNTO A, but the E has been cancelled (by made by the cicada is called ὄπα λειριόεσ- σαν, a ‘delicate’ voice. Pind. WV. vit. 79 calls the white coral λείριον ἄνθεμον ποντίας... ἐέρσας (where the notion of delicate beauty is joined to that of the colour). —Suidas gives λειρόὀφθαλμος [λειρ()ὀφθαλμος}, ὁ προσηνεῖς ἔχων τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς, ‘with gentle eyes.’ The idea of ‘gentle’ may have been first associated with λειριόεις, λείριος as an epithet of the vozce: thus Ap. Rh. 4. 903 calls the chant of the Seirens ὄπα λείριον. Here, in reference to the youths and maidens collectively, Aeplwy can hardly mean ‘gentle’; a more general sense is needed. δάκρυ xéov. The division of the verses given above (and suggested by me in Kenyon’s edition, p. 169) is required by the metre: see 6, 29, 72.—émBéypevor, “expecting.” In //. 9. 191 δέγμενος Αἰακίδην, where the sense is ‘awaiting’ (as in 18. 524), the word is accented as the partic. of 2nd aor. ἐδέγμην, while its meaning indicates the perfect partic. (Z/. 4. 107 δεδεγμένος ἐν προδοκῇσιν). B. would probably have kept the irregular Homeric accent of δέγμενος, and it is therefore better not to write ἐπιδεγμέν o1.— ἀνάγκαν, the ‘doom’ of becoming victims to the Minotaur. 972. δελφῖνες, the usual agents in the miraculous conveyance of mortals through or beneath the sea: pseudo- Arion (Bergk* ΠΙ. Ρ- 80) 11f. οἵ μ᾽ εἰς Πέλοπος γᾶν...ἐπορεύσατε: Plut. Mor. p- 163A (Enalos of Lesbos and the maiden whom he rescued from drowning) ἐπὶ δελφίνων φορητοὶ διὰ θαλάττης. Some of the vase-painters, however, depicted Theseus as borne up in the arms of a Triton. (See Introd.)—dAwatérat (only here): pseudo-Arion 9 f. δελφῖνες, ἔναλα θρέμματα | κουρᾶν Νηρεΐδων Oedv.—The MS. has ἐναλιναιέται, which Blass retains, comparing ἐμπυριβήτης (11. 23. 702) and ἐγχειρίθετος (Her. v. 108). But it seems scarcely doubtful that, as metre indicates (cp. 8f. and grf.), ev was written by error. 99—101 ἱππίου, Poseidon, as creator of the horse, and as horse-tamer (δαμαῖος, ἴμψιος) ; Soph. O. C. 711 ff. He is ἵππων πρύτανις (Stesich. fr. 49), ἵππαρχος (Pind. P. Iv. 45). Poseidon ἵππιος had an altar at Colonus Hippius near Athens (O. C. 55). Greek poets use constant epithets without regard to their fitness in XVI] AIOYPAMBOI 387 Meanwhile dolphins, dwellers in the sea, were swiftly bearing mighty Theseus to the abode of his sire, lord of steeds; and he came unto the hall of the gods. There beheld he the glorious daughters of blest Nereus, and was awe-struck; for a splendour as of fire shone from their radiant forms; fillets inwoven with gold encircled their hair; and they were delighting their hearts by dancing with lissom feet. And in that beautiful abode he saw his father’s well-loved wife, the stately, ox-eyed Amphitrite ; A??).—Wilamowitz conj. δονεῦντο. ὑγροῖσιν ἐν ποσίν MS., Blass. 108 ὑγροῖσι ποσσίν K., Jurenka, Smyth: 109f. IA.N A: εἶδεν A®>,—BOQIII A: v written above I (by A*?).—ceuvdy re πατρὸς ἄλοχον φίλαν | ἴδε conj. Housman: σεμνὰν τότ᾽ ἄλοχον πατρὸς φίλαν | ἴδε Richards. σεμνὰν MS. εἶδέν τε πατρὸς ἄλοχον φίλαν | the particular context ; sleeping birds are called ravurrépvyes by Alcman (fr. 60. 7), and ships drawn up on shore can still have the epithet @oat (Soph. 4z. 710).—86pov, the palace of Poseidon in the depths of the sea: 21. 13. 21 f. ἔνθα δέ (near Aegae) of κλυτὰ δώματα βένθεσι λίμνης χρύσεα μαρμαίροντα τετεύχαται, ἄφθιτα αἰεί. The second syllable of δόμον should be long (see 11, 34, 77)- Two remedies are possible. (1) To write δομόνδ᾽ with Jurenka, keeping the MS. ἔμολεν... μέγαρον. (2) Keeping 86- pov, to write μέγαρον... μόλεν. This seems best. Of the three verses corresponding to ror, two (12 and 78) begin with ~-, and the third (35) with --—: hence μόλεν is more probable than μέγαρον as the first word of 101.—péyapov is the great hall in Poseidon’s δόμος. The plur. θεῶν refers to Poseidon and Amphitrite: per- haps it is meant to include the ‘ bright- throned Nereids’ also. On the cup of Euphronius Athena too is present (see p- 225). 102f. ὀλβίοιο Nnpéos. The trans- position (see cr. n.) brings the metre into agreement with that of 13, 36, and 79. It may be regarded as certain.—xépas : cp. ἢ. on 38 Νηρηΐδες. 105 dre: Awpixds ἀντὶ τοῦ ὥστε, schol. Pind. WV. vi. 47. Pindar has it frequently (P. Iv. 64, Χ. 54, etc.): cp. XII. 124 n. —trupés : 19. 306 (the eyes of Achilles) λαμπέσθην ws εἴ τε πυρὸς σέλα-.--- ἀμφὶ χαίταις : for the dat., cp. 124, XVII. 53: Pind. O. XIII. 39 ἀμφὶ κόμαις. 106 f. . ταινίαι, ‘fillets inwoven with gold,’ 2.5. with gold thread. The ταινία was a ribband worn by maidens (and matrons) round the head, to confine the hair (crinales vittas Verg. Aen. 7. 352).—Slvynvro. (1) This must be (I think) for ἐδεδίνηντο, pluperf. of dwéw, ‘had been twirled’ round the hair, ‘encircled’ it: cp. //. 23. 562 (a θώρηξ) ᾧ περὶ χεῦμα φαεινοῦ κασσιτέροιο | ἀμφι- δεδίνηται, around which a casting of bright tin has been carried (2.4. which has been overlaid with tin-plate). (2) If δίνηντο were taken (with Blass) as imperf. of an Aeolic δίνημι (=divéw), the sense must be, ‘ were being twirled.’ But the close-fitting head-band, ταινία, would not be shaken by the movements of the dance. Cp. 18 δίνασεν, n. 108 ὑγροῖσι, supple, ‘lissom.’ ὑγρός in this sense is opposed to σκληρός (‘stiff’), Plat. Theaet. p. 162B. So of horses, ὑγρὰ ἔχειν τὰ σκέλη (Xen. Eg. 1. 6). Arist. H. Anim. 6. 35 (6 θὼξ) ταχυτῆτι διαφέρει...διὰ τὸ ὑγρὸς εἶναι. Pollux 4. 96 ὑγρὸς ὀρχηστής.---ΤῊε use of the word in reference to Nymphs of the sea is not very felicitous. 109 2. The scansion of the syllables before Boamw in tro ought to be either ~~ (as in 21, 44), or else — (as in 87, κέαρ with synizesis). The —- given by σεμνὰν seems metrically impossible. Sitzler (quoted by Jurenka p. 128) regards σεμνὰν as a gloss on βοῶπιν, and would substitute τάν. But then the words éparotow...d6uors, which go with the verb, would be locked into the clause rav... ᾿Αμφιτρίταν. In 10g the first hand wrote IA.N, not εἶδεν. The transposition σεμνάν.. ἴδε (Housman) is the only satis- factory remedy. Verse 10g still differs from 20, 43, and 86 in so far as -~~~ (πατρὸς ἄλοχ-) here aim ~~-~ in these verses. This difference would be 26—2 tov ποτέ (F)ou ἐν aon ἄς Ww BAKXYAIAOY [XVI a vw ἀμφέβαλεν αἰόλαν πορφύραν, ’ ’, δι ον aA κόμαισί τ᾽ ἐπέθηκεν οὔλαις ἀμεμφέα πλόκον, άμῳ δῶκε δόλιος ᾿Αφροδίτα ῥόδοις ἐρεμνόν. ἄπιστον ὅ τι δαίμονες θέωσιν οὐδὲν φρενοάραις βροτοῖς: 7 νᾶα παρὰ λεπτόπρυμνον φάνη" φεῦ, 120 8 οἵαισιν ἐν φροντίσι Κνώσιον 9 ἔσχασεν στραταγέταν, ἐπεὶ ΤᾺ» 9 ,’ > ε x το μόλ᾽ ἀδίαντος ἐξ ἁλὸς τς θαῦμα πάντεσσι, dp 2 πε δ᾽ ἀμφὶ γυίοις θεῶν Sap’, ayhao- 125 13 4 Ovpia νεοκτίτῳ 5 ’ , » ν: 1 ὠλόλυξαν, €- 112 dudéBare K.: Appendix. 116 δόλιος] ΔΟΛΙΣ A: Weil : elpuévor Blass : ἀμφέβαλλεν MS.—diéva πορφυρέαν MS. o written above I (by A??).—é€peuvdv] éepuévov ἐραννόν Piccolomini. θρονοί τε κοῦραι σὺν εὐ- For conjectures see 118 θέωσιν Crusius, Richards, removed by reading, with Richards, σεμνὰν τότ᾽ ἄλοχον πατρὸς φίλαν (πὰτρὸς as in v. 63). τότε is fitting, since the approach of Theseus to Amphitrite is the crowning moment of the scene. And the placing of πατρὸς before ἄλοχον might easily have caused the shrinkage of τότε into Te. βοῶπιν. This epithet of Hera is given to mortal women in //. 3. 144, 7. το, 18. 40. 111 ᾿Αμφιτρίταν. The wife of Posei- don (Pind. O. νι. 105) is the Sea that ‘moans around the shores of earth’ (rpifw, τρύζω) : cp. Od. 12. 97 ἀγάστονος ᾿Αμφιτρίτη. She is unknown to the //ad, and in the Odyssey is scarcely more than a symbol for the sea (as in the phrase pera κύμασιν ᾿Αμφιτρίτης, 3. 91). Hes. Th. 243 makes her a daughter of Nereus, and her connexion with the Nereids was always close. In art Poseidon and Am- phitrite were often associated with Hestia, the goddess of ¢erra firma (cp. Paus. v. 26. 2). 112 ἀϊόνα in the MS., if sound, is an otherwise unknown name for some kind of garment. It is possible that ἠϊών, ἠών, ‘sea-bank,’ ‘ margin,’ may have been used to mean the ‘border’ of a robe, and that ‘purple border’ here may have meant a robe with such a border. But there is no evidence for this; and it seems very improbable. Far the best emendation is that which Tyrrell was the first to propose, αἰόλαν πορφύραν, ‘gleam- ing purple.’ The corruption of αἰόλαν into diéva can be explained in either of two ways. (1) In AIOAAN the AA may have become NA, when the final N would be deleted. Or (2) the similarity of A to A may have led to the loss of A, leaving AIOAN: then N would be transposed, so as to make AIONA. Housman illustrates this process from Vv. 117, where ’AyéAaov became ἄγγελον : z.é. A was lost after A, leaving ATEAON, and then this was made into a Greek word by adding a second I’.—The change of πορφύραν into πορφυρέαν would follow the change of αἰόλαν into diéva.—For other conjectures μεν Bes’ endix. 113 ovdats: 6. 230 (Athena changing the ee of Odysseus) κὰδ δὲ κάρητος | οὔλας ἧκε κόμας (‘thick, curly locks’). 114—116 ἀμεμφέα πλόκον. ‘a choice wreath.’ Pausanias (I. 17. 3) describes it as στέφανον χρυσοῦν : Hyginus (Astron. Il. 5) as coronam...compluribus lucentem gemmis. B., too, doubtless conceived it as a wreath of gold; the word Adprre in XVI] AIOYPAMBOI who clad him in gleaming purple, 389 and set on his thick hair a choice wreath, dark with roses, given epode 2. to her of yore at her marriage by wily Aphrodite. Nothing that the gods may ordain is past belief to men of a sound mind. Theseus appeared by the ship with slender stern. Ah, in what thoughts did he check the war-lord of Cnosus, when he came unwetted from the sea, a wonder to all, his form resplendent with the gifts of the gods! The bright-throned Nereids cried aloud with new-born gladness; Weil: θέλωσιν MS.: AGow Palmer, K. (by A??). TYTOLs...ATAO ms. 120 φροντίσι] φόντισσι A: corr. Al? 119 vada] AAA A: ν written above A 124 γ᾽υίοις...ἀγλαό- K. : 123 refers to wreath as well as robe. ῥόδοις ἐρεμνόν, the reading of the Ms., is right: the golden wreath was ‘ dark with roses,’ z.2. thickly entwined with dark- red roses,—the flowers of Aphrodite,— when she gave it to Poseidon’s bride as a wedding-gift. When Amphitrite gave it to Theseus, the roses may still have been there; but the words do not require us to assume that.—Modifying Weil’s emenda- tion éeppévov, Blass reads elppévov, ‘strung with roses.’ (Cp. Od. 18. 296 (ὅρμον) χρύσεον, ἠλέκτροισιν €epuévov, ‘strung with amber beads.’) The phrase πλόκον... ῥόδοις εἱρμένον, however, would suggest, not a golden wreath ‘twined’ with roses, but simply a chaplet formed by ‘string- ing’ roses together; and the gift can scarcely have been such. [épuévor, it may be added, would be closer to the Ms. than elpuévov. In Her. Iv. 190, évepuévwv has good warrant (ἐνειρμένων Stein) : cp. id. 1. 154 ἀπεργμένος, 11. 121 épyacrat.| δόλιος, fem., as in Eur. A/c. 35, Tro. 530, Cycl. 449, Helen. 20, 242, 1605. Sappho addresses Aphrodite as δολόπλοκε (fr. 1. 2): Simonides fr. 43 δολόμητις ᾿Αφροδίτα: Eur. 7. A. 1301 δολιόφρων Κύπρις. 1172. ἄπιστον κ.τ.λ.: in Ill. 57 ἃ like phrase comes between two miracles. After relating the deeds of Perseus, Pindar’s comment is,—éuol δὲ θαυμάσαι θεῶν τελεσάντων οὐδέν ποτε φαίνεται ἔμμεν ἄπιστον (P. Χ. 48 ff.).—Oéwow, ‘ordain’: Od. 8. 465 οὕτω νῦν Ζεὺς θείη. This is a certain correction of the Ms. θέλωσιν. With regard to Palmer’s λῶσιν, the verb λὴῆν was in common use in Laconian (Ar. Zys. 1162 f.) as in other Doric dialects ; and, in the Alexandrian age at least, it was not confined to Doric poetry (thus Callim. Diaz. 19 has djs). But it is not likely to have been used by an Ionian of the classical period.— φρενοάραις, ‘of sound mind’: so φρενήρης is opposed to ἐμμανής (Her. 111. 25). For the form cp. Pind. ΔΛ Iv. 41 Μέμνονα χαλκοάραν : P. V. 35 χεριαρᾶν τεκτόνων. 119 λεπτόπρυμνον: the conjecture λεπτόπρῳρον is improbable. The sterz is mentioned, because Minos would be there. (Cp. n. on ἐκρίων in 83.) 120f£. οἵαισιν.. ἔσχασεν κ.τ.λ.: ‘In what (exultant) thoughts did he check’ Minos. σχάζω, ‘to let loose,’ means (1) ‘to split open,’ (2) ‘to let drop,’ . (3) then ‘to stop’ by relaxing a tension : Pind. P. X. 51 κώπαν σχάσον, ‘ease the oar,’ ‘stop rowing’: Eur. Ph. 454 σχάσον δὲ δεινὸν ὄμμα καὶ θυμοῦ mvods, ‘remit thy frown and thy blustering wrath.’ In Pind. V. Iv. 64 the victory of Heracles over monsters is described by σχάσαις : he ‘stayed’ their violence. So here the apparition of Theseus ‘gave pause’ to Minos in his secret exultation. 122 adiavros, ‘unwetted.’ Simonides fr. 37. 3 οὐκ ἀδιάντοισιν παρειαῖς : Pind. N. vit. 73 σθένος ἀδίαντον (schol. ἄνευ idparos). 124 2. θεῶν δῶρα: the mantle and wreath bestowed by Amphitrite are re- garded as coming also from Poseidon.— According to Pausanias and Hyginus (n. on 114), Theseus brought back also the ring of Minos: it was given to him, says Hyginus, by the Nereids. B. ignores the ring. The ‘gifts of the gods’ suffice to prove the origin of Theseus. “ἢ légitime sa naissance divine sans se faire le serviteur du roi de Créte’ (Weil). ἀγλαόθρονοι ... κοῦραι: ‘the bright- 390 BAKXYAIAOY [XVI, XVII % κλαγεν δὲ πόντος" ἠΐθεοι δ᾽ ἐγγύθεν 7 νέοι παιάνιξαν ἐρατᾷ (F)omi. 13018 Δάλιε, χοροῖσι Κηΐων 1 φρένα ἰανθεὶς 2 ὄπαζε θεόπομπον ἐσθλῶν τύχαν. XVII. [XVIIL.] OHCEYC στρ. α΄. XO. : Βασιλεῦ τᾶν ἱερᾶν ᾿Αθανᾶν, 2 τῶν ἁβροβίων ἄναξ ᾿Ιώνων, , 4 » , 3 τί νέον ἔκλαγε χαλκοκώδων 4 σάλπιγξ πολεμηΐαν ἀοιδάν; 191 φρένα MS.: φρένας conj. J. xVII. The title added in the left margin by 443, 2 ABPOBIKON ...1EPQNON A: corr. A??—The words τῶν ἁβροβίων ᾿Ιώνων ἄναξ are quoted from Bacchylides in that order (which Wilamowitz had already corrected, /syllos p. 143) by (1) Maximus Planudes (14th cent.) in his scholia to Hermogenes περὶ ἰδεῶν a, Walz throned maidens’ are the Nereids : Pind. NV. iv. 65 (Peleus) ἔγαμεν ὑψιθρόνων μίαν Νηρεΐδων. The epithet dyAad@povos is given by Pindar to the Muses (0. ΧΠΙ. 96), and to the Danaides (4. X. 1). The Horae, and the semi-divine daughters of Cadmus, are εὔθρονοι (P. 1X. 60, O. 11. 22). 126—129 νεοκτίτῳ, the form used by Nonnus 18. 294, while Pindar and classical prose have vedxrioros. Cp. the Homeric ἐὔΐκτιτος (111. 46). The glorifi- cation of Theseus gave the Nereids a sudden emotion of delight.—#AsAvgav : the word usually denoted a cry of women, and especially a joyous cry (Od. 22. 408, Eur. £Z/. 6ρ1).---ἔκλαγεν... πόντος. The sympathy of the sea with Poseidon is more than once marked in the “αι: as when it joyously makes way for his chariot (13. 29 γηθοσύνη δὲ θάλασσα διίΐστατο), or is stirred by his champion- ship of the Greeks (14. 392 ἐκλύσθη δὲ θάλασσα x.T.d.). For € before KA, cp. XV.13 2; ἠΐθεοι, both youths and maidens, as in 43, 93- Here νέοι is probably adj., not subst.; cp. κοῦροι νέοι (Z7. 13. 95). But we find other phrases in which ἤθεος is clearly adj., as Eupolis fr. incert. 40 κόρη... ἤθεος, Plut. Zhes. 17 ἤθεοι matdes.—éyyvOev, ‘hard by,’ 2.5. near Theseus, who was now beside the ship ; while the cry of the Nereids was heard from the depths. 129 παιάνιξαν: for the al, see n. on g2.—éparg (οπί: xv. 7. The hiatus is excused by the tradition of F (77. 3. 221 ἀλλ᾽ ὅτε δὴ ὄπα τε μεγάλην, Od. 14. 492 ὀλιγῇ ὀπί, εἰς. 180 Δάλιε: this paean to the Delian Apollo may have been sung in Delos. χοροῖσι: the reference is peculiarly fitting here. Theseus, returning with his com- panions from Crete to Athens, touched at Delos, and there ἐχόρευσε μετὰ τῶν ἠθέων χορείαν (Plut. Zhes. 21), — the dance called γέρανος. (See Introd.) 131 φρένα ἰανθείς. There is a strong case for writing φρένας, since the similar Homeric phrases are so frequent that it is difficult to understand how B. could have assumed Ff before the verb:—//. 19. 174 φρεσὶ σῇσιν ἰανθῇς, 23. 600 θυμὸς ἰάνθη, Od. 4. 840 ἧτορ ἰάνθη, 23. 47 θυμὸν ἰάνθης, etc. [In 24. 382, φρένας ἔνδον ἐγήθεις, Eustath. read ἰάνθης.] But on the other hand B. could write εἵλετο fiév (V. 75), in face of 72 4. 116 ἐκ XVI, XVII] AIOYPAMBO! 391 the deep resounded ; while the youths and maidens hard by raised a paean with their lovely voices. God of Delos, may the choruses of the Ceans be pleasing to thy soul; and mayest thou give us blessings for our portion, wafted by thy power divine! XVII. [XVIIL.] THESEUS. CHORUS. King of sacred Athens, lord of the delicately- str. 1. living Ionians, why has the trumpet lately sounded a war-note from its bell of bronze ? Rhet. Graect V. 4933 and (2) by an anonymous scholiast on the same work, ἐδ. viI- 982. (3) A third commentator, Joannes Siceliota (gth cent.), 7. VI. 241, quotes from: B. ἁβρότητι ξυνέασιν Ἴωνες βασιλῆες. Bergk (fr. 42) took this last to be the original source of the citation τῶν ἁβροβίων ᾿Ιώνων ἄναξ, but used the latter in changing “Iwves- into ᾿Ιώνων. above the first A (by A*?). 8 τί A: o added above by A*.—XAAKOAQAQN A: « written δ᾽ ἕλετ᾽ ἰόν, the very passage which was his model. [In 111. 68, where A wrote φθόνῳ ἰαίνεται, A®s πιαίνεται is clearly right.] This warning instance is my sole reason for leaving φρένα in the text. 132 ὄπαζε: so the Homeric hymn to Demeter ends (v. 494) with the prayer βίον θυμήρε᾽ ὀπάζειν : as does also Hymn ΧΧΧ.--θεόπομπον, ‘sent to us by divine power.’ Pindar’s θεόπομποί σφισιν τιμαὶ φύτευθεν (P. IV. 69), which perhaps suggested φύτευσε τιμάν in 68 f., may have prompted this word also.—érOAwv τύ- Xav: cp. IV. 20 μοῖραν ἐσθλῶν. The genitive with τύχα in Pindar usually denotes the giver (as in MV. Iv. 7 σὺν Χαρίτων τύχᾳ), but can also denote the gift, O. XIII. 115 τύχαν τερπνῶν γλυ- κειαν. Invocation of a god at the close of the ode occurs in Pind. Οὐ v1. 176 (Poseidon), xu. 115 (Zeus), 7. vi. 49 (Apollo). Sometimes, again, there is a prayer without invocation (O. vill. 84: δ V. 114). VII. 1 15 A Chorus of Athe- nians, addressing Aegeus, ask why a call to arms has just been sounded. (See Introd.) 1 tepav, a frequent epithet of Athens: Soph. Az, 1221 (n.), Ar. Ἐφ. 1319, Pind. fr. 75. 4, etc. 2 τῶν ἁβροβίων. The epithet means. that from early days the Athenians had prided themselves on their union of refinement with valour (cp. v. 13)- Thucydides (I. 6, ὃ 3) speaks of τὸ ἁβροδίαιτον as a trait of the wealthier Athenians down to a time not long before his own; instancing the long linen tunic, from which Ionians were called ἑλκεχίτωνες (71. 13. 685 etc.), and the use by men of golden τέττιγες as brooches to fasten up the hair. Cratinus (Χείρωνες fr. 239) adds some touches, such as the wearing of a flower ‘at the | ear,’ and the carrying of an apple in the hand. Heracleides Ponticus (in Athenaeus p. 5124) insists that Athens had been greatest when most luxurious :— Καὶ ἡ ᾿Αθηναίων πόλις, ἕως ἐτρύφα, meyl- στη τε ἦν καὶ μεγαλοψυχοτάτους ἔτρεφεν ἄνδρας.--- ώνων, Athenians: cp. XVI. 3. Sf. νέον, ‘lately,’ as in 16. (Not ‘afresh.’)—xadkoxwdov: Soph. “42. 17 χαλκοστόμου κώδωνος ws ἘΤυρσηνικῆς.--- ἀοιδάν: an unexampled use of the term in reference to such a sound as that of the trumpet. The meaning of the verb is wider than that of the subst., so that ἄεισε σάλπιγξ would seem less strange. It was perhaps some reason of euphony that restrained B. from using the fitter word employed by Aesch. » Pers. 395 σάλπιγξ δ᾽ ἀντῇ πάντ᾽ ἐκεῖν᾽ ἐπέ- φλεγεν. 392 BAKXYAIAOY [XVII 5 ἢ τις ἁμετέρας χθονὸς 6 δυσμενὴς ὅ ope ἀμφιβάλλει 7 στραταγέτας ἀνήρ; ; 8. ἢ λῃσταὶ κακομάχανοι 9 ποιμένων. ἀέκατι μήλων 10 σεύοντ᾽ ἀγέλας Bia; τ ἢ τί τοι κραδίαν ἀμύσσει; 12 φθέγγευ᾽ δοκέω γὰρ εἴ τινι βροτῶν 13 ἀλκίμων ἐπικουρίαν 1% Σ᾿καὶ τὶν ἔμμεναι νέων, ἊΨ ε Ν , 15 ὦ Πανδίονος υἱὲ καὶ Kpeovoas. τῷ Γι Ne » φωτός" 20 aA un δ ὦ N : Nélov ἦλθεν δολιχὰν ἀμείψας lal Ἁ 3 ’ / Kapv€ ποσὶν ᾿Ισθμίαν κέλευθον" ἄφατα δ᾽ ἔργα λέγει κραταιοῦ Ἅ ε ’ ’ > » τὸν ὑπέρβιόν τ᾽ ἔπεφνεν Σίνιν, ὃς ἰσχύϊ φέρτατος θνατῶν ἦν, Κρονίδα Λυταίου σεισίχθονος τέκος" 8 σῦν T ἀνδροκτόνον ἐν νάπαις 9 Κρεμμνῶνος, ἀτάσθαλόν τε 25 τὸ 6 ὅρι OPEI A: corr. A®? A’ EKATI Ms.: 12 φθέγγευ Blass, Wackernagel : corr. Palmer, van Branteghem. φθέγγου MS. Σκίρωνα κατέκτανεν" 8 λῃσταὶ] AHTAI A, AHCTAI a!? 9 ἀέκατι] 10 CETONTI A: corr. Al. 13 ἀλκίμων] AAKIMOT A: 5 The interrogative 4 is followed by ἢ (8)... (11), as in Pind. Z vu. 3—12, Soph. dz. 172—182. 6 ἀμφιβάλλει, ‘besets,’ with the στρατός implied by orparayéras. Eur. Andr. 706f. ᾿Ιλιάδα τε πόλιν...ὁ Διὸς tus ἀμφέβαλε φόνῳ (‘encompassed’). 8 λῃσταί, not the Doric λᾳσταί, to avoid double a; yet in Xv. 17 λαΐδος : so V. 194 φήμα, but VIII. 3 mpoparas: v. 167 ἀδμήτα, but Χ. 84 ἄδματοι. 10 σεύοντ᾽, ‘drive off.’ For the elision of t in Doric 3rd plur., cp. fr. 3. 12: Pind. O. vil. to xaréxovr’: ἢ. IV. 241 ἀγαπάζοντ᾽.-- ἀγέλας, distinguished from ποίμνας in Hes. 7h. 445 f. as ‘herds’ from ‘flocks,’ but here a substitute for it. 11 dptooe, ‘gnaws’: 71. τ. 243 σὺ δ᾽ ἔνδοθι θυμὸν ἀμύξεις: Aesch. fers. 161 καί με καρδίαν ἀμύσσει φροντίς. 12 δοκέω, -“--- (cp. 27), as καλέω is scanned in Aesch. Ag. 147. Smyth observes that disyllabic ἕω in the rst pers. sing. of contracted verbs is nowhere else proved by metre in Ionic verse (Zonzc Dialect, ὃ 638. 2). 18 f. ἐπικουρίαν, ‘aid’: Aesch. Pers. 731 ὦ πόποι κεδνῆς ἀρωγῆς κἀπικουρίας orparov.—In καὶ τὶν, after εἴ τινι, the καί is normal according to Greek idiom, though redundant for ours: ‘if any man has, thou a/so hast.’ Antiphon or. 5 ὃ 23 ἐζητεῖτο οὐδέν τι μᾶλλον ὑπὸ τῶν ἄλλων ἢ καὶ br’ ἐμοῦ. (Cp. Soph. 0.6. 53 n.) —tppevar is used by B. only here: ἔμμεν in 31, 56, and V. 144: εἶμεν only in IX. 48. 15 Kpeotcas. It is only here that Creusa figures as wife of Pandion and mother of Aegeus. In the ordinary Attic legend (as old at least as Euripides) she is daughter of Erechtheus, wife of Xuthus, and mother by Apollo of Ion. The mother of Aegeus is elsewhere Πυλία, XVII] AIOYPAMBOI 393 Is the leader of a hostile army besetting the borders of our land? Or are robbers, devisers of evil, driving off our flocks of sheep perforce, in despite of the shepherds? Or what is the care that gnaws thy heart? Speak; for thou, methinks, if any mortal, hast the aid of valiant youth at hand, O son of Pandion and Creusa. AEGEUS. A herald has lately come, whose feet have traversed the long road from the Isthmus; and he tells of prodigious deeds by a man of might. That man has slain the tremendous Sinis, who was foremost of mortals in strength, offspring of the Earth-shaker, the Lytaean son of Cronus. He has laid low the man-killing sow in Crem- myon’s woods, and the wicked Sciron. corr. Δ, 16 This verse, the last in col. xxxvi, has been added by another hand, the same which supplied the latter part of X. 23.—véov Palmer: ..ON Ms.— ἦλθεν K.: HAOE Ms. 18 AETEIN A: corr. Al. 24 KPEMYONOS ms.: corr. K. daughter of Πύλας, king of Megara, Apollod. 3. 15. 5 (where Πελία was a false reading): Paus. 1. 5. 3, where she is described as ‘daughter of Pylas,’ but not named. The mention of Creusa by B. suggests that there was as yet no fixed tradition. 16f. ἀμείψας, ‘having traversed’; Aesch. Pers. 69 πορθμὸν ἀμείψας (having ‘crossed’ the Hellespont): so Eur. Or. 1295 ἀμείβω κέλευθον.--Ἰσθμίαν κέ- λευθον: the road along the coast from the Isthmus of Corinth to Athens, a distance of about 45 miles. 18 épya. The five feats here ascribed to Theseus on his journey from the Isthmus to Athens are given in the same order by Diodorus Iv. 59 and Plutarch Thes. 8—11. Those writers, however, relate another ἄθλος, which was the first, —the slaying of the robber Περιφή- της, called Κορυνήτης from his club, at Epidaurus. This feat may have been a later addition (C. Robert, Hermes 1898, p- 149). At any rate it is only the journey from the Isthmus (v. 17) that falls within the scope of the poem.—In enumerating the feats, re is five times repeated (19, 23, 24, 26, 27). 20—22 Xivv: he dwelt at the Isth- mus, and was called πιτυοκάμπτης from the manner in which he rent his victims, Diod. ἢ c. :---δύο πίτυς κάμπτων, καὶ πρὸς ἑκατέραν τὸν ἕνα βραχίονα προσδεσμεύων, ἄφνω τὰς πίτυς ἠφίει. Ovid 27εἰ. VII. 441 f. gut poterat curvare trabes, et agebat ab alto | ad terram late sparsuras corpora pinus.—KpoviSa, of Poseidon: XvI. 77 ἢ. — 4 δοντα μὴ ᾿ντυχεῖν κακῷ. 26 Κερκυόνος] KEPKYTNOC A: corr. 45. 28 EZEBAAAEN ms.: corr. K. 34 CTPATAN A: corr. A®. 35 σὺν érdocw Weil, Festa, Goligher: so Blass, Smyth. CTNOILAOICIN ms.: συνόπλοιό vw Ludwich: μόνον τ᾽ ἄνοπλόν τέ νιν K. (So and in Her. VIII. 109 with ἀνόσιον .---Σκί- ρωνα, arobber who used to throw travellers from the ‘ Scironian rocks’ into the sea. The coast-road from Megara to Corinth was called ἡ Σκιρωνικὴ ὁδός (Her. ν ΠΙ. 71), because, according to a Megarian legend, Sciron had first made it practicable (Paus. 1. 44. 6). A few miles w. of Megara, this road passed along the cliffs known as Σκιρωνίδες (or Σκιράδες) πέτραι, formed by the end of a rocky spur which runs down from Mount Geraneia to the coast. While in Ionic legend Sciron was a malefactor, in the Megarian he was a warlike hero, father of Endeis the wife of Aeacus (Plut. 7hes. 10): cp. XII. 96 n. 26 Κερκυόνος : Diod. Iv. 59 τὸν δια- παλαίοντα Tots παριοῦσι, καὶ τὸν ἡττηθέντα διαφθείροντα. He dwelt near Eleusis. Theseus ‘closed his wrestling-school’ (παλαίστραν). Ov. Met. vil. 439 Cer- cyonts letum vidit Cerealis Eleusin. Pau- sanias (1. 39. 3), speaking of a place on the road from Megara to Eleusis, says, ὁ τόπος οὗτος παλαίστρα καὶ és ἐμὲ ἐκαλεῖτο Κερκυόνος. 21. 80 ἸΙ]ολυπήμονος. Procoptes (or Procrustes) is here his successor, perhaps his son. Ovid /éis 409 Ut Sins et Sciron et cum Polypemone natus : where the ‘son’ is almost certainly Procrustes, whom Ovid associates with the others in Me¢. vu. 436 ff. and Heroid. 11. 69 ff. According to Paus. 1. 38. 5 Procrustes was merely a surname of Polypemon. But there may have been different versions. B. supposes that Pro- crustes had received the odipa, and learned the use of it, from Polypemon. For other views of the passage, see Appendix. : 7. 14. 419 (Hector falling) χειρὸς δ᾽ ἔκβαλεν ἔγχος : Eur. Andr. 629 ἐκβαλὼν ξίφος.---ΠΠροκόπτας (only here) is ‘he who cuts short’ (though zpo- κόπτειν regularly means ‘to make pro- gress’), while Προκρούστης is ‘he who éeats out’ (as on an anvil). This brigand XVII] AIOYPAMBOI 395 He has closed the wrestling-school of Cercyon. The mighty hammer of Polypemon has dropped from the hand of the Maimer, who has met with a stronger than himself. I fear how these things are to end. Cu. And who and whence is this man said to be, and how str. 3. equipped? Is he leading a great host in warlike array? Or travelling with his servants only, like a wayfarer who wanders forth to a strange folk,—this man so vigorous, so valiant, and so bold, who has quelled the stubborn strength of such foes? Verily a god is speeding him, so that he shall bring a rightful doom on the unrighteous; for it is not easy to achieve deed after deed without chancing upon evil. Jurenka, but with μοῦνον.) 836 CTIXEIN ms.: corr. K. ' 39 ὅς τε τούτων Palmer, K. (ὃς τὸ τούτων Blass"): ὃς τοσούτων Platt, Blass? (ὃς τοιούτων conj. K.). Oc ΤΟΥΤΩΝ ms. EXEN A: corr. A®? 40 κρατερὸν] KAPTEPON Ms.: corr. K. 41 ἔσχεν] adjusted the length of his victims to his κλίνη: Diod. Iv. 59 τῶν μὲν μακροτέρων τὰ προέχοντα μέρη τοῦ σώματος ἀπέ- κοπτε, τῶν δ᾽ ἐλαττόνων τοὺς πόδας προέκρουεν. Β. may have used the new word because he did not wish to shorten the first o of Προκρούστης. The scene of this feat, the last on the hero’s journey, was always placed in Attica; either at Hermos, an Attic deme in the part of Aegaleos called Ποικίλον, now the pass of Daphne (ἐν "Epyer Plut. Thes. 11); or in Corydallos, the region of Aegaleos nearest the sea (Diod. Iv. 59); or close to Athens, on the banks of the Cephisus (Ovid JZe7¢. v11. 438, Paus. I, 38. 5). 80 ὅπᾳ τελεῖται, ‘How all this will end’ (‘where’ would be ὅποι). Aegeus .fears that this hero may reach Athens, and prove no less invincible there.—For the fut. midd. of τελέω used as passive, see //. 2. 36, Od. 23. 254. In Aesch. Ag. 68 τελεῖται is better taken as a present ; cp. 45n. 81 τίνα... πόθεν : see on V. 86 ff. τίς... ἐν ποίᾳ χθονί; 883°. πότερα x.7.A.: a question like that asked in Soph. O. 7. 750f. con- cerning Laius: πότερον ἐχώρει βαιός (‘in small force’), ἢ πολλοὺς ἔχων | ἄνδρας λοχίτας, of” ἀνὴρ ἀρχηγέτης ;---ὅπλοισι, the arms borne by the στρατιά, not merely by the leader. 85 μοῦνον σὺν ὀπάοσιν, ‘alone with his attendants’; 2.6. not leading a host, but merely followed by one or two servants, such as even a private traveller might have with him. The relative sense of μοῦνον is illustrated by Aesch. Pers. 734 μονάδα δὲ Ξέρξην ἔρημόν φασιν οὐ πολλῶν wéra.—The emendation σὺν ὀπά- οσιν (σὺν ὅπλοισιν MS.) is palaeogra- phically easy: for others, see Appendix. 36 ἔμπορον, vialorem (as in Soph. O. C. 25, 303, gor): not ‘merchant.’— ἀλάταν -- ἀλώμενον : in tragedy often said of a roaming exile (Aesch. Ag. 1282 φυγὰς δ᾽ ὀλήτης, τῆσδε γῆς ἀπόξενοΞ). 37 ἀλλοδαμίαν, properly ‘ residence abroad’: Plat. Legg. 954 Ε ἐν ἀλλοδημίᾳ, as opposed to living in Attica. Here the word denotes the foreign place: cp. 77. 24. 480 f. ἐνὶ warpy φῶτα κατακτείνας ἄλλων ἐξίκετο δῆμον. For ἐπί, cp. Od. τ. 183 πλέων ἐπὶ οἴνοπα πόντον ἐπ᾽ ἀλλο- - θρόους ἀνθρώπους. 89 ὅς τε, as in XII. 105.---τούτων ΞΞ- τοιούτων : Pind. O. IV.-26 οὗτος ἐγὼ ταχυτᾶτι: talis ego pernicitate. The conjecture ὃς τοιούτων (which would be slightly preferable here to τοσούτων) deserves to be weighed; but it seems rather more likely that re dropped out between és and τούτων. 42 ὄφρα μήσεται: for the fut. indic. in the final clause, cp. 2. 16. 242f. θάρσυνον δέ οἱ ἦτορ ἐνὶ φρεσίν, ὄφρα καὶ Ἕκτωρ | εἴσεται. Od. 1. 57 θέλγει, ὅπως ᾿Ιθάκην ἐπιλήσεται. 43 f£. αἰὲν ἕρδοντα: the unbroken series of his victories argues that Theseus is under divine protection.—This is better than to refer pdovra (as= ‘doing evil’) to each of the vanquished. 396 BAKXYAIAOY [XVII Σ ’ > > Lal ὃ λ “ ’ 4 A 4515 TWavT ἐν τῳ OOALK@ χρονῳ TEAELTAL. στρ. δ΄. AIT. : Avo (F)ou φῶτε μόνους ἁμαρτεῖν 2 λέγει, περὶ φαιδίμοισι δ᾽ ὦμοις 3 ξίφος ἔχειν «ἐλεφαντόκωπον:-" Ἁ \ 7? > ? 3 ¥ + €eatovs δὲ δύ᾽ ἐν χέρεσσ᾽ ἄκοντας Ο01.38 5° ¥ / ΄ 5 KNUTUKTOV κυνέαν Λαάκαι- 6 ναν κρατὸς πέρι πυρσοχαίτου" 7 στέρνοις τε πορφύρεον 8 χιτῶν ἄμφι, καὶ οὔλιον 9 Θεσσαλὰν χλαμύδ᾽- 55 το ὀμμάτων δὲ » στίλβειν amo Λαμνίαν n φοίνισσαν φλόγα: παῖδα δ᾽ ἔμμεν 46 ἁμαρτεῖν] ὁμαρτεῖν K. 48 ξίφος ἔχειν] Nothing has been lost in the Ms.: the rest of the verse was probably wanting in the archetype. ἐλεφαντόκωπον, supplied by Desrousseaux, is read by Blass, Jurenka, Smyth.—K. conj. κορύναν τε πυκνάν. 50 Σ. κηὔτυκτον] κηὔτυκον ἸΚ.---πέρι J. (Class. RX. X11. 155, Apr. 1898), Blass, Sitzler: 45 τῷ δολιχῷ χρόνῳ: for the art., cp. Her. v. 9 γένοιτο δ᾽ av πᾶν ἐν τῷ μακρῷ χρόνῳ : Soph. Az. 646 ὁ μακρὸς... χρόνος.---τελεῖται (ρτε5.): δὴ inten- tional echo of τελεῖται (fut.) at the close of the preceding strophe (30). 46 δύο... φῶτε. Are these merely attendants of Theseus ; or does the poet indicate two heroes as his comrades ? The latter is the view of C. Robert (Hermes, 1898, p. 150),. who thinks that Peirithous and Phorbas are meant. As to Phorbas, son of Triopas, a famous boxer, see Hom. hymn. Ap. Pyth. 33: Paus. VII. 26. 12: schol. //. 23. 660. These two heroes are sometimes associ- ated with Theseus, as in the carrying off of the Amazon Antiope (Weizsicker, art. Peirithoos in Roscher’s Zex., p. 1783). According to the usual legend, Theseus journeyed alone from Troezen to Athens: and in the sculptures of the Theseion, depicting his feats on the way, he has no companion (see Baumeister, Denk. vol. 111. pp. 1779 ff.). But on a vase at Munich (Arch. eit 23, fig. 195) Theseus has two comrades with him in his slaying of Sinis and of Procrustes. Such an addition is foreign to the spirit of the original legend, the very point of which is that Theseus braves the perils of the road without support. It seems pro- bable that the innovation may have been due in the first instance to vase- painters (p. 233).—As to the word φῶτε, cp. n, on XVI. 49. μόνους, plur. adj. with dual subst.: Plat. Authyd. P- 273 Ὁ ἐγελασάτην... ἄμφω βλέψαντες εἰς ἀλλήλους.---ἁμαρτεῖν = ὁμαρτεῖν : n. on VIII. 103 f. 48 ἐλεφαντόκωπον is aptly supplied by Desrousseaux. According to Ovid (Met. Vil. 421 ff.) Theseus, after reaching Athens, was about to drink the poisoned chalice prepared for him by Medea, when the zvory hilt of his sword revealed him to Aegeus, who dashed the cup from his lips :—Cum pater in capulo οὐ αι cognovit eburno Signa sui generis, facinusque ex- cussit ab ore. 49 δύ᾽ ἄκοντας: the δύο δοῦρε of the Homeric warrior (//. 3. 18 etc.), the αἰχμαὶ δίδυμαι of Pindar’s Jason (/. Iv. 79).—xépeoo”: epic elision of ¢ in the dative: J/. be 5 ἀστέρ᾽ ὀπωρινῷ. 50 f. κηὔτυκτον :: for the crasis cp. III. 81 xwre: also XVI. 33. The syllable answering to the second of εὔτυκτον is long in 35 (μοῦνον), though short in 5 and 20. It is unnecessary to write κηῦ- τυκον.---κυνέαν Λάκαιναν. The word κυνέη, κυνῆ (‘dog-skin’) denoted (1) a helmet, made either wholly of skin (which might be ox-hide, marten-skin, goat-skin, etc.), or of skin strengthened with metal; hence χαλκήρης (//. 3. 316). In Od. 18. 378 κυνέη πάγχαλκος is one of which leather forms merely the lining. ΧΥΠ] ΔΙΘΥΡΑΛΛΒΟΙ 307 In the long course of time all things find their end. AEG. Only two men attend him, says the herald. Hester. 4. has a sword, with ivory hilt, slung from his bright shoulders: he carries in his hands a couple of polished javelins; a well-wrought Laconian bonnet covers his ruddy locks; around his breast he wears a purple tunic and a thick Thessalian mantle. A fiery light, as of the Lemnian flame, flashes from his eyes: a youth he is so Jurenka, Smyth. ὙΠΕΡ ms. corr. K. 52 f. στέρνοις τε... χιτῶνα transposed by Wilamo- witz and Platt: so also Smyth.—orépvors (rightly) A: στέρνοισι A). by A, and added by A? in the upper margin of col. ΧΧΧΥ ΤΠ. 55—57 omitted 56 ἔμμεν] EMEN Ms.: (2) But κυνῇ meant also a broad-brimmed travelling hat (ἡλξδστερής, Soph. O. C. 313), such as was called ‘Thessalian’ or ‘Arcadian’ (¢d. fr. 251). Here the epithet Λάκαινα probably denotes some kind of κυνῇ worn by warriors. κρατὸς πέρι. The MS. κρατὸς ὕπερ gives ~~ - (-os ὕπερ) where in 6, 21 and 36 we find -~~. Crusius (PAz/ol. τιν τι. NV. F. Xi. p. 175) defends the variation as a case of anaclasis, permissible in Ionics: but it seems far more probable, if not certain, that ὕπερ should be cor- rected to πέρι. When περί denotes ‘position around,’ the case is usually the dative; but the genitive also occurs: Od. 5. 130 περὶ τρόπιος βεβαῶτα, ‘be- striding the keel’ (cp. 76. 371 ἀμφ᾽ ἑνὶ δούρατι Baive): also 5. 68 τετάνυστο περὶ σπείους γλαφυροῖο | ἡμερίς (‘about the cave trailed a garden-vine’). — Smyth suggests that κρατὸς πέρι here= ‘above the head.’ For this old use of περί as=trép, cp. Alcaeus fr. 93 κεῖσθαι περ ᾿κεφάλας...λίθος, Sappho fr. 1. 10 f. περὶ γᾶς μελαίνας | πύκνα δίννεντες πτέρ᾽ ἀπ᾽ ὠράνω αἴθεϊρος διὰ μέσσω, and fr. 92 πέρροχος = ὑπέροχος : also περίειμι, περι- γίγνομαι as = ‘to excel.’ But, in re- ference to a helmet, the sense ‘around’ is fitter. —mvproxatrov: of a golden red tint, which the Greeks admired: the Daphnis and Menalcas of Theocritus (Za. VIII. 3) are πυρροτρίχω. 52 f. In the reading of the MS., χιτῶνα πορφύρεον | στέρνοις τ᾽ ἄμφι, the place of re, as 4th instead of 2nd word, is im- possible. [Jurenka defends it by referring to Pind. O. m1. 18 (φύτευμα) ξυνὸν ἀνθρώ- ποις στέφανόν τ᾽ ἀρετᾶν: but ξυνὸν there belongs to φύτευμα, which he omits to quote, and not to στέφανον.) The trans- position στέρνοις τε.. χιτῶν᾽ is certain. The error in the Ms. was due, I suspect, to some one who had noticed that two of the three verses corresponding with 52, viz. 7 and 37, begin with an zambus, which he wished to obtain here by shifting χιτῶν᾽ from 53 to 52: though the third, verse 22, might have shown him that a spondee was equally ad- missible. All the three verses (8, 23, 38) answering to 53 begin with a spondee; but there, as at the beginning of v. 52, an iambus was also correct. 53 f£. οὔλιον here=otddv, ‘woolly,’ ‘thick.’ Everywhere else in classical Greek οὔλιος means ‘destructive.’—Oec- σαλὰν χλαμύδ᾽. The χλαμύς, a short mantle, was especially Thessalian (Pollux vil. 46, X. 124),—a fact connected with its fitness for riders on horseback. It was often worn by soldiers: thus, in a story told by Aelian (V. H. Χιν. το), Demades asks Phocion for the chlamys which he was wont to wear παρὰ τὴν στρατηγίαν. The mention of it is the more suitable here, in connexion with. πρώθηβον, as it was worn by the Athenian ἔφηβοι: cp. Antidotus (of the Middle Comedy) Πρωτόχορος fr. 1. 2 πρὶν ἐγγραφῆναι καὶ λαβεῖν τὸ χλαμύδιον, —where the ‘enrolment’ is that of the ephebus in the register of his deme (ληξιαρχικὸν γραμματεῖον). 55 f. apviav, 2.2. fierce. The volcano Μόσυχλος in Lemnos (Soph. Phil. 800) gave rise to the proverbial Λήμνιον πῦρ (Ar. Lys. 299): cp. Hesych. Λήμνιον Brérew. — φοίνισσαν, fulvam, the tawny-red hue of fire: Pind. P. 1. 24 .(of Aetna) φοίνισσα κυλιδομένα φλόξ: Eur. 77. 815 πυρὸς φοίνικι πνοᾷ. --- ἔμμεν: cp. r4n. 398 BAKXYAIAOY [XVII, XVIII 2 πρώθηβον, ἀρηΐων δ᾽ ἀθυρμάτων 5 μεμνᾶσθαι πολέμου τε καὶ 4 χαλκεοκτύπου μάχας" 6015 δίζησθαι δὲ φιλαγλάους ᾿Αθάνας. XVIII. [XIX.] 1Q AOHNAIOIC στρ. : Πάρεστι μυρία κέλευθος 5 ’ , 2 ἀμβροσίων μελέων, a x» ‘ ’ 4 3 ὃς ἂν παρὰ Πιερίδων λά- 4 χῇσι δῶρα Μουσᾶν, 5 ἰοβλέφαροί τε καὶ 6 φερεστέφανοι Χάριτες ΄ dl ‘ 7 Baroow ἄμφι τιμὰν 8 ὕμνοισιν᾽ ὕφαινέ νυν ἐν 9 ταῖς πολυηράτοις τι κλεινὸν 10 ὀλβίαις ᾿Αθάναις, evaivere Κηΐα μέριμνα. 2 πρέπει σε φερτάταν ἴμεν ε Ν Ν 4 13 ὁδὸν Tapa Καλλιόπας λα- τὰ χοῖσαν ἔξοχον γέρας. 15 ἦεν Ἄργος ὅθ᾽ ἵππιον λιποῦσα " »" 59 χαλκεοκτύπου] ΧΑΛΚΕΝΤΎΠΟΥ A: corr. 4.3, 60 δίζησθαι δὲ] Blass thinks that all the letters after A were written by A® in a space left vacant by A. Θ has been made from A. VIII. The title added in the left margin by A?.—AOHNAIOIC] ᾿Αθηναίοισι K.: but his final I may (as Ludwich and Blass think) have been part of a coronis 57 πρώθηβον: the Homeric form is 59 χαλκεοκτύπου : n. on XIII. 15 f. πρωθήβης (71. 8. 518 etc.): but a fem. 60 φιλαγλάους, ‘splendour-loving,’ πρωθήβη occurs once (Od. 1. 431).— ‘brilliant.’ Pindar, who perhaps in- ἀρηΐων ἀθυρμάτων: cp. Hor. C. 1. 2. vented the word, applies it (P. X11. 1) 37 f. (of Mars) Hew nimis longo satiate ludo, Quem iuvat clamor galeaeque leves. See n. on VIII. 87 Μουσᾶν.. «ἄθυρμα. 58 μεμνᾶσθαι, “" gives heed to,’ ‘is intent upon’: Pind. fr. 94 μεμναίατ᾽ ἀοιδᾶς, “(παι they might) be mindful of song.’ — The use of the perfect μέμνη- μαι in such phrases is distinct from that . of the aorist in the Homeric μνήσασθε δὲ θούριδος ἀλκῆς (77.6. 112, ‘bethink you...’). to the tutelary nymph of Acragas,—xa)- Mora βροτεᾶν πολίων. ἸΚΎΤΙΙ. 1 f. μυρία κέλευθος: v. 31. π-ἀμβροσίων: Pind. P. Iv. 299 παγὰν ἀμβροσίων ἑπέων. 92. ὃς dv: the antecedent to be supplied is τούτῳ, as in Soph. Ant. 35 f. ὃς ἂν τούτων τι δρᾷ, | φόνον προκεῖσθαι. -- Πιερίδων : cp. 35: XV. 3 Πιερίαθεν. XVII, XVIII] AlOYPAMBOI 399 in earliest manhood, intent on the pastimes of Ares,—on warfare and the clangour of battle ; and he seeks brilliant Athens. XVITI, [XIX.] (FOR THE ATHENIANS.) A thousand paths of poesy divine are open to him who has str. received gifts from the Muses of Pieria, and whose songs have been clothed with worship by the dark-eyed Graces who bring the wreath. Weave, then, some glorious lay in Athens, the lovely and the blest, thou Cean fantasy of fair renown. A choice strain should be thine, since Calliope has given thee a meed of signal honour. There was a time when, by the counsels of wide-ruling Zeus marking the end of ode xvilI. 3 ILEIEPIAQN ms. 9 κλεινὸν K., Blass, Jurenka.—KAINON A: but A® has written ε above AI, though without changing A into A. ἵππιον] ἹΠΠΈΙΟΝ A: corr. A*? 15 TIHN Μ8.: see Appendix.—é@’] OT A: corr. A*.— --λάχῃσι, epic for λάχῃ: so fr. 16. 3 θάλπῃσι. 5—8 From ὃς ἄν we supply ᾧ ἄν for this second clause (‘and for whom’).— ἰοβλέφαροι, epithet of the Muses in VIII. 3.—eperrépavor, here with re- ference to victory in poetical contests: epigr. 1. 2 f. πολέας δ᾽ ἐν ἀθύρμασι Μουσᾶν ! Kyiv ἀμφιτίθει Βακχυλίδῃ στε- φάνους.---Χάριτες inspire song; Vv. 9n.— βάλωσιν ἄμφι--ἀμφιβάλωσιν: cp. IV. 20 n.—vvv with v (cp. 21), the only instance of the enclitic in B. 9 It is not easy to decide between καινὸν, the scribe’s reading, and κλεινὸν, the corrector’s. (1) καινόν is illustrated by Pindar’s frequent claim of ‘newness’ for his song (O. 111. 4, 1X. 48: /. Iv. 63, etc.). But the ear of Bacchylides, pe- culiarly sensitive to recurrent vowel- sounds, might have disliked καινόν so soon after ὕφαινε. (2) For κλεινόν it may be said that it is in good keeping with the lofty tone of this proem; cp. ἀμβροσίων μελέων---τιμάν---φερτάταν ὁδόν -ἔξοχον γέρας. In v. 13f. the poet is Οὐρανίας κλεινὸς θεράπων. On the whole, I accept κλεινόν, though without feeling certain that it is right. 11 evatvere: cp. Ill. 64 μεγαίνητε: Pind. 2. Iv. 177 evalynros ᾿Ορφεύς. But aiverés was used by Alcaeus and Anti- machus (Steph. Zhesaur.); as also by Arist. Rhet. 11. 25. 7. Pindar has αἰ- vnrés.— Kya: cp. 111. 98.--- μέριμνα is the musing, the fantasy, of the poet,— here half-personified. (This is somewhat different from Pindar’s use of the word to denote a ‘pursuit,’ studium,—e.g. in O. VIII. 92 κρέσσονα πλούτου μέριμναν, ‘an ambition above wealth.’) 18 f£. ὁδόν, the course, or flight, of poetry; cp. 1: IX. 51 ἢ. ἐλαύνω | ἐκτὸς ὁδοῦ. --- Καλλιόπας: v. 176 n.— γέρας, the ‘meed of honour,’ is the glorious theme (Io), which the Muse has assigned to the poet. 15 The ms. TIHN, if sound, must be τί ἦν...; ‘How was it ??—‘ What befell?’ —when Io was fleeing from Argos ;—and must be explained as an old formula for beginning a story. There is, however, no other trace of such a formula, though a question to the Muse is, of course, a common exordium, as in XIV. 47 Μοῦσα, τίς πρῶτος λόγων dpxev δικαίων; Neither the hiatus nor the metre (~- instead of the -~ found in 33) need in itself cause doubt. Yet I find it very difficult to believe that τί ἦν is right. The easiest 400 " oO " μ BAKXYAIAOY φεῦγε χρυσέα βοῦς, εὐρυσθενέος φραδαῖσι φερτάτου Διός, [XVIII 18 Ἰνάχου ῥοδοδάκτυλος κόρα" rs ¥ ἀντ. : ὅτ᾽ “Apyov ὄμμασιν βλέποντα ’ 20 2 πάντοθεν ἀκαμάτοις μεγιστοάνασσα κέλευσε 3 ,’ ν 4 χρυσόπεπλος Hpa Y ve 5s ἄκοιτον ἀὔΐπνον ἐόν- 6 τα καλλικέραν δάμαλιν 25 7 φυλάσσεν" οὐδὲ Μαίας en 7 > ¥ > > 8 υἱὸς δύνατ᾽ οὔτε κατ᾽ εὐ- 9 φεγγέας apépas λαθεῖν νιν ¥ , ε ΄ Col. 39 10 οὔτε νύκτας @ el 21 κέλευσε Platt: κέλευσεν MS. by 43. 28 οὔτε] ΟΥ̓ΔῈ A: corr. A*?—dyvds J., Sandys. as. ΕἸΣῚ > ,ὕ 3 > ’ ᾽ - €lT οὖν YEVET Εν μαχαᾶς ἀγῶνι 22 Omitted by A, but added in the lower margin 29 εἴτ᾽ οὖν J. correction τίεν (G. E. Marindin), Doric inf., would go with γέρας, ‘a choice theme for thee to celebrate’; but there is a point after yépas in the Ms. The most probable emendation (I think) is ἦεν (W. Headlam), ‘There was a time when,’ ‘Once upon a time.’ As Kenyon observes (p. 187), TI is very like H in the Ms. A mis-reading of H as TI (τί) would naturally have led to EN being changed to HN (jv). See Appendix. ἵππιον : the epic ἱππόβοτον (//. 2. 287 etc.) : cp. X. 80 f. κλυτὸν ἱππόβοτον" Apyos. The ‘hill-girt’ plain (τὸ κοῖλον “Apyos, Soph. 0.6. 378) afforded excellent pasture. Strabo 8, p. 388 ἔστι δὲ καὶ τὸ γένος τῶν ἵππων ἄριστον τὸ ᾿Αρκαδικόν, καθάπερ καὶ τὸ ᾿Αργολικὸν καὶ τὸ ᾿Επιδαύριον. 16 φεῦγε refers to the moment after the slaying of Argus by Hermes, when the gad-fly (oferpos) sent by Hera was driving Io forth from Argolis on her wanderings. Ν ἐπ. ἐμοὶ μὲν οὖν ε ἀσφαλέστατον a πρὶ ὃς ἔσχατ᾽ οἴμα, 4 5 >| 5 5 ἐπεὶ παρ᾽ ἀνθεμ εα 40 Νεῖλον ἀφίκετ᾽ of ἰστροπλὰξ 31 Tas ὑπέροπλον J.: Tas ἀναφύντ᾽ ἐξ Jurenka. 32 ὀβριμοσπόρου] μ᾽ has been written above, between ὁ and 8, by A*.—Jurenka finds after this word a trace of A, and supplies λέχευς : λόχον Blass. the conjectural supplements in these vv., see Appendix. (γόνον conj. K. : τέκος formerly J.) 33—51 For 33 7 pa J., Herwerden, inf. κτανεῖν, ‘it came to pass that...’: a constr. used by. Xen. H. V. 3. 10, ἘΣ however, adds Gore before the inf. (οὐδ᾽ ἂν γενέσθαι ὥστε ἅμα ἀμφοτέρους... ἔξω Σπάρτης εἷναι). The Homeric epithet of Hermes, ἀργεϊφόντης, was traditionally explained as ‘ Argus-slayer,’ though its real sense may have been ‘swiftly ap- pearing’ (gav).—The words lost after γένετ᾽ probably expressed the idea, ‘dy az open attack, —as distinguished from an assault on the sleeping Argus. The first letter after yéver’ seems to have been Εἰ rather than A. Perhaps, then, ἐν μάχας ἀγῶνι (or és χέρας μολόντα). If the first letter were A, ἀμφαδὸν βαλόντα would be possible. —The ofen attack is shown on a vase figured in Roscher 11. 279: Argus is prostrate; Hermes slays him with a sword. According to Apollod. 11. 1, ὃ 4, Hermes killed him λίθῳ βαλών. 31 Tas: Argus is called ‘the son of Earth’ by Aesch. P. V. 678 (n. on το f.); Suppl. 305; also by Acusilaus (c. 500 B.C.), fr. 17 (Miiller I. p. 102), whose source may have been Hesiod. Others made him a son of Agenor, of Arestor (Ov. AZet. 1. 624), or even of Inachus: Apollod. 11. 1. §§ 2, 3.--ἙἼἅτέροπλον: cp. VIII. 13: Argus is described by by Apollodoris Zc. as ὑπερ- βάλλων... «δυνάμει, and by Quintus Smyrn. IO. 100 as μέγας. 32 The letter after ὀβριμοσπόρου seems to have been A; hence Blass supplies λόχον. That word occurs only in the sense of ‘parturition’ (Aesch. Supp/. 676 λόχοι γυναικῶν, Ag. 137 πρὸ λόχου), but doubtless might be used (like Lat. parts) in the sense of ‘offspring,’ as λοχεία is in Anth. Planud. 132. 3, δυοκαιδεκάπαιδα λοχείην (Niobe’s children). If synaphea could be assumed, λόχευμ᾽ would also be possible. ssf. ἤ pa: as to the accent of ἤ, see Appendix.—dorerot μέριμναι are ‘the immense cares,’ ‘anxieties,’ of Argus This is the normal sense of the plural μέριμναι: cp. V. 7: Theognis 343: Pind. 1. Vil. 13, fr. 218, fr. 248: Aesch. Zhed. 270, 831; Hum. 340: Eur. Heracl. 594, Bacch. 380: Diphilus zzcert. 5 λύπας, μερίμνας. (In another, but rarer, use μέριμναι refers to objects of pursuit or study: see I. 69: Emped. 113 δολιχό- φρονες... μέριμναι, ‘penetrating thoughts’; Ar. ub. 1404.) It seems improbable, then, that μέριμναι here can mean either (1) ‘the unceasing efforts,’ or ‘devices,’ used byHermes against Argus—as Kenyon takes it: or (2) ‘the ineffable counsels’ of Zeus,as Wilamowitz suggests. The general sense of the words which followed ἤ pa καὶ in 33 must have been, ‘exhausted him,’ ‘made him succumb to sleep.’ We might conjecture (¢.g.) ἄνδρ᾽ ὕπνῳ δά- μασσαν, or ὄμματ᾽ αἰνὰ λῦσαν (‘re- laxed,’ ‘caused to close,’ Soph. “4112. 1302 λύει κελαινὰ βλέφαρα). 85 ΣΦ. ἢ Πιερίδες κιτιλ. It seems hardly doubtful that καδέων are the troubles of Argus, not those of Io. The death of Argus brought no ἀνάπαυσις to XVIII] AIOYPAMBOI 403 swift messenger of Zeus slew huge Argus, Earth’s fierce offspring, [in combat]? Or did the watcher’s unending cares [close his dread eyes ;] or was he lulled to rest from weary troubles by the sweet melody of the Pierian sisters ? For me, at least, the surest path of song [is that which leads me to the end]; when Io, driven by the gadfly, reached the flowery banks of Nile, Jurenka: 7 ῥα K., Blass: H PA Ms. 94 μέριμναι J., and so K., Jurenka, Blass?. {In his 1st ed., Bl., with K., read an accent on the I of MEPIM, which would be against the nomin, ; but he now recognizes that there is no such accent.] 38 The letters AII are certain. A faint trace after II points, I think, to P. So Blass also holds; and Kenyon (who formerly suggested E) now inclines to this. her: then came the οἷστρος.---ἁδύμῳ: a word used by the poet’s uncle Simonides (Eustath. 1. p. 163. 28).---ἐμπέδων : cp. Zl. 8. 521 φυλακὴ...ἔμπεδος: Soph. O. C. 1674 πόνον ἔμπεδον. I had thought also of ὑστάταν (since he was to wake no more); but a simple epithet for καδέων is perhaps more in this poet’s manner. The story was that Hermes disguised himself as a shepherd, and lulled Argus to sleep by playing on the σθριγξ. Ac- cording to Ovid 272. τ. 673—719, while some of the watcher’s eyes were closed by the music, others remained open; but these finally yielded to a discourse by Hermes on the invention of the instru- ment :—TZalia dicturus vidit Cyllenius omnes Succubuisse oculos, adopertaque lumina somno. Hermes then deepens the slumber by waving his charmed wand above the sleeper’s face. Mec mora, Jalcato nutantem vulnerat ense Qua collo confine caput, 1.6. he decapitates Argus with a sickle (ἅρπη). Valerius Flaccus Arg. IV. 384—390 tells the tale more briefly, but with a similar ending ;— languentia somno Lumina cuncta videt, dulcesque seguentia somnos, Et celerem medits tn cantibus exigit harper. Lucan also arms Hermes with the arfe (Phars. g- 663). Until this ode was recovered, the story was known only from the Latin sources. It is the subject of a wall-painting at Herculaneum (Baumeister I. p. 752, fig. 802), suggested by Ovid Met. τ. 687 f.: Hermes, who has just been playing the syrinx, is holding it out to Argus, who looks at it in wonder. 37 ἐμοὶ μὲν οὖν, ‘for me, at any rate’ (1.6. whatever may be the truth as to the slaying of Argus). μέν emphasizes ἐμοί: οὖν marks the return to the main thread of the discourse (after vv. 2g—36); a sense which it often has in the formula δ᾽ οὖν (Aesch. P.V. 226, Ag. 224, εἰς.). —These three words always formed a complete verse in the Ms. 38 ἀσφαλέστατον. The general sense is clear from the context. ‘For me, at any rate, it is safest to pass (from disputed points) to the end of the story, which is certain.’ The first two letters after ἀσφαλέστατον were at. The third letter, of which only a slight trace remains, was, according to Blass, p: Kenyon read it as ε. If it was ρ, then ἃ was certainly the definite article: and this affords the easiest line of restoration. As to metre, verses 15 and 33 might lead us to suppose that the measure of the lost words was -~-~-*~; and this would at least be metrically fitting. (It cannot, however, be deemed certain: -~ -~—~-— is another possibility.) Such being the data, we might con- jecture (e.g.), ἃ πρὸς ἔσχατ᾽ οἴμα, ‘the strain that brings me to the close.’ Or ἁ πρόσω κέλευθος ‘the onward course (of song, v. 1), (telling of the time) when,’ etc.—For other suggestions, see Appendix. 39 ἀνθεμώδεα: cp. Xv. 5 (Hebrus), 34 (Lycormas). “40 The letter after ἀφίκετ᾽ was οἱ οἰστροπλὰξ (Blass) is fairly certain. Aesch. P.V. 681 οἱστροπλὴξ δ᾽ ἐγὼ i μά- στιγι θείᾳ γῆν πρὸ γῆς ἐλαύνομαι: cp. Soph. Z/. 5.—A Pompeian wall-paintin: (figured in Roscher’s Lexicon, 11. 275 depicts Io’s arrival in Egypt. She has been carried by Nilus to the bank of his stream. The goddess of the country (Aegyptus) greets Io with outstretched right hand, while the left holds the 27—2 epode. 404 BAKXYAIAOY [XVIII Ia φέρουσα παῖδ α γαστρὶ τὸν Διός, Ἔπαφον᾽ ἔνθα viv τέκ᾽ εὐκλέα λινοστόλων πρύϊτανιν πολιτᾶν, ὑπερόχῳ βρύοντί α τιμᾷ, 45 μεγίσταν te Oval τῶν ἔφανεν γενέθλαν, ὅθεν καὶ ᾿Αγανορί δας ἐν ἑπταπύλοισι Θήβαις Κάδμος Σεμέλ[αν φύτευσεν, ἃ τὸν ὀρσιβάκχαν 50 τίκτεν Διόνυσον, [εὐφρόνων τε κώμων καὶ χορῶν στεφαϊνοφόρων ἄνακτα. 42 ἔνθα vw] ENOENI A: corr. 4.3} 46 Αγανορίδας Crusius, Wilamowitz. 47 Κάδμος] KAAOC A: corr. 4.5,---Σεμέλαν] Between CE and MEA there is a space Uraeus snake; beside her is the child ~ Harpocrates, giving the sign of silence with finger on lip. In the background stand two women with rattles (σεῖστρα), symbolizing the association of Io with Isis. Io is described by Valerius Flaccus 4. 418 as Aspide cincta comas et ovanti persona sistro. 41 ᾿Ιὼ φέρουσα παῖδα. To complete the verse I suggest γαστρὶ τὸν Διός, because: (1) φέρουσα alone could not well mean ‘carrying in the womb’; on the other hand cp. 71. 6. 58f. μηδ᾽ ὅντινα γαστέρι pyrnp...pépo: Plat. Legg. 792 E τὰς φερούσας ἐν γαστρί. (2) A mention of Zeus as the father is here indis- pensable. 42 "Emadgov. Aeschylus derives the name from ἐπαφή. When Io reached the Canopic mouth of the Nile (P.V. 846), Zeus by the ‘ouch of his hand restored her natural form and her reason: ἐνταῦθα δή σε Leds τίθησιν ἔμφρονα, | ἐπα- φῶν ἀταρβεῖ χειρὶ καὶ θιγὼν μόνον (id. 848f.). Hence Epaphus is ῥυσίων ἐκώ. νυμος (Suppl. 314) because the ἐπαφή was Io’s ‘deliverance.’ Aeschylus further “Eradgor. conceived that the child was engendered by this touch: Suppl. 312 καὶ Ζεύς γ᾽ ἐφάπτωρ χειρὶ φιτεύει γόνον, and P.V. 850 f. ἐπώνυμον δὲ τῶν Διὸς γεννημάτων (the fatherhood of Zeus) | τέξεις κελαινὸν Bacchylides, on the other hand, imagines Io as already great with child when she reaches Egypt.— Herodotus (II. 153) says, ὁ δὲ “Ames κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλήνων γλῶσσαν ἐστὶ "Ἑ παῴφος (cp. II. 27, 28). But the Greeks who thus connected the ames would never have identified the Epaphus of their myth with the sacred calf of Egypt. ἔνθα νιν τέκ᾽ : Apollod. I. 1. 4 (Io) τελευταῖον ἧκεν εἰς Αὔγυπτον" ὅπου τὴν ἀρχαίαν μορφὴν ἀπολαβοῦσα γεννᾷ παρὰ τῷ Νείλῳ ποταμῷ ᾿Ἔπαφον παῖδα. For τέκ᾽....πρύτανιν, cp. 1. 15 ff. δεκάτῳ δ᾽ Εὐξάντιον | μηνὶ τέκ᾽ εὐπλόκαμος | νύμ- ga φερεκυδέϊ νάσῳ | ...πρύτανιν.---εοὐκλέα would be scanned —-, as in Vv. 196. 43 λινοστόλων, epithet of the Egyptians: Her. 11. 37 εἵματα δὲ Nivea φορέουσι αἰεὶ νεόπλυτα. Kaibel Zpigr. Gr. 1028 (an Egyptian hymn to Isis, of ¢. 350 A.D.), Αὐγύπτου βασίλεια λινό- XVIII] 405 AIOYPAMBOI bearing in her womb Epaphus, child of Zeus. There she brought him forth, to be glorious lord of the linen- robed folk, a prince flourishing in transcendent honour; and there she founded the mightiest race among men. From that race sprang Cadmus, son of Agenor, who in Thebes of the seven gates became father of Semele. And her son was Dionysus, inspirer of Bacchants, [king of joyous revels] and of choruses that wear the wreath... of about half an inch, through which a horizontal line was drawn: cp. XII. 136. 50 f£. See Appendix. στολε.---πολιτᾶν seems a fitting supple- ment, since Epaphos was the legendary founder of Memphis: Apollod. 11. 1. 4 Ἔπαφος δὲ βασιλεύων Αἰγυπτίων γαμεῖ Μέμφιν τὴν Νείλου θυγατέρα, καὶ ἀπὸ ταύτης κτίζει Μέμφιν πόλιν, (Note that Aeschylus, though he deemed Canopus to be the scene of Io’s healing, is careful to bring in Memphis also: καὶ μὴν Ka- νωβον κἀπὶ Μέμφιν ἵκετο : Suppl. 311.) 44 τιμᾷ is better here than πλούτῳ..--- Aesch. Suppl. 581 f. describes Epaphus as παῖδ᾽ ἀμεμφῆ, | .δι᾿ αἰῶνος μακροῦ πάν- ολβον. 45 μεγίσταν τε θνατῶν, ‘the mightiest (race) among men’ (cp. III. ὅτ μέγιστα θνατῶν). These two bacchii suggest that the form of the complete verse may have been ~--,~-—- | ~--,~-™, like τίς ἀχώ, τίς ddua προσέπτα μ᾽ ἀφεγγής ; (Aesch. P. V. 115): see W. Christ, Metrik p. 415. If so, we might supply ἔφανεν (or κτίσ᾽ αὐτοῦ) yevébAav.— Epaphus was the father of Λιβύη (Aesch. Suppl. 317), from whose union with Poseidon sprang Agenor (father of Cadmus), and Belus (father of Aegyptus and Danaus): see the stemma in Introd. to this Ode. 46 ᾿Αγανορίδας: Agenor was king of Phoenicia. Eur. Phrixus (fr. 819) Σιδώνιόν wor’ ἄστυ Κάδμος ἐκλιπών, | ᾿Αγή- vopos παῖς, ἦλθε Θηβαίων χθόνα | Φοῖνιξ πεφυκώς, ἐκ δ᾽ ἀμείβεται γένος | ᾿Ελληνικόν, Διρκαῖον οἰκήσας πέδον. Cp. Roscher Lex. 11. p. 833. Hence to the Euripidean chorus of Phoenician women Io is προμά- twp (Phoen. 676), as she is also to the Argive Danaidae (ἁ πρόγονος βοῦς, Aesch. Suppl. 43f., παλαιομάτωρ Eur. Suppl. 628). 48f. Zepédav, daughter of Cadmus and Harmonia (Hes. Zheog. 975 f.).— τὸν ὀρσιβάκχαν (only here): cp. the poet cited by Plut. De exsilio p. 607 C, Εὔϊον ὀρσιγύναικα Διόνυσον μαινομέναις θύοντα τιμαῖς : Soph. O. 7. 211 ff. οἰνρῶπα Βάκχον εὔϊον, | Μαινάδων ὁμόστολον. 50f. Διόνυσον in the Ms. is pre- sumably sound: Blass changes it to Avov υἱὸν, but this seems unwarrantable. The MS. τίκτε should probably be τίκτεν : no verse in this ode begins with -~~~. After τίκτεν Διόνυσον Jurenka supplies ἀγλαῶν τε κώμων. , , 3 θέ Φ μεῖζον ἢ πενθεῖν ἐφάνη κακόν, ἀφθέγκτοισιν ἶσον. YMNOI. [ΒΤ Bi 2.4 Stob. Flor. 122. 1: Βακχυλίδου Ὕμνων .--- Alas, my child, a sorrow has come, too reat for tears, one of those that can find no voice.’ ἣν μέζω κακὰ ἢ ὥστε ἀνακλαίειν : Thuc. vil. 75 § 4 μείζω ἢ κατὰ δάκρυα...πεπονθότας.--- For ἀφθέγκτοισιν cp. Pind. P. Iv. 237 ἀφωνήτῳ... ἄχει. ----Μείτε : dactylo-epitrite. Cp. Her. Il. 14 τὰ μὲν οἰκήϊα FRAGMENTS. 411 ΠΑΙΑΝΕΣ. 3. [B..13:,BL 4} Τίκτει δέ τε θνατοῖσιν εἰρήνα μεγάλα πλοῦτον μελιγλώσσων T ἀοιδᾶν ἄνθεα, δαιδαλέων 7 ἐπὶ βωμῶν θεοῖσιν αἴθεσθαι βοῶν ἕξανθᾷ φλογὶ μῆρα τανυτρίχων τε μήλων, δ γυμνασίων τε νέοις αὐλῶν τε καὶ κώμων μέλειν. ἐν δὲ σιδαροδέτοις πόρπαξιν αἰθᾶν ἀραχνᾶν ἱστοὶ πέλονται" ἔγχεά τε λογχωτὰ ξίφεα τ᾽ ἀμφάκεα δάμναται εὐρώς. χαλκεᾶν δ᾽ οὐκ ἔστι σαλπίγγων κτύπος, το οὐδὲ συλᾶται μελίφρων ὕπνος ἀπὸ βλεφάρων, a@os ὃς θάλπει κέαρ. συμποσίων δ᾽ ἐρατῶν βρίθοντ᾽ ἀγυιαί, παιδικοί θ᾽ ὕμνοι φλέγονται. Stob. Flor. 55. 3: Βακχυλίδου Παιάνων.---Τ ες. paean to which our fragment belonged was presumably composed in strophe, antistrophe, and epode: but critics differ as to the place which the extant verses held in the scheme of the triad. (1) M. Schmidt (Pind. O/. p. Lxx11) thinks that vv. 1—5 form a complete antistrophe, the epode beginning at v. 6. (2) Hartung finds the epode in 1—s, and the strophe in 6—11. (3) Bergk, Poet. Lyr. Gr.* 111. 573, regards vv. 1—5 as the last part of the antistrophe, and 6—12 asa complete epode. (4) Blass, in Ahetn. Mus. XXX11. 460, gives an ingenious reconstruction, according to which v. 1 is the last of an epode; vv. 2—g (as numbered by him, 2.6. from πλοῦτον down to πέλονται) constitute the strophe ; and the remaining lines complete the antistrophe. To obtain this corre- spondence, however, it is necessary to make two assumptions. (i) That in v. 8 (= II Blass) a dactyl beginning with a vowel has been lost between δάμναται and εὐρώς. (Z.g. ἔμπεδον would serve.) (ii) That in v. 11 (=15 Bl.) the Ms. duos or ἅμος 15 corrupted from a word of which the scansion was -—~. Blass writes ἀῴος, comparing Pind. P. 1x. 23 ff., τὸν δὲ σύγκοιτον γλυκὺν | παῦρον. ἐπὶ γλεφάροις | ὕπνον ἀναλίσκοισα ῥέποντα πρὸς ἀῶ: "and [Eur.] Rhes. 554f. θέλγει δ᾽ ὄμματος edpar | ὕπνος" ἅδιστος yap ἔβα βλεφάροις πρὸς ἀοῦς. This may be accepted. The ς of the corrupt ὦμος (or duos) is a strong point in its favour. We have to suppose a form of w1 which could be mistaken for M. (iii) That ἀραχνᾶν (~~-) in v. g (Bl.) answers to παιδικοί in the last verse: Blass holds this to be legitimate (Praef. p. XL). On the whole, I incline to think (with Weir Smyth, Je/ic Poets p. 448) that Blass’s arrangement, though worthy of careful consideration, is somewhat too hazardous. Our data, in fact, do not suffice to determine the question of structure here. I there- fore print the verses without any attempt at indicating divisions.—The metre is dactylo-epitrite. ‘Vea, and Peace, mighty goddess, brings forth wealth for mortals, and the flowers of honied song; her gift it is that thigh-flesh of oxen and of fleecy sheep is burnt to the gods in the yellow flame on carven altars ; and that youths disport themselves with bodily feats, and with flutes and revels. ‘The webs of red-brown spiders are on the iron-bound handles of shields ; sharp- pointed spears and two-edged swords are a prey to rust. No blast of bronze trumpet is heard; sleep of gentle spirit, that comforts the heart at dawn, is not stolen from the eyelids. Joyous feasting abounds in the streets, and songs in praise of youths flame forth. Ξ 1. δέτε: cp. XII. 129 n.—Stephanus and Ursinus omit τε. Bergk would prefer 412 BACCHYLIDES. To.—peydda is, as Smyth remarks, a somewhat rare epithet for a goddess (though it 15 given to Demeter and Persephone, to Moira, and to the Erinys): but it seems not unsuitable here, where the poet insists on the beneficent fower of Eirene over human life. In any case it is not endurable to take it as acc. neut. plur., in apposition with the following accusatives. Bergk would prefer μέγαν : Hartung, μέγαν τε.--- 2. πλοῦτον μελιγλώσσων τ᾽ Boeckh, Neue, Blass: πλοῦτον καὶ μελιγλώσσων MSS. of Stobaeus: so Bergk, Smyth.—Cp. Philemon, Πύρρος 7 ff. (of Εἰρήνη), ὦ Zed φίλτατε, | τῆς ἐπαφροδίτου καὶ φιλανθρώπου θεοῦ" | γάμους, ἑορτάς, συγγενεῖς, παῖδας, φίλους, | πλοῦτον, ὑγίειαν, σῖτον, οἶνον, ἡδονὴν | αὕτη δίδωσι. In the marketplace at Athens (Paus. 1. 8 § 2, 9. 16 8 2) there was a statue by Cephisodotus (c. 370 B.c.) of Peace nursing the infant Wealth, whom she supports on her left arm,—the original, as Brunn recognised, of a statue now at Munich (Ernest Gardner, Greek Sculpture, τι. 352 f.).—3. αἴθεσϑαι L. Dindorf and Schneidewin: ἔθεσθε the better Mss. of Stobaeus, whence Gesner τίθενται (correcting it, however, in the margin to τίθεσθαι) : αἴθεται P. Leopardus Lmend. 1v. 21.—The inf. αἴθεσθαι, like μέλειν in 5, depends on τίκτει 85: ποιεῖ, τίθησι.--α. ξανθᾷ φλογὶ, as in Ode 111. 56.---μῆρα τανυτρίχων. The Mss. of Stobaeus agree in εὐτρίχων, but before it have μεριταν, μηρίταν, or μηρύταν. These traces clearly point to μηρία (μῆρα) τανυτρίχων. Itis possible that μηρί᾽ εὐτρίχων was another old reading ; and Blass prefers this on the metrical ground (‘soluta autem thesis parum cum Bacch. convenit’). But it should be remembered that, when τὰν had once been absorbed into μεριταν (etc.), -υτρίχων would have generated εὐτρίχων. THiat is, while the existence of τανυτρίχων prior to the corruption in the Mss. is reasonably certain, that of εὐτρίχων is not so. Gesner and Grotius wrote μερίδες εὐτρίχων : Leopardus (and Stephanus), μηρία τῶν εὐτρίχων : Buttmann, μῆρα δασυτρίχων, which was received by Boeckh, and (in preference to his own μηρί᾽ éitpixwv) by Neue.—5. γυμνασίων, athletic exercises : Pind. fr. 129. 4 καὶ rol μὲν ἵπποις γυμνασίοις Te, Tol δὲ πεσσοῖς, | τοὶ δὲ φορμίγγεσσι τέρπονται. Cp. Ar. Nub. 1002, where the Δίκαιος Λόγος describes the healthy pleasures in store for the Athenian youth, if he be well advised ;—dAX’ οὖν λιπαρός γε καὶ εὐανθὴς ἐν γυμνασίοις διατρίψεις.---αὐλῶν : associated with a κῶμος in II. 12 and in vull. 68. 6—10 Plut. Muma 20 quotes these verses, without the poet’s name. The blessings of Numa’s reign were such, wore καὶ τὰς ποιητικὰς ὑπερβολὰς ἐνδεῖν πρὸς τὴν τότε κατάστασιν λέγουσιν, ἐν δὲ σιδαροδέτοις πόρπαξιν αἰθᾶἂν ἀραχνᾶν ἔργα, καὶ εὐρὼς δάμναται ἔγχεά τε λογχωτὰ (and the rest, down to βλεφάρων). This inexact quotation, evidently made from memory, suggests how well-known the poem was in Plutarch’s time. 6 πόρπαξιν. The πόρπαξ was a leathern thong, carried round the inner edge of the shield, and fixed at intervals by the πόρπαι or pins from which it took its name, so as to form a succession of loops: hence otdapéderos. A figure from a Greek vase (Smith, Dict. Ant. 1. 459, clifeus) shows a warrior whose left arm is passed through a band (ὄχανον or ὀχάνη) traversing the diameter of the shield, while his hand grasps the πόρπαξ. Cp. my ed. of Soph. 4z., App. on 575 f. The context here implies that the shield is hung up with the πόρπαξ attached ; but the latter could be removed (cp. Ar. Zg. 849). In Ar. Pax 662 Eirene is addressed as ὦ γυναικῶν pucoropraxicrdrn.—atOav, of a reddish-brown colour: cp. n. on VIII. Io. 7 dpaxvayv, an unusual scansion, possible also (though not certain) in Eur. fr. 369 κείσθω δόρυ μοι μίτον ἀμφιπλέκειν ἀράχναις. Cp. the ἃ in ἄχνη (Eur. Or. 115). Smyth © compares (i/er alia) Theocr. XV1. 96 ἀράχνια δ᾽ els ὅπλ᾽ ἀράχναι | λεπτὰ διαστήσαιντο : Nonnus Dzouys. ΧΧΧΥΤΙΙ. 13 ἔκειτο δὲ τηλόθι χάρμης | Βακχιὰς ἑξαέτηρος ἀραχνιόωσα βοείη.---πέλονται, a word used in ΙΧ. 38; here somewhat weak, but not doubtful. (Ursinus conjectured πλέκονται.) 8. ἔγχεα, like ξίφεα, is scanned as—-. λογχωτά: Eur. Bacch. 761 λογχωτὸν βέλος (the sharp-pointed ἀκόντιον). λόγχη is the spear-head (=alxuy), ἔγχος here the shaft (δόρυ). 9 οὐκ ἔστι Plut. Mum. 20, Bergk: οὐκέτι Mss. of Stob., vulg. 11 Most Mss. have duos (duos Vindob.): ἀμὸν Heyne, Bergk: ἁμὸν (-- ἡμέτερον) Smyth. dos Blass (see p. 411). 12 Bpi®ovr’. When the ι of the 3rd plur. is to be elided, B. uses the form in -ov7t: cp. XVII. 10 σεύοντ᾽.---ἀγνιαί: cp. III. τ6.---παιδικοί θ᾽ ὕμνοι : probably songs addressed to youths, the παέδειοι ὕμνοι of Pind. /. 11. 3; seen. on IX. 42. The words could, however, mean ‘songs sung by youths’: cp. παιδικῷ χορῷ in Lys. or. 21 ὃ 4.--φλέγονται : Aesch. 4g. gt βωμοὶ δώροισι φλέγονται. (Bergk conj. φλέγοντι : but B. would probably have written φλέγουσι, as in V. 24 he has ἴσχουσι.) Cp. Pind. O. ΙΧ. 21 f. πόλιν | μαλεραῖς ἐπιφλέγων ἀοιδαῖς. FRAGMENTS. 413 4. [B. 14: BI. 5.] ν > ε ’ XN 4 4 ’ a) ἕτερος ἐξ _€TEpou σοφὸς TO τε πάλαι τό TE νῦν. οὐδὲ γὰρ ῥᾷστον ἀρρήτων ἐπέων πύλας ἐξευρεῖν. Clem. Alex. Strom. v. 687: Ἕτερος δὲ...τό τε νῦν, φησὶ Βακχυλίδης ἐν τοῖς Παιᾶσιν, οὐδὲ γὰρ κ.τ.λ.--- Τῆς δεῖς is logaoedic. ‘Poet is heir to poet, now as of yore; for in sooth ’tis no light task to find the gates of virgin song. ᾿--ἀρρήτων ἐπέων, verses, poetry, ἡ unuttered ’ before, —original : cp. Soph. Ant. 556 ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐπ᾽ ἀρρήτοις γε τοῖς ἐμοῖς λόγοις. -- πύλας, Pindaric: O. VI. 27 πύλας ὕμνων ἀναπιτνάμεν. Contrast Pind. O. 11. 86 σοφὸς ὁ πολλὰ fecdws φυᾷ" μαθόντες δὲ λάβροι | παγγλωσσίᾳ, κόρακες ws, ἄκραντα γαρύετον | Διὸς πρὸς ὄρνιχα θεῖον. On this and the similar passages in O. IX. 100 ff. and Δ. 1Π|. 40 ff., see pp. 15—17. It seems not improbable that, in writing the words quoted by Clement, Bacchylides was thinking of such Pindaric utterances, which express scorn for the man who has learned from others, as distinguished from the man of original genius. If, however, that be so, the tone of the reply is gentle and modest. See pp. 23 f. 5. [B. τὸ Bl. 5.| "Apktov παρούσης ἴχνη μὴ ζήτει. Zenobius 111. 36: Emi τῶν δειλῶν κυνηγῶν εἴρηται ἡ παροιμία: μέμνηται δὲ αὐτῆς Βακχυλίδης ἐν Παιᾶσιν.--- Do not look for the bear’s tracks when he is close by.’— As μέμνηται does not necessarily imply more than an a//usion to the proverb, it seems doubtful whether, or how far, the words quoted can be assumed to be those used by the poet: but ἄρκτου παρούσης, at least, might well be his. AIOYPAMBOI. 6. [B. 41: BI. p. 159.] Ποσει |Saviov als Μαντ ]ινέες τριόϊ δοντα χαλκοδαιδάλοισιν ἐν ἀσπίσι)ν φορεῦν τες... ἀφ᾽ ἱπποτρ )όφου πόλιος... Schol. Pind. O, ΧΙ. 83: ὋὋ Δίδυμος δὲ οὕτω καθίστησι τὸν λόγον" τὴν Μαντινέαν φησὶν ἱερὰν τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος καὶ παρατίθεται τὸν Βακχυλίδην λέγοντα οὕτω" Ποσειδάνιον (Gott. Vrat. D., vulg. -ὠνιον) ὡς Μαντινεῖς τριόδοντα χαλκοδαιδάλοισιν ἐν ἀσπίσι popetvres.—The citation is now supplemented by ἃ fragment of the papyrus, which gives the letters printed above between ] and [ in each verse. The occurrence of the words in our Ms. makes it certain that they come from a dithyramb,—as Neue (p. 24) had conjectured, comparing Servius on «4672. ΧΙ. 93. (See below, no. 36.) Blass supposes that the dithyramb was Κασσάνδρα, containing her prophecy of the Trojan War, from which Horace (according to, Porphyrion) imitated that of Nereus in C. 1. 15. These words occurred (Blass suggests) in an enumeration of the Greek forces. —‘(Seest thou) ..how the Mantineans, bearing the trident of Poseidon on their finely-wrought shields of bronze, .. (come) .. from their horse-nurturing city?’—Metre, dactylo-epitrite. 414 BACCHYLIDES. TTPOZOAIA. 7. [B. 19: Bl. 11.] Eis ὅρος, μία βροτοῖσίν ἐστιν εὐτυχίας ὁδός, θυμὸν εἴ τις ἔχων ἀπενθῆ διατελεῖν δύναται βίον" ὃς δὲ μυρία “μὲν ἀμφιπολεῖ φρενί, τὸ δὲ Tap ἅμάρ τε καὶ νύκτα μελλόντων χάριν ia ἑὸν ἰάπτεται κέαρ, ἄκαρπον ἔχει πόνον. 5100. Flor. 108. 26: Βακχυλίδου ἸΤροσωδιῶν (séc A), 2.6. ἸΤροσοδίων .---- θ᾽ metre is logaoedic. ‘One canon is there, one sure way, of happiness for mortals—if one can keep a cheerful spirit throughout life. But he whose thoughts are busy with countless cares, and who afflicts his soul day and night about the future, has barren toil.’ 1 ὅρος is the canon, the rule or standard, by which true εὐτυχία is to be measured: ὁδός, the course to be followed. 2 διατελεῖν δύναται Bergk, Smyth: δύναται διατελεῖν MSs. 8 μυρία μὲν Mss.: μυρίαν μενοινὰν Bergk. 4 τὸ δὲ παρ᾽ dpap te] παρόμαρτε MSS. : corrected by Grotius (who, however, wrote τόδε παρ᾽ judp re): τὸ δὲ πᾶν ἦμάρ τε Stephanus. 5 ἑὸν ἰάπτεται Grotius: αἰὲν ἰάπτ., Boeckh, Blass*: ἀόνι (αονι Vindob.) ἅπτεται MSs. For ἅπτεται Stephanus conjectured δάπτεται, and so Ursinus, Brunck, Ilgen, Jacobs, the two latter changing ἀόνι to dvla.—idmrera: lit. ‘is hurt’: cp. Od. 2. 376 ὡς ἂν μὴ κλαίουσα κατὰ χρόα καλὸν ἰάπτῃ (‘mar’). Moschus 4. 39 ἰάπτομαι ἄλγεσιν ἧτορ.-- ἄκαρπον MSS.: ἀκάρπωτον Bergk. θ᾽ ΠΡ ΖΟΣ Be tan τί γὰρ ἐλαφρὸν ἔτ᾽ ἐστὶν ἄπρακτ᾽ ὀδυρόμενον δονεῖν καρδίαν ; Stob. Flor. 108. 49: Βακχυλίδου Προσωδιῶν (sic A). Metre, logaoedic. These words belong to the same poem as fr. 7, and may, as Neue thought, have immediately followed it. ‘What ease is left to him who agitates his heart with vain laments ?’—éXadpov here is strictly ‘ease-giving’ :—‘ what alleviation (κούφισμα) is there any more (ἔτι) in lamenting?’ etc.: 7.€., no comfort remains to him who indulges init. Bergk says, “ἐγ displicet, fort. ἔμ᾽ legendum’ : I cannot agree.—éoriv Blass: ἔστ᾽ Mss. —Bergk, keeping ἔστ᾽, inserts ὧδ᾽ before ὀδυρόμενον. -δονεῖν : cp. Ode 1. 69. 9. [Biers RL a4. ΤΙάντεσσι θνατοῖσι δαίμων ἐπέταξε πόνους ἄλλοισιν ἄλλους. Stob. Flor. 118. 25: Βακχυλίδου Προσωδιῶν (stc ΑἹ. --- Μείτο, dactylo-epitrite.—‘On all mortals hath the god laid toils; each man bears his own.’ YTTIOPXHMATA. 10. [B. 22: BI. 14.] Λυδία pev’ γὰρ λίθος μανύει χρυσόν, ἀνδρῶν δ᾽ ἀρετὰν σοφία τε παγκρατής T ἐλέγχει ἀλάθεια..... FRAGMENTS. 415 Stob. Flor. 11. 7: Βακχυλίδου Ὑπορχημάτων. The verses are found also on a gem in Caylus’ Rec. d’ Antzg. vol. V. pl. 50, 4.—Metre, logaoedic. ‘The Lydian stone reveals gold; the worth of men is evinced by the poet’s art and by all-powerful truth.’ 1 Δυδία... λίθος (/apzs Lydius), the βάσανος or touchstone (a flinty slate, black, grey, or white), on which pure gold is tested by rubbing: Theognis 449 εὑρήσεις δέ με πᾶσιν ἐπ᾽ ἔργμασιν ὥσπερ ἄπεφθον | χρυσόν, ἐρυθρὸν ἰδεῖν τριβόμενον βασάνῳ. Pind. P. x. 67 πειρῶντι δὲ καὶ χρυσὸς ἐν βασάνῳ πρέπει | καὶ νόος ὀρθός. In Soph. fr. 732 Λυδία λίθος Ξε Μαγνῆτις λίθος (Eur. fr. 567. 2).---μανύει with ὕ, as in Pind. P. 1. 93 etc. (in Attic always 3). 2 σοφία τε παγκρατής 7’... ἀλάθεια. This reading is found in several Mss. of Stobaeus (see Bergk# 111. p. 576), and on the gem of Caylus. It seems to me clearly the right one. The poet’s faculty (σοφία) evinces, brings out (ἐλέγχει) the ἀρετή of men (as in the case of victors in the games), and the poet’s just tribute is confirmed by aAd@ea. That is, candid men recognise that the poet has spoken truly; and, even if there be some detraction at the moment, the true estimate prevails in the end. The strongest corroboration of this reading is (to my thinking) afforded by the poet’s own words in Ode vill. 82 ff.: τό γέ τοι καλὸν ἔργον | γνησίων ὕμνων τυχὸν | ὑψοῦ παρὰ δαίμοσι κεῖται" | σὺν δ᾽ ἀλαθείᾳ βροτῶν | κάλλιστον, εἴπερ καὶ θάνῃ τις, | λείπεται Μουσᾶν ἀγακλειτᾶν ἄθυρμα. There, as here, σοφία renders the due praise, and ἀλάθεια ratifies it. See also ΧΙ]. 202 ff.: βροτῶν δὲ μῶμος πάντεσσι μέν ἐστιν ἐπ᾽ ἔργοις" | a δ᾽ ἀλαθεία φιλεῖ νικᾶν, 6 τε πανδαμάτωρ | χρόνος τὸ καλῶς | ἐργμένον αἰὲν ἀέξει. Compare, too, Pind. O. x. 4 ff., where the agencies of Poetry and of Truth are invoked together: ὦ Μοῖσ᾽, ἀλλὰ σὺ καὶ θυγάτηρ | ᾿Αλάθεια Διός, ὀρθᾷ χερὶ | ἐρύκετον ψευδέων | ἐνιπὰν ἀλιτόξενον. It is to the credit of Neue (Bacchyl. Cet Fragmenta, 1822, p. 32) that he supported this reading at a time when most critics, —indeed he says, ‘ recentiores critici...ommnes,’ —were againstit. ‘S¢cutaurum probatur lapide Lydio admoto, ita virorum virtutem arguit poetica Jacultas cum veritate.’-—Weir Smyth also adopts this view.—The alternative reading is σοφίαν Te παγκρατὴς ἐλέγχει ἀλάθεια. The acc. σοφίαν is in some Mss. of Stobaeus (see Bergk /.c.). So Salmasius read, followed by Grotius, as now by Bergk and Blass. The sense given by this reading is, in itself, satisfactory enough; whether σοφίαν be taken as ‘wisdom’ generally, or (as seems better) with reference to the poet's art. On the latter view, Bacchylides will say that the man of worth, and the genuine poet, are ultimately recognised by the voice of truth. There is, however, much less point in such a sentiment than in that afforded by the other reading. The alliance of poetry with truth in securing recognition, even though tardy, for ἀρετή is a thought specially characteristic of Bacchylides.—Cp. frag. 27. [In Stob. Flor. 11. 2 (=20 Hense) we read: ᾿Ολυμπιάδος. ᾿Αλάθεια θεῶν ὁμόπολις, μόνα (-7 MSS.) θεοῖς (βροτῶν conj. Bergk) συνδιαιτωμένα (-η Mss.). Bergk conjectures that this fragment belongs to Bacchylides, observing that Damascius places it immediately after the verses Λυδία μὲν yap λίθος x.7.A. The lemma ᾿Ολυμπιάδος may, he thinks, be due (as Meineke surmised) to the fact that Stobaeus here cited Pind. O. x. 65, which occurs in Damascius; he would change θεῶν to βροτῶν. 11. [B. 23: BI. 15.] Οὐχ ἕδρας ἔργον οὐδ᾽ ἀμβολᾶς, ᾿ ἀλλὰ χρυσαίγιδος ᾿Ιτωνίας χρὴ παρ᾽ εὐδαίδαλον ναὸν ἐλ- θόντας ἁβρόν τι δεῖξαι , Dionys. De Compos. Verb. c. 25: παρὰ Βακχυλίδῃ. That the poem was ἃ hypor- cheme is shown by a grammarian in Keil Anal. Gramm.7.21: φιλεῖ δὲ TA ὑπορχήματα τούτῳ τῷ ποδὶ καταμετρεῖσθαι, οἷον Οὐχ ἕδρας ἔργον οὐδ᾽ ἀμβολᾶς; also by Athen. p- ὅξι ο ἡ δ᾽ ὑπορχηματική (sc. ὄρχησις) ἐστιν ἐν ἣ ἄδων ὁ χορὸς ὀρχεῖται" φησὶ γοῦν ὁ Βακχυλίδης Οὐχ ἕδρας... ἀμβολᾶς. The first verse, which had become quasi-prover- bial, occurs also in Aelian Wat. Anim. vi. 1, Lucian Scyth. 11 οὐχ ἕδρας τοίνυν οὐδ ἀμβολᾶς ἔργον, ws ὁ Ketés φησιν, Achilles Tatius v. 12 οὐχ ἕδρας <épyov> οὐδ dvaBo\7s.—The rhythm is paeonic, the verses consisting of a series of cretics. 416 BACCHYLIDES. ‘This is no time for sitting still or tarrying: we must go to the richly-wrought temple of Itonia with golden aegis, and show forth some choice strain of song.’— 2 ᾿Ἰτωνίας. The cult of Athena Itonia seems to have had its earliest seat in Thessaly, where there was a temple of the goddess between Pherae and Larissa, and another at a town called Ἴτων or Ἴτωνος (Strabo 9. p. 436). Her festival, Ἰτώνια, at Crannon is noticed by Polyaenus (2. 34). But the cult was ancient in Boeotia also ; and perhaps the most famous shrine of the Itonia was that in the neighbourhood of Coroneia. This is the temple to which Alcaeus refers (fr. 9) ina hymn to Athena where she is called πολεμαδόκος. The Itonia was a war-goddess, the presiding deity of the Pamboeotic league, whose meetings were held at her sanctuary (Strabo 9. p- 411: Paus. 9. 34. 1). Hence the epithet χρύσαιγις is appropriate (cp. Ode xvI, 7”.). Her cult was also connected with that of Hades (Strabo /.c.). The title *Irwvia was derived by some from Itonus son of Amphictyon; by others from the town Iton. Its meaning is uncertain. Can it have been popularly associated with ἱέναι (the onset)? According to Paus. 10. 1. 10 ᾿Αθηνᾷ Ἰτωνία was a watchword of the Thessalians in battle. The head of the goddess is found on silver coins of Coroneia (Brit. Museum, Caéa/. of Coins, Central Greece, p. 47, n. 12). & The iambus lost after δεῖξαι may have been μέλος : though the simple ἁβρόν τι would be parallel with ὕφαινέ...τι κλεινόν in XVIII. 8f. With the exordium of this hypor- cheme, cp. that of Ode xv (n. on vv. 1—4). 12. [B. 31: Bl. 16.] Ὦ περικλειτὲ Aad’, ἀγνοήσειν μὲν ov σ᾽ ἔλπομαι. Hephaestion p. 76: δεδηλώσθω δὲ ὅτι καὶ ὅλα ἄσματα κρητικὰ συντίθεται, ὥσπερ καὶ παρὰ Βακχυλίδῃ, ὦ περικλειτὲ δ᾽ ἄλλ᾽ K.T..—Neue (p. 35) inferred from the cretic metre that the verse probably belonged to a hyporcheme. Blass, who shares that view, has corrected the corrupt δ᾽ ἄλλ᾽ to Δᾶλ᾽. = (Bergk follows Turnebus in reading τἄλλ᾽, placing the fragment among those ἐξ ἀδήλων εἰδῶν.) The intrinsic probability of Δᾶλ᾽ is strengthened by the presumption that the poem was a hyporcheme, a fitting tribute to Apollo. We know at least one other instance (Ode xvI) of. a poem written by Bacchylides for the Delian god. The poet expresses a hope that Delos ‘will not regard him as a stranger’ (or, perhaps, ‘will not fail to judge kindly of his tribute ἢ. Cp. γνώσει in the exordium of Ode v, v. 3.—See no. 42. The fragments of ὑπορχήματα quoted in Plut. Quaest. Conv. IX. 15. 2, and com- monly ascribed to Simonides (fr. 29, 30, 31, Bergk III. p. 400), are claimed for Bacchylides by M. Théodore Reinach in Mé/anges Weil p. 420 ff. The discussion is acute and interesting ; but the style of these verses seems hardly such as to suggest Bacchylides. EPWTIKA. 13. [B. 24: Bl. 17.] > «ον εὖτε Ἁ Φ,υ 3 4 ν τὴν ἀπ ἀγκύλης not τοῖσδε τοῖς νεανίαις > / a λευκὸν ἀντείνασα πῆχυν. Athen. 15. Ρ. 6676 : Βακχυλίδης ἐν "Epwrikots’ εὖτε κιτ.Ὰ. (Also ΧΙ. 782 E, where τοῖσδε is omitted in v. 2, and ἐντείνουσα stands in v. 3.)—Metre, trochaic. ...*when, lifting her white arm, with bent elbow she makes the cast, at the bidding of these youths.’—In the game of cottabos the player sought to throw a little wine (Adraé) from a cup into a bronze saucer (πλάστιγξ) : if this was done with skill, the wine FRAGMENTS. 417 struck the saucer smartly, making it descend (in some forms of the game) and ring on the head of a small bronze figure (uavys) placed beneath it. An omen of love, prosperous or the reverse, was often drawn from the throw, according as the sound of the λάταξ on the saucer was clear or dull.—riv ἀπ᾽ ἀγκύλης (sc. βολήν), the throw made with the arm bent; Athen. 15. P- 667 B, ἐκάλουν δ᾽ am ἀγκύλης τὴν τοῦ κοττάβου πρόεσιν, διὰ τὸ ἀπαγκυλοῦν τὴν δεξιὰν χεῖρα (‘arm’) ἐν τοῖς ἀποκοτταβισμοῖς. To bend the arm gracefully was a mark of the accom- plished player: Hesych. s.v. ἀγκύλη"...ἡ καμπὴ τοῦ ἀγκῶνος...οἱ yap τοὺς κοττάβους προϊέμενοι τὴν δεξιὰν χεῖρα ἠγκύλουν, κυκλοῦντες αὐτὴν ὡς ἐνῆν πρεπωδέστατα, καὶ σεμνυνόμενοι ὡς ἐφ᾽ ἑνὶ τῶν xadGv.—The dat. τοῖσδε τοῖς v., ‘for’ them, goes with ἵησι, not with ἀντείνασα: 1.6. the girl (perhaps an αὐλήτρια) makes the throw at their request. 14. [B. 25: Bl. 18.] Ἦ καλὸς Θεόκριτος: ov μόνος ἀνθρώπων ὁρᾷς. Hephaestion p. 130 (as corrected by Westphal) : Ἔστι δέ τινα καὶ τὰ καλούμενα ἐπιφθεγματικά, ἃ διαφέρει ταύτῃ τῶν ἐφυμνίων, ὅτι τὰ μὲν ἐφύμνια ἐκ περιττοῦ ὡς πρὸς τὸ λεγόμενον τῇ στροφῇ πρόσκειται, τὰ δὲ ἐπιφθεγματικὰ καὶ πρὸς τὸν νοῦν συντελεῖ" οἷον τὸ Βακχυλίδου, Ἦ καλὸς.. ὁρᾷς" καὶ πάλιν παρὰ τῷ αὐτῷ Βακχυλίδῃ" Σὺ δ᾽ ἐν χιτῶνι.. «φεύγεις [fr. 15]. Both the ἐπιφθεγματικόν, then, and the ἐφύμνιον are kinds of refrain, repeated at the end of successive strophes. But the ἐπιφθεγματικόν ‘con- tributes to the sense’ ; it isa sentence, as in the two examples cited from our poet. The ἐφύμνιον, on the other hand, is ‘a superfluous addition, so far as the meaning of the passage is concerned ’ ; 2.¢. it may be a mere exclamation, like αἴλινον αἴλινον εἶπέ, or inie ἸΠαιάν.---ὁρᾷς Hephaestion : ἐρᾷς. Ursinus (p. 342, also suggesting ἐρᾷ), Bergk. — Metre, dactylo-epitrite. 15. [B. 26: Bl. 19.] Σὺ δ᾽ ἐν χιτῶνι μούνῳ παρὰ τὴν φίλην γυναῖκα φεύγεις. Hephaestion p. 130 (see on fr. 14).—Metre, iambic. [TIAPOINIA.] 16. [B. 27: Bl. 20.] eee Ree EE OBR EEE EOE ESE TEB SHE EEE στρ. α΄ “> 5 ’ -οὐγλυκεὶ ἀνάγκα σευομενᾶν κυλίκων θάλπῃσι θυμόν, Κυπρίδος δ᾽ ἐλπὶς διαιθύσσῃ φρένας, 5 ἀμμειγνυμένα Διονυσίοισι δώροις" στρ. β' ἀνδράσι δ᾽ ὑψοτάτω πέμπει μερίμνας" αὐτίκα μὲν πολίων κράδεμνα λύει, πᾶσι δ᾽ ἀνθρώποις μοναρχήσειν δοκεῖ" χρυσῷ δ᾽ ἐλέφαντί τε μαρμαίρουσιν οἶκοι" στρ. γ᾽ 10 πυροφόροι δὲ κατ᾽ αἰγλάεντα «πόντον > νᾶες ἄγουσιν ἀπ᾽ Αἰγύπτου »μέγιστον πλοῦτον: ὡς πίνοντος ὁρμαίνει κέαρ. 418 BACCHYLIDES. Athen. 2. p. 39 E: Διὸ Βακχυλίδης φησί" Τ'λυκεῖ᾽ κιτιλ. There is no extant mention of Παροίνια or Σκόλια as forming a separate class among the writings of Bacchylides: but that may well be an accident. Another possibility is that his convivial pieces may have been subjoined, without a distinct heading, to the’ Epwrird.., —Metre: dactylo-epitrite. ‘...[when], as the cups go swiftly round, a sweet subduing power warms the heart, and, blending with the gifts of Dionysus, a presage of the Cyprian goddess flutters the mind. That power sends a man’s thoughts soaring ;—straightway he is stripping cities of their diadem of towers,—he dreams that he shall be monarch of the world ;— his halls gleam with gold and ivory ;—over the sunlit sea his wheat-ships bring wealth untold from Egypt :—such are the raptures of the reveller’s soul.’ 2 The missing first verse, or the lost part of the second, probably contained a temporal conjunction, such as ὅταν, on which θάλπῃσι and διαιθύσσῃ depended.— γλυκεῖ᾽ ἀνάγκα : Hor. C. 111. 21. 13 7% lene tormentum ingenio admoves Plerumque duro. 8 cevopevav Blass: cevouéva (vl. yevouéva) MSS., vulg.: σευομένα <’k> κυλίκων Herwerden : ἐσσυμενᾶν Bergk. The choice seems to lie between (1) σευομενᾶν κυλίκων as gen. abs., and (2) σευομένα κυλίκων as=‘ rushing from the cups,’ which, though possible, would be harsh: we cannot join dvdyxa κυλίκων. I prefer (1). Cp. Phocyl. 11 χρὴ δ᾽ ἐν συμποσίῳ κυλίκων περινισσομενάων | ndéa κωτίλλοντα καθήμενον οἰνοποτάζειν. ---θάλπῃσι Weir Smyth: θάλπησι MSS. 4 Κυπρίδος δ᾽ ἐλπὶς διαιθύσσει Erfurdt (-ἢ Blass): Κυπρίδος ἐλπὶς δ᾽ αἰθύσσει MSS.: Κύπρις ὡς" ἐλπὶς γὰρ αἰθύσσει Bergk.—Smyth takes the δέ after Κυπρίδος as introducing the apodosis (‘ then...’ : see my n. on Ode xIv. 61). It may be, however, that the apodosis was contained in the lost part before γλυκεῖ ἀνάγκα, and that a new sentence begins with ἀνδράσι Sin v.6. 6 ἀνδράσι δ᾽ Mss.: ἀνδράσι θ᾽ Bergk.—tordrw πέμπει μερίμνας, exalts their thoughts or ambitions [not ‘dissipates their cares’]: cp. Pind. fr. 218. 5 ἀέξονται φρένας ἀμπελίνοις τόξοις δαμέντες. For μερίμνας cp. Ode 1. 69 n. 7 αὐτίκα μὲν : αὐτίχ᾽ ὁ μὲν Bergk (αὐτόθι μὲν formerly Meineke): αὐτὸς μὲν or αὐτὴ μὲν MSS.— Blass writes εὐκτιμενᾶν.---πολίων conj. Bergk (who, however, keeps the vulg. πόλεων).---κράδεμνα Aver. //. 16.100 Tpotns ἱερὰ κρήδεμνα λύωμεν (cp. Od. 13. 388).— The v of the pres. λύω is regularly short in Homer, as it is in Pind. Z. VII. 45 (Avoz) and probably in fr. 248 (Avov7t, where the text is doubtful). But the Attic v of λύω (taken from the fut. λύσω) occurs in Od. 7. 74, νείκεα λύει: and it may be supposed that B. could have used it here. I should not, then, alter Avec to λύσειν, with Blass: the vivid λύει is intrinsically much better. 8 πᾶσι δ᾽. The dat. with dpyw (rego) is” poetical, and comparatively rare. In the Homeric use it is limited to the sense of heading in war (Il. 2. 805; Od. 14. 230, 471): cp. ἡγεῖσθαί τινι. But later poetry ignores this limit: Aesch. P.V. 940 δαρὸν yap οὐκ ἄρξει θεοῖς. [In Pind. P. Il. 4 βάσσαισί τ᾽ ἄρχειν the dat. may be local.] 10 Between aiyddevra and ἄγουσιν the text of Athenaeus has lost a spondee. Erfurdt supplies πόντον, which seems clearly right. Cp. //. 14. 273 ἅλα μαρμαρέην. For this votary of Bacchus, everything is radiant,—his house with gold,—the sea with sunshine.—Bergk and Blass supply καρπόν. But is αἰγλάεντα an intelligible epithet for a cargo of wheat?—The fragment of a skolion by Pindar (fr. 218) should be compared :— ‘Avix’ ἀνθρώπων καματώδεες οἴχονται μέριμναι στηθέων ἔξω, πελάγει δ᾽ ἐν πολυχρύσοιο πλούτου πάντες ἴσᾳ νέομεν ψευδῆ πρὸς ἀκτάν" ὃς μὲν ἀχρήμων, ἀφνεὸς τότε, τοὶ δ᾽ αὖ πλουτέοντες-... «««ἀέξονται φρένας ἀμπελίνοις τόξοις δαμέντες. ‘When the weary cares of men have passed from their bosoms, and on a wide sea of golden wealth we voyage, all alike, to a visionary shore,—then is the poor man wealthy, and the rich [dream that they are great]....Men are exalted in spirit by the piercing power of the grape.’—Pindar excels in splendour of imaginative diction ; Bacchylides, in vivid detail and playful fancy.—Cp. also Ar. Zg. go ff. FRAGMENTS. 419 27. [B..282-Bl. 27] Ov βοῶν πάρεστι σώματ᾽, οὔτε χρυσός, οὔτε πορφύρεοι τάπητες, ἀλλὰ θυμὸς εὐμενής, Lal 4 ~ ἊΝ ’ Μοῦσά τε γλυκεῖα, καὶ Βοιωτίοισιν ἐν σκύφοισιν οἶνος ἡδύς. Athen. rr. p. 500 B: Μνημονεύει δὲ τῶν Βοιωτικῶν σκύφων Βακχυλίδης ἐν τούτοις, ποιούμενος τὸν λόγον πρὸς τοὺς Διοσκούρους, καλῶν αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ ξένια. Was the entertainment (θεοξένια) to which B. thus invited the Dioscuri a public one, on the occasion of some festival in their honour? That seems the more natural supposition. On the other hand, the language (recalling Horace’s in C. I. 20. 1, Vile potabis modicis Sabinum Cantharis) would perfectly suit a private invitation to a modest home. From another passage of Athenaeus (4. p. 137 E) we learn a fact” which illustrates this fragment. At Athens, where the Dioscuri were styled *“Avaxes, their festival was the ’Avaxeca: and the meal then set forth for them in the Prytaneion was of a frugal and old-fashioned kind. The authority of Athenaeus for this state- ment goes back to the time of Bacchylides. It is a play entitled the Πτωχοί, ascribed to Chionides, one of the earliest poets of the Old Comedy :—rovs ᾿Αθηναίους φησίν, ὅταν τοῖς Διοσκούροις ἐν Ipuravely ἄριστον προτιθῶνται, ἐπὶ τῶν τραπεζῶν τιθέναι τυρὸν καὶ φυστὴν (barley-cake) δρυπετεῖς τ᾽ ἐλάας καὶ πράσα (leeks), ὑπόμνησιν ποιουμένους τῆς ἀρχαίας ἀγωγῆς.---Μείτε : trochaic. “No flesh of oxen is here, nor gold, nor purple carpets; but a kindly spirit, and the sweet strains of the Muse, and good wine in Boeotian cups.’—1 f. οὐ.. οὔτε.. οὔτε : see my n. on Soph. 77. 1058 f.—oUre χρυσὸς κ.τ.λ. Hor. C. τι. 18. 1 Won ebur neque aureum Mea renidet in domo lacunar. 8 θυμὸς εὐμενής : cp. Μιπυκίυς Felix 32 Zst litabilis hostia bonus animus et sincera sententia. & Βοιωτίοισιν : the first o is short, as with Corinna fr. 2 (ed. Hiller-Crusius, Azth. Lyr. p. 270) τὺ δέ, μάκαρ Kpovida, τὺ Ποτειδάωνος, ἄναξ Bowré: in the //iad it is always long. 5 σκύφοισιν. The oxtgos—of which there were Boeotian, Rhodian, Syracusan, Attic, and other varieties—was a large drinking-cup, generally with two handles projecting just beneath the brim. It appears in poetry as especially a rustic cup, such as was used by shepherds and peasants: Alcman fr. 34 μέγαν σκύφον, | οἷά τε ποιμένες ἄνδρες ἔχουσιν : it is used by Eumaeus (Od. 14. 112): cp. Theocr. I. 143. Owing to its large capacity, it was specially the cup of Heracles (Stesich. fr. 7). ΕΞ AAHAGON: εἰδῶν. 18. [B. 33: Bl. 22.] "Eota δ᾽ ἐπὶ λάϊνον οὐδόν, τοὶ δὲ θοίνας ἔντυον, ὧδε δ᾽ ἔφα- Αὐτόματοι δ᾽ ἀγαθῶν δαῖτας εὐόχθους ἐπέρχονται δίκαιοι 5 φῶτες. Athen. 5. p. 178 Β: Βακχυλίδης δὲ περὶ ‘Hpaxdéous λέγων ὡς ἦλθεν ἐπὶ τὸν τοῦ Κήϊκος οἶκον, φησίν" "Ἔστη [ἔστα Neue] κ.τ.λ.---ΚΚήὔξ, the powerful and gentle king of the Malians, dwelt at Trachis: δυνάμει δὲ καὶ αἰδοῖ | Τρηχῖνος προβέβηκε, Hes. Scut. 354 f. He was a kinsman of Heracles, being the son of a brother of Amphitryon (schol. Soph. 77. 40). Once, when Ceyx was celebrating the marriage of one of his children by a feast (γάμος), Heracles, being in those parts, presented himself, an 28—2 420 BACCHYLIDES. uninvited guest. This was told in Hesiod’s Κήϊκος γάμος, from which only a few words remain (Rzach, frgg. Hes. -179 f., p. 199). That poem was doubtless the original source of the verse, αὐτόματοι δ᾽ ἀγαθοὶ ἀγαθῶν ἐπὶ δαῖτας ἴασιν, quoted in that form, as a παροιμία, by Athen. 5. p. 178B. Zenobius 11. 19 quotes it with ἵενται in place of ἴασιν. But see Cratinus Πυλαία fr. 1: οἵδ᾽ αὖθ᾽ ἡμεῖς, ὡς ὁ παλαιὸς | λόγος, αὐτομάτους ἀγαθοὺς ἰέναι | κομψῶν ἐπὶ δαῖτα θεατῶν. (Cratinus alludes to it again in fr. incert. 6: ἧκον ἑστιώμενος | ἀγαθὸς πρὸς ἀγαθούς.) Athenaeus (/.c.) says that there was another form of the proverb,—avréuara δ᾽ ἀγαθοὶ δειλῶν ἐπὶ δαῖτας ἴασιν. Bergk thinks that this parody was due to Eupolis. The schol. on Plat. Symp. p. 174 B, at any rate, cannot be right in supposing it to have been the original form of the verse.— Metre: dactylo-epitrite. ‘He came and stood on the threshold of stone, while they were preparing their feast, and spake thus:—‘Just men come unbidden to the plenteous banquets of the ood.” . 8 αὐτόματοι: paraphrased by ἄκλητος in Plat. Symp. p. 174 B,C. —4 εὐόχθους: Eur. Jon 1169 εὐόχθου βορᾶς. Cp. Hes. Οὗ. 475 εὐοχθέων δ᾽ ἵξεαι πολιὸν ἔαρ X with good store’).—The use of δίκαιοι by B. as a substitute for the original ἀγαθοί indicates that he took the latter as refering to character, and not (as epic usage would permit) to birth. 49. (Bo χὴν Bh-23.] ‘ an > - Οἱ μὲν ἀδμᾶτες ἀεικελιὰν ἀρ νούσων εἰσὶν καὶ ἄνατοι, 5 Ἀ > ἊΨ,» ΕἾ οὐδὲν ἀνθρώποις LKEAOL. Clem. Alex. Strom. V. 715: ᾿Ακούσωμεν οὖν πάλιν Βακχυλίδου τοῦ μελοποιοῦ περὶ τοῦ θείου λέγοντος: Οἱ μὲν ἀδμῆτες ἀεὶ καὶ λίαν νούσων εἰσὶ καὶ ἀναίτιοι x.7.X. For the corrupt ἀεὶ καὶ λίαν Euseb. Praep. Εν. XIII. 679 gives ἀεικελίων (whence Neue ἀεικελιᾶν). ἄνατοι Neue.—Bergk reads εἰσὲ νόσων .---Μεῖτε : dactylo- epitrite. ‘Cruel maladies subdue them not, nor harm them; they are in no way like to men.” 20. [B. 36: Bl. 24.] θνατοῖσι δ᾽ οὐκ αὐθαίρετοι οὔτ᾽ ὄλβος οὔτ᾽ ἄγναμπτος ἼΑρης οὔτε πάμφθερσις στάσις, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπιχρίμπτει νέφος ἄλλοτ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἄλλαν γαῖαν a πάνδωρος αἶσα. Stob. 2 εἰ]. Phys. 1. 5, 3: Βακχυλίδου.---Μείτε : dactylo-epitrite. ‘Not by their own choice comes prosperity to mortals, nor stubborn war, nor civil strife, the all-destroying; but Destiny, who gives all things, brings down a cloud now on this land, now on that.’ 1 θνατοῖσι Neue, for θνατοῖς.---οὐκ avOalperor. This is the popular view, which in Ode xiv. 51 f. Menelaus controverts. (Cp. Plat. Rep. 617 E αἰτία ἑλομένου" θεὸς ἀναίτιος.) 2 ἄγναμπτος Bergk (formerly; but now ἄκαμπτος with the Mss.): cp. VIII. 73 ἀγνάμπτων ἐρώτων.--" Apns has a ore as in XII. 146: but ἅ in v. 34, 130, VIII. 44.---π' σις: cp. Aesch. Zum. 976 τὰν δ᾽ ἄπληστον κακῶν | μήποτ᾽ ἐν πόλει στάσιν | τᾷδ᾽ ἐπεύχομαι βρέμειν.---4Ἢ πάνδωρος, giver of good, as of evil. But, since the mention of troubles came next before ἀλλά, the varying incidence of trouble alone is noticed. FRAGMENTS. 421 21. [B. 3: Bl. 25.] Παύροισι δὲ θνατῶν τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον δαίμων ἔδωκεν πράσσοντας ἐν καιῤῥῷ πολιοκρόταφον Ὁ“ γῆρας ἱκνεῖσθαι, πρὶν ἐγκύρσαι δύᾳ. Clem. Alex. Strom. vi. 745: Βακχυλίδου τε εἰρηκότος. Παύροισι κ.τ.λ.---Μείτε: dactylo-epitrite. “Τὸ few mortals is Fate wont to grant that they should have happy fortunes through all their years, or come to the first grey hairs of age without encountering woe.’ —1 δαίμων ἔδωκεν Neue (ὁ δ. 2. Ursinus): τῷ δαίμονι δῶκεν MSS. 2 πράσ- σοντας ἐν καιρῷ, lit. ‘faring opfortunely,’ i.e. as they would wish at each successive step in life. For ἐν καιρῷ cp. Aesch. P. V. 379, Plat. Crito 44 A (with τινε added), εἰς.--πολιοκρόταφον, with gray hair on the /emples, where it usually appears first : Theocr, XIv. 68 ἀπὸ κροτάφων πελόμεσθα | πάντες ynpadéor. 22. [B. 39: BI. 30.] Τὰν ἀχείμαντόν τε Μέμφιν καὶ δονακώδεα Νεῖλον. Athen. 1. p. 20D: Μέμφιν...περὶ ἧς Βακχυλίδης φησί" τὴν (τὰν Neue) κ. τ. λ.--- ‘Memphis, unvexed by wintry storms, and the reedy Nile.’ Blass observes that, with τὸν inserted before dovaxddea, these verses might be the 4th and 5th of a strophe or antistrophe in Ode x11, where there are several /acunae in the papyrus. The possible places are (1) str. a’ 4 f.: (2) ant. a’ 16f.: (3) str. 6’, 37f.: (4) ant. ζ΄ 214f. But no one of these collocations seems really probable.—In xviII. 39 Nile has the epithet ἀνθεμώδεα.---Μείτε : dactylo-epitrite. 23. [B. 40: Bl. 31.] ‘Exdta Sadoddpe, Νυκτὸς μελανοκόλπου θύγατερ. Schol. Ap. Rhod. 111. 467 (where Hecate is addressed as πότνα θεὰ Περσηΐδ, Βακ- χυλίδης δὲ Νυκτός φησιν αὐτὴν θυγατέρα- ‘Exdra x.r.\.—The metre seems to be paeonic. Weil, however, who inserts ὦ before μελανοκόλπου, regards it as cretic. ‘Torch-bearing Hecate, daughter of dark-bosomed Night.’—S8qSogdpe. As a moon-goddess (akin to “Exaros, Apollo the sun-god) Hecate carries a torch,—her regular symbol. δαδοφόρος is actually the title under which she was worshipped, along with Zeus Πανημέριος, at Stratoniceia in Caria, C. 7. G. 2715, 2. 2720 (see Spending’s art. in Roscher’s Zex., p. 1885). So also she is φωσφόρος, λάμπτειρα, λαμπαδοῦχος, etc. : and in the Homeric hymn to Demeter (v. 52) she appears σέλας ἐν χείρεσσιν ἔχουσα. As the moon was supposed to rise from and descend into the underworld, Hecate is also the προθυραία or κλειδοῦχος (Orphic hymn 2. 5) of Hades: cp. Verg. Aen. Vi. 2155. She is a goddess of darkness (νυκτιπόλος, Ap. Rhod. Iv. 1020: μουνυχία Orph. Argon. 938). Bacchylides seems, however, to be the only extant authority for making her the daughter of Night. In the older mythology (followed by Apollonius Rhodius) she is the daughter of the Titan Perses (or Persaeus) and Asteria (herself the daughter of the Titan Koios): Hes. Zheog. 409 ff. In a later genealogy her parents are Zeus and Hera (or Zeus and Demeter).—peAavokdAtrov Ursinus, Bergk, Smyth. The text of the scholiast has μεγαλοκόλπου, a decidedly inferior reading, due probably to mere error. 422 BACCHYLIDES. 24. [B. 44: Bl. 34-] > Ν Ν > ’ / Opyat μεν ἀνθρώπων διακεκριμέναι μυρίαι. Zenob. Il. 25: Δίχολοι γνῶμαι" παρὰ τὸ διχῇ ἰδιότροποι, κατὰ μετάληψιν. Χόλος γὰρ ἡ ὀργή, ὀργὴ δὲ τρόπος. Βακχυλίδης: Οργαὶ κιτιλ. The fragment is also in Hesych. s.v. δίχολοι.---Μεῖγε : dactylo-epitrite. ‘There are varied tempers, past numbering, in mankind. ’—Nearly the same words are ascribed to A/cman by schol. Hippocr. v. 484 (ed. Littré): Ὀργὰς yap τοὺς τρόπους ἐκάλουν οἱ ἀρχαῖοι, ws καὶ ᾿Αλκμάν φησιν: ἐν μὲν ἀνθρώπῳ ὀργαὶ κεκριμέναι μυρίαι. Bergk (ΠΙ. p. 193) supposes that ἃ grammarian had quoted both Bacchylides and Aleman. After the words of Aleman had dropped out of the text, his name was erroneously connected with the words of Bacchylides. 25. [B. 38: BI. 29.] Μελαγκευθὲς εἴδωλον ἀνδρὸς ᾿Ιθακησίου. Etym. M. 296. 1: Bachmann Avecd. 1. 208. 13: Cramer Anecad. Par. iv. 168. 30: Schol. 71. 5. 449: Apostolius 111. 37: Suidas s.v. el6wov.—Metre: cretic or paeonic. ‘The phantom of the man of Ithaca, shrouded in gloom.’—pedayxevOis Neue: μελαγκεθὲς Etym. M., etc. But μελαμβαφὲς is read by schol. //., Apostol., and Suid., whence Bernhardy conj. μελαμφαρὲς ep. Ill. 13 f.], or μελαμφαές. In Ode Il. 55 μελαγκευθὲς is probable. 26. [B. 42: BI. 32.] ‘ABpornte ξυνέασιν Ἴωνες βασιλῆες. Joannes Siceliota in Walz Rhet. Gr. VI. 241: ‘ABpot τὸ παλαιὸν οἱ Ἴωνες, ws που καὶ Βακχυλίδης φησί, τὸν σφῶν αὐτῶν ῥυθμὸν δηλῶν: ᾿Αβρότητι κιτιλ. Comparing the other citation, τῶν ἁβροβίων ᾿Ιώνων ἄναξ (Walz ν. 493 and VII. 982), now identi- fied with xvi. 2, Bergk read ᾿Ιώνων here, Wilamowitz (/sy//. 143) supposes “ABpérnrt x.T.d. to be a mere figment of Joannes Siceliota.—‘The Ionian princes dwell with luxury.’ Seen. on XVII. 2. 27. [B. 43: Bl. 33.] Χρυσὸν βροτῶν γνώμαισι μανύει καθαρόν. Priscian Metr. Terent. (Keil, Grammatict Latini 111. 428. 21): Similiter Bacchylides : Χρυσὸν «.t.r. Hic guogue iambus in fine tribrachium habet.—Bergk formerly con- jectured that this fragment should be used to complete fr. 10 (his fr. 22), thus : Λυδία μὲν γὰρ λίθος | χρυσὸν βροτῶν γνώμαισι μανύει καθαρόν" | ἀνδρῶν δ᾽ ἀρετάν κ.τ.λ. The sense would then be: ‘The Lydian stone reveals pure gold 20 ¢he judgments of men.’ In his 4th ed., however, he keeps the fragments distinct. The context being unknown, it must remain doubtful whether the meaning of this fragment was such as that just noticed (which.seems the more probable), or the following :—(‘Truth’ or ‘Time’) ‘reveals the pure gold zz the minds (or dispositions) of men,’—xpuadr being metaphorical. 28." [B. 2;-¥.3 2 Bi 571] Ὄλβιος δ᾽ οὐδεὶς βροτῶν πάντα χρόνον. Stob. Flor. 98. 27, where the words are added to a citation of Ode v. 160 ff. (@varoiot...péyyos). The lemma prefixed is ’Ev τῷ αὐτῷ, referring to that of the FRAGMENTS. 423 citation (Ode v. 53 ff.) which immediately precedes, Τοῦ αὐτοῦ ᾿Επινίκων. If the lemma meant, ‘in the same éook,’ it would appear that the words ὄλβιος δ᾽ «.7.d., though wrongly attached to Ode v. 160 ff., occurred in another of the poet’s epinikia. But this cannot be deemed certain. 29. [B. 37: Bl. 27.] Ei δὲ λέγει τις ἄλλως, πλατεῖα κέλευθος. Plut. Mum. 4: Bi δὲ λέγει (λέγοι C) τις ἄλλως, κατὰ Βακχυλίδην, πλατεῖα κέλευθος. --“Τῇ any man saith otherwise,—the path is broad.’ Sintenis may well be right in thinking that the words εἰ δὲ... ἄλλως are Plutarch’s own, and that the quota- tion is confined to πλατεῖα κέλευθος. 30. [B. 45: BI. 35.] πλήμμυριν πόντου φυγών. Etym. M. 676. 25: Πλημμυρὶς...εἰ μέντοι ὄνομά ἐστιν, εὔλογον βαρύνεσθαι αὐτὸ διὰ τὴν παρὰ Βακχυλίδῃ αἰτιατικήν, οἷον" Πλήμμυριν κ.τ.λ.---Ορ. Od. 9. 485 τὴν δ᾽ ἂψ ἤπειρόνδε παλιρρόθιον φέρε κῦμα, | πλημμυρὶς ἐκ πόντοιο : the backward rush of the wave, ‘as a flood-tide from the deep,’ bore the ship to land.—For the spelling with uy, or B, see Ode V. 107 n. 31. [B. 51: BI. 39.] πυργοκέρατα. Apollonius De Adverb. (in Bekker Anecd. 1. 596. 12---Ἰ4} : ὃν τρόπον καὶ ἐπ᾽ ὀνομάτων μεταπλασμοὶ γίνονται, καθάπερ...τὸ πυργοκέρατα παρὰ Βακχυλίδῃ. The sense may have been, ‘ with towering horns’: cp. the figurative πυργωθέντα (πλοῦτον) in Ode 111. 13. Bergk suggests that B.’s phrase was πύργον ὑψικέρατα (comparing Pind. fr. 325, ὑψικ. πέτραν), but this seems very improbable. 32 (?). [B. adesp. 86: Bl. 37 4.] > \ > / Las Οὐ yap ἐν μέσοισι κειται δῶρα δυσμάχητα Μοισᾶν τὠπιτυχόντι φέρειν. Clem. Alex. Strom. Vv. 654 quotes these verses without the poet’s name. Blass conjectures that they belong to Bacchylides. There is at least one certain instance in which Clement quotes B. without naming him, viz. in Strom. v. 731, where the words ὁ λυρικός φησι introduce vv. 50—56 of Ode xIv. Blass also compares XIV. 53 f. ἐν μέσῳ κεῖται κιχεῖν | πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις Aixay κιτ.λ., and δῶρα Movody in XVIII. 4. These points are perhaps not very cogent. But the’ general style of the verses resembles that of Bacchylides: and we know that his poetry was one of Clement’s favourite sources of quotation.—8epa Movody are the gifts of poetical faculty which the Muses bestow: these are δυσμάχητα, because poets vie keenly with each other, as in competing at the festivals. (δυσμάχητα should not be taken with οὐ... κεῖται, as though the sense were, ‘are not proposed as prizes to be keenly fought for.’)— ‘The keenly-contested gifts of the Muses are not prizes open to all, which the first comer may win.’ 424 BACCHYLIDES. ETI! PAMMATA. τ, 33. [B. 48: Bl p..r76.] Kovpa Πάλλαντος πολυώνυμε, πότνια Νίκα, πρόφρων Καρθαίων i ἱμερόεντα χορὸν αἰὲν ἐποπτεύοις, πολέας δ᾽ ἐν ἀθύρμασι Μουσᾶν Κηΐῳ ἀμφιτίθει Βακχυλίδῃ στεφάνους. Anthol. Pal. V1. 313: Βακχυλίδου A. ‘ Renowned daughter of Pallas, queenly Victory, mayest thou ever look with good will on the beauteous chorus of the Carthaeans, and crown Bacchylides of Ceos with many a wreath in the contests of the Muses.’—1 Πάλλαντος, a Titan: the mother of Nike was Styx: see X. 9η.---πολυώνυμε, of wide fame: cp. Hes. 7h. 785 πολυώνυμον ὕδωρ (Styx); Pind. P. 1. 17 Κιλίκιον .. πολυώνυμον ἄντρον. So Soph. Ant. 148 μεγαλώνυμος .. Nixa.—Not, ‘of many names’ (as ¢.g. Dionysus is πολυώνυμος, 26. 1115, being variously styled Bakchos, Iacchos, Zagreus, etc.): there was no variety of cult-names in the case of Νίκη, and the epithets given to her are usually of a general kind. 2 Καρθαίων, a conjecture of Bergk (received by Blass in his 2nd ed.)._ The town of Κάρθαια or Kap@aia, on the s.E. coast of Ceos, had a temple of the Pythian Apollo, and near it a χορηγεῖον in which Simonides, when living in Ceos, used to teach choruses (Athen. 10. p. 456 F). His nephew, then, might feel some special interest in the place. Ode XVI was a paean written by Bacchylides to be performed by a Cean chorus at Delos. Similarly he may have composed a dithyramb with which a chorus from Carthaea competed successfully at a Delian festival. The addition of Κηΐῳ indicates that the contest did not take place in Ceos. This epigramma would have been placed on the ἀνάθημα dedicated as a thank-offering for the victory. [Bergk and Blass accent thus, Καρθαιῶν (as from Kap@ateds?). See, however, Pape-Benseler s.v. Κάρθαια, where ἡ Καρθαίων πόλις is cited from an inscr.]—The traditional reading here, Kpavvatwv, is corrupt. The other emendations which have been proposed are :—(r) προφρονέως Κραναῶν, Schneidewin. (2) πρόφρων ἐν Κραναῶν, Hartung. (3) Κραναιδῶν Meineke (so Bergk*), a form not found,= the Athenians (παῖδες Kpavaod, Aesch. Hum. to1t). But could the first syllable be long? Further, if the chorus was Athenian, we should expect the name of a tribe, such as (4) Κεκροπιδῶν, suggested by Bergk. (5) Καρνείων, Stadtmiiller. 8 ἐν ἀθύρμασι Μουσάν, 2.4. ἐν μουσικοῖς ἀγῶσιν : cp. XVII. 57 dpniwy . . ἀθυρμάτων. 2. 34. [B. 49: ΒΓ p. 176.] Εὔδημος τὸν νηὸν ἐπ᾽ ἀγροῦ τόνδ᾽ ἀνέθηκεν τῷ πάντων ἀνέμων πιστοτάτῳ Ζεφύρῳ. εὐξαμένῳ γάρ οἱ ἦλθε βοηθόος, ὄφρα τάχιστα λικμήσῃ πεπόνων καρπὸν ἀπ᾽ ἀσταχύων. Anthol. Pal. ντ. 5: Βακχυλίδου. ἀνάθημα τῷ ζεφύρῳ ἀνέμῳ παρὰ Evdjuov γεωργοῦ A and corrector. Blass observes: ‘Non habet fidem inscriptio, nisi alius est Bacchylides.’ But at least there is nothing in the verses themselves which could warrant us in rejecting the traditional ascription.—Suidas s.v. miéraros quotes the words from τόνδ᾽ in v. 1 to Ζεφύρῳ without the author’s name (ἐν ἐπιγράμματι). * Eudemus has dedicated this shrine on his land to Zephyrus, trustiest of winds, who hastened to help him at his prayer, so that he might winnow his grain from the ripe ears of corn."—2 The Ms. reading * πιοτάτῳ is defended by, Stadtmiiller, who quotes Theocr. x. 46f., és βορέην ἄνεμον Tas κόρθυος ἁ τομὰ ὕμμιν | ἢ ζέφυρον βλεπέτω" FRAGMENTS. NOTICES. 425 πιαίνεται ὁ στάχυς οὕτως : 1.6., ‘let the cut end of the stalks in your sheaf be turned towards the north or west wind; for thus the corn-ear is filled out.’ But is this relevant? (1) In the first place, it is hard to conceive how πιότατος could be said of a wind, in the sense of ‘fattening’ or ‘nourishing’: at any rate there is no example of it. (2) But, granting that πιότατος could be so used, it would be wholly out of place here. The maturing of the grain is not in question. The matter in hand is simply the winnowing (see on v. 4). What Eudemus wanted was fine weather, with a wind which should not bring rain (as the south often did), nor yet be too violent. Unger and Schneidewin long ago suggested what I hold to be the true reading, viz. πι(στ)οτάτῳ, which might so easily have been corrupted. There is a touch of playful fancy in it, alluding to Bon@éos in the next verse: Zephyrus was the trusty ally who came at need when he was called.—Other conjectures are rpyiitdtw (‘Schneider Saxo’ ap. Bergk, also Headlam): λειοτάτῳ (Meineke). 3 In his Dorian lyrics, with their epic colouring, Bacch. always assumes ¢ before οἱ: but it does not follow that he would do so in writing Ionic elegiacs. I prefer γάρ of here to Meineke’s γὰρ ὅ γ᾽, which Bergk (though retaining oi) thinks right.—Bon8dos Planudes: βοαθόος vulg. (but cp. Εὔδημος and νηόν). 4 λικμήσῃ, the more vivid subjunct. ., instead of the optative, after ἦλθε: cp. Xen. An. 1. 1. 18 (πλοῖα) κατέκαυσεν, ἵνα μὴ Κῦρος διαβῇ .--- After threshing, the corn was put into a broad basket (λίκνον, vannus): it was then thrown up into the wind, so that the chaff (ἄχυρα, paleae) might be blown away from the grain. Verg. G. I. 123 ἢ, Cum graviter tunsis gemit area frugibus, et cum Surgentem ad Lephvrum paleae iactantur inanes. Columella also (2. 21) says that a west wind is best for the operation of winnowing. B. NOTICES WHICH SPECIFY A CLASS OF POEMS. ΕΠΙΝΙΚΟΙ. 35. [B. 10: Bl. p. 137.] The commentary of Didymus.—Ammonius P 79: Nnpeides τῶν τοῦ Νηρέως θυγατέρων διαφέρει. Δίδυμος ὁμοίως ἐν ὑπο- μνήματι Βακχυλίδου ἐπινίκων' φησὶ γὰρ κατὰ λέξιν: Εἰσὶ τοίνυν οἵ φασι vs αφέρειν Tas Νηρεΐδας τῶν τοῦ Νηρέως θυγατέρων, καὶ τὰς μὲν ἐκ Δωρίδος γνησίας αὐτῶν θυγατέρας νομίζεσθαι, τὰς δὲ ἐξ ἄλλων ἤδη κοινότερον Νηρεΐδας καλεῖσθαι κ.τ.λ.---- Seen. on XVI. 38. YMNOI. 56: {Β᾽ 12: B35] Schol. Ar. Ach. 47: τοῦ δὲ Κελεοῦ μέμνηται Βακχυλίδης διὰ τῶν “Tuvov.—Celeus, the king of Eleusis; whose wife Metaneira received the disguised Demeter into her house, as a nurse for her son Demophon: Hom. Hymn to Demeter, vv. 96 ff. Celeus built the first temple of the goddess at Eleusis (20. 296 ff.), and was one of a small group,—including Triptolemus and Eumolpus,—whom she taught to celebrate her rites (16. 473 ff.). 426 BACCHYLIDES. 37. [B. ΠΙ. p. 572, ἢ. on fr. 11: BI. p. 160, n. on fr. 2.] The rhetor Menander in Walz Rhet. Gr. 1X. 140: Εἰσὶ τοίνυν καὶ τῷ Βακχυλίδῃ ὕμνοι avoteumtiKol.imThese were hymns addressed to a god who was supposed to be leaving his temple on an excursion (ἀποδημία) to some other haunt; as the κλητικοί Were hymns which besought him to return. See n. on Ode xv. 1—+4. AIOYPAMBOI. 38. [B. 18: Bl. 8.] Servius on Verg. Aen. XI. 93: Versis Arcades armiis.] Lugentum more mucronem hastae, non cuspidem contra terram tenentes, quoniam antiqui nostri omnia contraria in funere faciebant, scuta etiam invertentes propter numina illic depicta, ne eorum simulacra cadaveris polluerentur aspectu, sicut habuisse Arcades Bacchylides in dithyrambis dicit—Servius may be referring to the dithyramb from which fragment 6 comes, and which Blass supposes to have been entitled Kacodvépa. 39. [B. 16: BL 7.] Schol. Pind. P. I. 100: Ταύτῃ τῇ ἱστορίᾳ καὶ Βακχυλίδης συμφωνεῖ ἐν τοῖς διθυράμβοις, ὅτι δὴ οἱ Ἕλληνες ἐκ Λήμνου μετεστείλαντο τὸν Φιλοκτήτην Ἑλένου μαντευσαμένου" εἵμαρτο γὰρ ἄνευ τῶν Ἡρακλείων τόξων μὴ πορθηθῆναι τὸ Ἴλιον.--- ΤῊς story οἵ Philoctetes being brought from Lemnos to Troy, at the bidding of Helenus, was told in two of the Cyclic epics, the Ἰλιὰς Μικρά and the Ἰλίου Πέρσις. Bacchylides may have known also the Philoctetes of Aeschylus. The Pindaric scholiast does not enable us to decide whether (as seems most probable) Bacchylides had written a dithyramb called Φιλοκτήτης, or had merely referred to the story in a dithyramb on some other subject. TTAPOENEIA. 40. [BI. p. 165.] Plutarch, De Musica c. 17, after saying that Plato’s prefer- ence for the Dorian ἁρμονία was due to its fitness for martial or stately strains, adds that, as Plato knew, it could also be used for compositions of a lighter kind :—ov« ἠγνόει δὲ 6 ὅτι πολλὰ Δώρια Παρθένεια ἅμα ᾿Αλκμᾶνι καὶ ἹΠινδάρῳ καὶ Σιμωνίδῃ καὶ Βακχυλίδῃ πεποίηται κ.τ.λ. NOTICES. 427 C. NOTICES WHICH DO NOT SPECIFY A CLASS. 41. [B. 50: Bl. 38.] Ammianus Marcellinus ΧΧΥ. 4. 3. The Emperor Julian used to quote with approval the saying of Sophocles in old age (Plat. Rep. I. p. 329 6), that he was glad to have escaped from the tyranny of amorous passion:—Item ut hoc propositum validius firmaret, recolebat saepe dictum lyrici Bacchylidis, quem legebat iucunde id adserentem, quod wt egregius pictor vultum speciosum effingit, tta pudicitia celsius consurgentem vitam exornat.—The context here makes it probable that pudicitia was a rendering of σωφροσύνη. 42. [8. 57: Bl. p. 166.] Schol. Callim. Hymn. in Del. 28 εἰ δὲ λίην πολέες σε περιτρο- χύωσιν ἀοιδαί] Ai Πινδάρου καὶ Βακχυλίδου. In Pindar’s case the reference must include the προσόδιον (called Δηλιακὸν παιᾶνα by schol. Pind. /. 1. znit.), fr. 87, 88 (Eis Δῆλον), Xaip’ ὦ θεοδμάτα κιτλ. Had Bacchylides written some similar poem in praise of Delos ?—Cp. no. 12. 43. [B. 68: Bl. 51.] Schol. Apoll. Rhod. Iv. 973: ὀρείχαλκος εἶδος χαλκοῦ" μνημονεύει καὶ Στησίχορος καὶ Baxyvdridyns.—The metal or alloy called ὀρείχαλκος (‘mountain-copper’) is first mentioned in Greek poems dating probably from about 600 B.c. The Aphrodite of the Homeric hymn (VI. 9) wears as ear-rings ἄνθεμ᾽ ὀρει- χάλκου χρυσοῖό Te τιμήεντος. Heracles, in the Hesiodic ‘Shield’ - (122), has greaves ὀρειχάλκοιο φαεινοῦ : and the same words are applied by Apollonius Rhodius (Iv. 973) to the shepherd’s crook carried by Lampetia, daughter of the Sun-god. For Callimachus (Lav. Pallad. 19), orichalcum is a metal which can serve as a mirror. Plato frankly speaks of it as something which, in his time, was ‘merely a legend,—ro viv ὀνομαζόμενον μόνον (Critias p. 114). It flashed with fiery rays (μαρμαρυγὰς... πυρώδεις) from the innermost of the walls surrounding the citadel in the Island of Atlantis (26. p. 116c). Spenser is at once classical and medieval in the vagueness of his reference to ‘ costly orichalch from strange Phoenice’ (/uiopotmos 81), where it figures in company with the steel of Bilbo and the brass of Corinth. But in the orichalc of the Greek classics the most distinctive quality is brilliant lustre. The mentions of it by Stesichorus and Bacchylides were probably connected with the 428 BACCHYLIDES. equipment or adornment of some hero or heroine. [Strabo (13. p. 610) mentions a blend of ψευδάργυρος (zinc?) with copper, “which some call orichalcum’; but the interpretation and the authority of that passage are doubtful.] The following notices, relating to points of mythology as treated by Bacchylides, are arranged in the alphabetical order of the mythological names. 44, [B. 62: Bl. 45.] Aristaeus—Schol. Apoll. Rhod. U1. 498: Τινὲς τέσσαρας ᾿Αρισταίους γενεωλογοῦσιν, ὡς καὶ Βακχυλίδης" τὸν μὲν Καρύστου, τὸν δὲ Χείρωνος [Χέρωνος Laur.], ἄλλον δὲ Γῆς καὶ Οὐρανοῦ, καὶ τὸν «τέταρτον Bergk> Κυρήνης. ᾿Αρισταῖος is the name, very ancient in Greece, of a god who prospers agriculture, cattle-breeding, and hunting: it expresses the pious faith that he is ἄριστος (cp. "Ἄρτεμις ἀρίστη, Ζεὺς ὁ λῷστος, etc.). Among the earliest seats of his cult were the Thessalian plains about Iolcus and Pelion; Arcadia; and Cyrene. In the Cyrenaic legend (Pind. P. Ix. 5 ff, following the Hesiodic "Hofaz) he is the son of Cyrene, a great-grand- daughter of Poseidon and Gaia, by Apollo, who carried her off to Libya. The worship of Aristaeus existed in Ceos, the island of Bacchylides. He was said to have come to the help of the islanders, bringing with him Parrhasians from Arcadia, at a time when Ceos was afflicted by the parching summer heat of Seirius, which had caused a plague in the Cyclades: he taught the Ceans to erect an altar to Ζεὺς Ἰκμαῖος, and was himself afterwards worshipped there as Ζεὺς ᾿Αρισταῖος. Two of the three namesakes whom, according to the scholiast, Bacchylides distinguished from Aristaeus son of Cyrene, were probably identical with him. (1) The ‘son of Carystus’ may be this rural god in his relation to the nymphs of Carystus in Euboea. (2) The ‘son of Cheiron’ is a designation easily explained by the fact that Aristaeus, who was a healing god, was said to have been taken as a child by Apollo to Cheiron, in whose cave he was brought up. With regard to the third namesake, the ‘son of Gaia and Uranos, this may have been an allegorical de- scription of the god who blesses the fruits of the earth; that, however, is more doubtful. Suidas has ᾿Αρισταῖος" εἷς τῶν Γιγάντων. The bearded head of Aristaeus appears on coins of Ceos and of the Cean town Carthaia. (See Schirmer’s article in Roscher’s Lexikon, esp. p. 550.) Blass suggests that the Bacchylides cited by the scholiast NOTICES. 429 on Apollonius may be a writer distinct from the poet (3rd ed., p. 174, fr. 45: Mzs¢ alius hic est Bacchylides). In the Cean poet, however, we are prepared to find the current popular mythology of his day faithfully reflected, without any attempts at criticism or reconciliation. If, then, there were different local cults which assigned different genealogies to the rural god Aristaeus, it is quite conceivable that these discrepant accounts should have appeared in different passages of the poet’s writings. 45. [B. 54: Bl. 41.] Athena as a giver of immortality—Schol. Ar. Av. 1536: Εὐφρόνιος [Ὁ the Alexandrian writer of tragedy mentioned by schol. Hephaest. c. 9, see W. Christ, Gesch. ad. Gr. Litt., P- 539 ἢ 2], ὅτι Διὸς θυγάτηρ ἡ Βασιλεία, καὶ δοκεῖ τὰ κατὰ τὴν ἀθανασίαν αὕτη οἰκονομεῖν, ἣν ἔχει καὶ παρὰ Βακχυλίδη ἡ ᾿Αθηνᾶ, τῷ Τυδεῖ δώσουσα τὴν ἀθανασίαν.--δώσουσα, because she did not fulfil her intention. Tydeus, son of Oeneus, was wounded in the war of the Seven against Thebes. Athena was going to heal him and make him immortal with a φάρμακον which she had obtained from Zeus. But Amphiaraus, who hated Tydeus for having persuaded the Argives into the war, cut off the head of Melanippus, whom Tydeus had slain, and brought it to him. Tydeus cut it in two, and ate the brains; when Athena, in disgust, left him to die. (Apollod. 3. 6. 8.) 46. [B. p. 580n.: Bl. p. 159n.] Cassandra.—Porphyrion on Hor. C. I. 15: Hac ode Bac- chylidem imitatur; nam ut ille Cassandram facit vaticinari Jutura belli Troiani, ita hic Proteum [written by error for Nereum]. The same error occurs in the schol. on Stat. 7hed. 7. | 330: Hic Bacchylides Graecus poeta est, quem imitatus est Horatius in illa oda in qua Proteus Troiae futurum narrat excidium.—Cp. fr. 6. 47. [B. 56: BI. 10.] Europa. —Schol. fl,’ 12. 292: _Evporny τὴν Φοίνικος Ζεὺς θεασάμενος. ἔν τινι λειμῶνι μετὰ Νυμφών ἄνθη ἀναλέγουσαν ἠράσθη, καὶ κατελθὼν ἤλλαξεν ἑαυτὸν εἰς ταῦρον καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ στόματος κρόκον ἔπνει. οὕτω δὲ τὴν Εὐρώπην a ἀπατήσας ἐβάστασε καὶ διαπορθμεύσας εἰς Κρήτην ἐμίγη αὐτῇ" εἶθ᾽ οὕτω συνῴκισεν αὐτὴν ᾿Αστερίωνι τῷ Κρητῶν βασιλεῖ. γενομένη δὲ ἔγκυος ἐκείνη τρεῖς παῖδας ἐγέννησε, Μίνωα, Σαρπηδόνα καὶ Ῥαδάμανθυν. ἡ ἱστορία παρὰ Ἡσιόδῳ καὶ Baxyvdidn.—Bacchylides may have written a dithyramb Εὐρώπη : though the story is one which might also have occurred in a hymn. 430 BACCHYLIDES. 48. [B. 60: BI. 44.] Eurytion—Schol. Od. 21. 295: Βακχυλίδης δὲ διάφορον (distinct from the Eurytion in ν. 295) οἴεται τὸν Βὐρυτίωνα" φησὶ γὰρ ἐπιξενωθέντα Δεξαμενῷ ἐν. Ἤλιδι ὑβριστικῶς ἐπιχειρῆσαι τῇ τοῦ ξενοδοχοῦντος θυγατρί, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ὑπὸ Ἡρακλέους ἀναιρεθῆναι καιρίως τοῖς οἴκοις [τοῖς ἐκεῖ Eustath. 1909. 61] ἐπιστάντος. Eurytion figures as an unruly Centaur in ἔννο stories. (1) At the wedding of Peirithous and Hippodameia on Mount Pelion he tries to carry off the bride, thus provoking the fight between the Lapithae and the Centaurs: Od. 21. 295 ff. (2) Asa guest at the house of Dexamenus in Elis [or, acc. to Apollod. 2. 5. 5, at Olenus in Achaia] he insults his host’s daughter; Heracles appears opportunely, and slays him. This story is found, with some variations, in Apollodorus ἐς, Diod. Iv. 33, and Hyginus Fab. 31. 33. The name of Hurytus is substituted for that of Eurytion in the first story by Ovid (77. 12. 219), and in the second story by Diodorus (Iv. 33).—The timely appearance of Heracles at the house of Dexamenus followed his visit to the Centaur Pholus on mount Pholoe (between Arcadia and Elis). That visit was told by Stesichorus in his Γηρνυονηΐς (fr. 7), which related the adventures of Heracles on his way back from the far West. That poem may have been the source, or one of the sources, from which Bacchylides derived his material for the story of Eurytion. 49. [B. 61: Bl. p. 158.] Evenus.—Schol. Pind. /. 11. 72 (= IV. 54): dds τὸν ᾿Ανταῖόν φησι (Πίνδαρος) τῶν ξένων τῶν “ἡττωμένων τοῖς κρανίοις ἐρέφειν τὸν τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος ναόν: τοῦτο yap ἱστοροῦσι τὸν Θρᾷκα Διομήδην ποιεῖν, Βακχυλίδης δὲ Εὔηνον ἐπὶ τῶν τῆς Μαρ- πήσσης [Mapricons Heyne, for Μαρσίππης] μνηστήρων" οἱ δὲ Οἰνόμαον, ὡς LopoxdAHs.—See note on XIX. 7. 50. [B. p. 588: Bl. p. 176.] Galateia—Natalis Comes Mythol. 1x. 8, p. 987: Dicitur Polyphemus non modo amasse Galateam, sed etiam Galatum ex illa suscepisse, ut testatus est Bacchylides.—Bergk, with whom Blass concurs, justly remarks that the worth of this statement is doubtful. Later mythology, however, knew a son Γάλας (Appian ///yr. 2) or Γαλάτης borne by Galateia to Polyphe- mus (see Roscher’s Ler. 5. vv. Galas and Galateia); and it is possible that such a son may have been mentioned in some poem of Bacchylides. NOTICES. 431 51. [Β. 32: ΒΙ. 9.] Laocoon.—Servius on Verg. Aen. 11. 201: Sane Bacchylides de Laocoonte et uxore eius vel de serpentibus a Calydnis insulis venientibus atque in homines conversis dicit—Laocoon, priest of Apollo at Troy, had incurred the god’s wrath by marrying [hence the words ‘et uxore eius’]. Two serpents, sent by Apollo, swam over from the neighbouring islets of Calydnae,—then changed into men, and killed the two sons of Laocoon, but not the father. This was probably the outline of the story as told by Bacchylides, perhaps in a dithyramb: and Sophocles in his Λαοκόων seems to have followed him (so far at least as these particulars are concerned). See Robert, Bild und Lied, pp. 192 ff.; who, however, thinks that the two destroyers came over as men from the islets, and afterwards changed into serpents. Engelmann, art. Laokoon in Roscher (p. 1840), justly lays stress on the words in the Apollodorus fragment, Zpz¢. Vat. 21. 15, ᾿Απόλλων δὲ αὐτοῖς σημεῖον ἐπιπέμπει" δύο yap δράκοντες διανηξάμενοι διὰ τῆς θαλάσσης ἐκ τῶν πλησίον νήσων τοὺς Λαοκόωντος υἱοὺς κατεσθίουσιν. 52. [8. 63: Bl. 46.] Niobe's children.—Gellius V.A. XX. 7: Nam Homerus pueros puellasque eius (Niobae) bis senos dicit fuisse, Euripides bis septenos, Sappho bis novenos, Lacchylides et Pindarus δὲς denos. In giving the number of the Niobidae as 20, Bacchylides and Pindar followed Hesiod (Apollod. 3. 5. 6); as Mimnermus also did (Aelian, Var. Hist. 12. 36). The number 14, given by Eur., had been given before him by Lasus of Hermione (2é.). Alcman went below Homer's 12, naming only 10 (zd.). The earliest known authority for the tradition that two of Niobe’s children escaped is Telesilla (c. 510 B.C.), fr. 5 (Bergk III. p. 380). Enmann (art. Vzobe u. Niobiden in Roscher, p. 373) connects this legend with the fact that Hesiod’s 20 and Homer’s 12 are numbers from which the others (18, 14, 10) differ respectively by two. 53. [B. 64: BI. 47.] Persephone—Schol. Hes. Theog. 914: Ἡρπάσθαι δὲ τὴν Περσεφόνην φασὶν of μὲν ἐκ Σικελίας, Βακχυλίδης δὲ ἐκ Κρήτης, ᾿Ορφεὺς ἐκ τῶν περὶ τὸν ᾿᾽Ωκεανὸν τόπων, Φανόδημος δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς, κιτ.λ.----ϑ5εε. n. on Ode Ill. 1—4. Bacchylides seems to be the only known author of the classical period who placed the rape of Persephone in Crete. That view is noticed, but corrected, by the pseudo-Eudocia p. 109 (ed. Villoisin): ἐκ 432 BACCHYLIDES. Κρήτης ἢ μᾶλλον ἐκ Σικελίας. Writers of the Alexandrian and of the Roman age usually localise the story at Enna in Sicily. The Sicilian tradition must have been, in our poet’s time, already old, but not yet so dominant as to exclude other versions. In the Homeric hymn to Demeter, the scene is ideal,—the Νύσιον πεδίον. In the 4th century B.C. it was possible for Phanodemus (Atthis, fr. 20, Miiller I. 369) to say that Persephone had been carried off from Attica. Even in the Roman age Propertius (IV. 22. 4) can connect the legend with Cyzicus ; and Appian (De Bell. Civ. tv. 105), with Crenides, the later Philippi. 54. [B. 55: Bl. 42.] Rhea.—Schol. Pind. O. τ. 37: ὋὉ δὲ Βακχυλίδης τὸν Πέλοπα τὴν Ῥέαν λέγει ὑγιάσαι καθεῖσαν διὰ τοῦ λέβητος (ἐγκαθεῖσαν πάλιν τῷ λέβητι coni. Bergk), ἀφ᾽ οὗ καὶ ὑγιὴς ἀνεδόθη.---- Tantalus cut his son Pelops to pieces, and served up the flesh to the gods; they, however, were not deceived, and shrank from tasting it—all of them except Demeter, who consumed a shoulder. The remains were then boiled in a cauldron, from which Pelops came forth restored, with an ivory shoulder in place of the lost one. Pindar (0. 1. 26f.) makes Clotho the agent in this restoration ; Bacchylides assigned the part to Rhea, the wife of Cronus (and so schol. Aristid. p. 216); a third version named Hermes (schol. Pind.). 55. [B. 69: Bl. 52.] Ti elchines. —Tzetzes Υ heogon. 81 (Matranga An. 580): ἐκ δὲ τοῦ καταρρέοντος αἵματος τῶν μορίων ἐν μὲν τῇ γῇ γεγόνασι τρεῖς ᾿Ερινύες πρῶτον, ἡ Τεισιφόνη, Μέγαιρα, καὶ ᾿Αληκτὼ σὺν ταύταις, καὶ σὺν αὐταῖς οἱ τέσσαρες ὀνομαστοὶ Τελχῖνες, ᾿Ακταῖος, Μεγαλήσιος, "Ορμενός τε καὶ Λύκος, ods Βακχυλίδης μέν φησι Νεμέσεως Ταρτάρου, ἄλλοι τινὲς δὲ λέγουσι τῆς Γῆς τε καὶ τοῦ Πόντου.--- Α5 to the Telchines, see Introd. to Ode I, p. 188. It is possible that this reference to them occurred in the lost part of that Ode (cp. p. 446). 56. [B. 59: Bl. p. lxvii.] Theano’s sons. —Schol. Zl. 24. 496: Πιθανὸν “μίαν τεκεῖν ἐννεακαίδεκα, οὐχ ὡς Βακχυλίδης πεντήκοντα τῆς Θεανοῦς ὑπογράφει παΐῖδας.---55ε n. on XIV. 37 ff. The following notices, relating to geographical names, are arranged in the alphabetical order of those names. NOTICES. 433 57. [B. 66: Bl. 49.] The river Caicus.—Strabo 13. 616: ὁ δὲ Kdixos οὐκ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἴδης ῥεῖ, καθάπερ εἴρηκε Baxyvarjidns—The sources of the Caicus, Strabo says, are in a plain, west of the range of Temnus (Τῆμνον ὄρος). The general line of the river’s course is from N.E. to S.W., through the plain of Mysia, to the Gulf of Elaea. The cause of the Cean poet’s error was that the non- Asiatic Greeks of his time had no clear notions as to the extent of the Ida range in a S.E. direction. They probably regarded the mountain system which later geographers called Temnus as an offshoot or continuation of Ida. A much more striking illustration of the vagueness with which the name Ἴδη was used is the fact, also noticed by Strabo (44), that Euripides actually described the town of Κελαιναί in Phrygia, near the‘ sources of the Maeander, as being situated ἐσχάτοις Ἴδης τόποις (Eur. fr. 1085 Nauck?). 58. [B. 65: Bl. 48.] Los.— Vit. Homer. V. Ὁ. 28f. Westermann (Cramer, Avxecd. Par. 111. 98. 15): “Opnpos...cata δὲ Βακχυλίδην καὶ ᾿Αριστο- τέλην τὸν φιλόσοφον ᾿Τήτης. According to the pseudo-Plut. De Vita Hom. 1. 3 (p. 101 Diibner), Aristotle said, in the third book of his epi ἸΠοιητικῆς,͵ that the mother of Homer was a native of Ios (the small island 5, of Naxos and N. of Thera); but that the poet himself was born at Smyrna.—Gellius WV.A. 3. 11 says of Homer: Aristo- teles tradit ex insula 70 natum. This may be only an inaccurate version of the other statement. It cannot well be reconciled with it by supposing that ‘ex’ refers merely to the mother’s origin.—The claim of Ios to be Homer’s birthplace was never prominent. More credence was given to the tradition that it was the scene of his death and burial. Indeed, no rival of Ios seems to have succeeded in establishing a claim to the possession of his grave. (See the pseudo-Herodotean Βίος Ομήρου.) 59. [B. 58: Bl. 43.] The town /w/is.—Himerius, Ovaz. XX1X. (speaking of Ἰουλίς): Kal Σιμωνίδῃ καὶ Βακχυλίδη ἐσπούδασται ἡ πόλις : both poets ‘have made much of the city,—ze. have paid tributes to it in their verse. It was the native place of both. The town (now Téa) is still the chief place in Ceos. It stands on the slopes of Mt. Hagios Elias; as Strabo (10. p. 486) says of the ancient J. B. 29 434 BACCHYLIDES. NOTICES. town, κεῖται δ᾽ ἐν ὄρει. It was distant about 3 or 4 miles from the N.W. coast, where its port was near the town called Kopnoods or Kopnoia. Besides the two poets, Iulis produced Erasistratus the physician, Ariston the Peripatetic, and Prodicus the sophist. Plutarch Dem. 1 associates Iulis with Aegina in the repute of ‘producing good actors and poets.’ (Cp. Pridik, De Cec [nsulae rebus, pp. 6 f.) 60. [B. 53: BI. 40.] Phoenice—Athen. 4. p. 174F: Γιυγγραΐνοισι (sic A) γὰρ οἱ Φοίνικες, ὥς φησιν ὁ Ξενοφῶν [Χενοφάνης coni. Bergk] ἐχρῶντο αὐλοῖς, σπιθαμιαίοις τὸ μέγεθος (about 73 inches long), ὀξὺ καὶ γοερὸν φθεγγομένοις" τούτοις δὲ καὶ οἱ Κᾶρες χρῶνται. ἐν τοῖς ρήνοις, εἰ μὴ ἄρα καὶ ἡ Καρία Φοινίκη ἐκαλεῖτο, ὡς παρὰ Κορίννῃ καὶ Βακχυλίδῃ ἔστιν εὑρεῖν. —The suggestion here is that this small flute or fife (the yiyypas or γυγγράϊνος αὐλός) may have been altogether Carian,—being called ‘ Phoenician’ merely because the name ‘ Phoenice’ was sometimes applied to Caria. Apart from this passage, there seems to be no extant evidence for such a use of Φοινίκη, though the Carians had much inter- course with Phoenician traders, and seem to have taken part in Phoenician colonies. 61. [B. 67: Bl. 50.] The river Rhyndacus.—Schol. Apoll. Rhod. 1.1165 : “Pévdaxos ποταμός ἐστι Φρυγίας, οὗ μέμνηται Baxxyvridns.—This river of northern Phrygia, rising in the district called Azanitis (from the town of Azani, Strabo 10. p. 576), flows in a generally N.W. direction to the Lake of Apollonia, and thence into the Propontis. Schneidewin conjectures that the words quoted by schol. 74 5. 335, Puvdaxov ἀμφὶ βαθύσχοινον, may be those of Bacchylides : Hecker ascribes them to Callimachus (fr. anon. 335). APPENDIX. ON THE PROBABLE COMPASS AND CONTENTS OF ODE I, WHEN ENTIRE. That portion of the Ode which has been preserved in a coherent form begins with the arrival of Minos in Ceos, his union with Dexithea, and the birth of Euxantius. It is evidently the last part of a mythical narrative. The probable nature of the part which preceded it will be discussed presently. One thing is certain,—that it was of considerable length. The verse with which my text of Ode I begins is numbered as verse 111 of that Ode in the edition of Professor Blass. He supposes that, of the 110 verses which originally came before it, 64 are wholly lost, while 46 (not all consecutive) can be partly reconstructed from small separate fragments, with the aid of conjectural supplements. This reconstruction is given below. The element of con- jecture involved in it is so very large that (in my opinion) it is inexpedient to print it as if it formed part of the ascertained text. But it is interesting and suggestive. I will endeavour to state clearly the scope of the reconstruction, and the nature of the evidence on which it rests. A metrical ‘system’ in this Ode consists of 23 verses (a strophe of 8, an antistrophe of 8, and an epode of 7). The number of lines in a column of the MS. varies from. 32 to 36, 35 being the commonest total, while 34 is also frequent. Thus three systems (23 X 3=69) answer roughly to two average columns (34+ 35). And the first column of the continuous MS., as we have it, begins with a strophe (the second strophe from the end of the Ode, TOLD). «0... βαθυ-). These are the data from which Professor 29—2 436 APPENDIX. Blass sets out in estimating the extent of the lost portion. But his estimate further assumes that the first strophe of the Ode began at the top of a column, as would have been the case if this Ode stood first in the papyrus. This being granted, it follows that the number of systems which preceded column I (of Kenyon’s edition) must be either three (=69 verses), or a multiple of three. And, from an examination of the fragments which he refers to this Ode, Prof. Blass infers that the number of such systems is six (23 x 6=138 verses), equivalent to four columns of the papyrus. By combining and supplementing small fragments, he has conjecturally restored parts of the first four of these systems, as follows :— JEAEQ.N ἸΤΩΝ JEPIAES[ JENYAIL τὰ ἸΟΥΣ ΊΝΑΚΙ ἸΓΑΙΑΣΊΣΘΛΛΙΓ JAMO|NEYBOYAOYN[ JAM|BPONNHPE[ JAINEINAZOIOT’ EY 10 JAN ἜΝΘΙ * * * 19 JAZINITITTOYS 20? JTONTOAL JEZSINAN[ JTONAYT[ JAAAAISIN[ JNA’ ETE[ 25 ἸΓΟΝΩΤΙ ITAL * * ΕἼ ODE I. 437 δ Og ποθ ας μ)ελέων UY -- - ἀμβρό ? |rwv - VY Πι]ερίδες - --ἰἐνυφαΐ vere δ᾽ ὕμνους ἢ 5 - ϑὕύ]ους, ἵνα κυ- δαίνητε] γαίας ᾿Ισθμίας ὀφθαλμόν, εὐβούλου νἱ ἐμου- σάν τε γ]αμβρὸν Νηρέΐος ἀντ. α΄. πόλιν, εἰ νάσοιό 7 Ev ξαν- 1ο τιαδ]ᾶν, ἔνθ] εν μολὼν «,οοὧἦὦὧὦ«. UU — [’Apyetos, ἐμεῦ τε μέλεσθε. |* «ὦ Πέλοπος λιπαρᾶς νάσου θεόδματοι πύλαι! ἐπ. α΄. Lost, the last two vv. of ant. 1, and the first two of ep. τ. » ey? 9 4 19 πὺ - ἔζευξεν ὑφ᾽ ἅρμ]ασιν ἵππους" 20 οἱ δὲ πεΐτοντο Ou - -- πὺ -- -Ἰεσσιν ἀν δρῶν ἢ - σὺ - υ7κον αὐτί -- -ὖ - ἄλλαισιν [- - πυπ-π- στρ. β. “Ὁ - - -Φῥν δ᾽ erd- 25 μῃῳ - ἰγονώτ᾽ ἡ a πὶ ἄντ. β΄. Lost, the rest of str. 2, and the first three of ant. 2. * Verse 12 (Ἀργεῖος x.7.A.) is conjecturally supplied by Blass: verses 13, 14= frag. 7 (Bergk). 438 APPENDIX. 35 TOION[ [TAI KAAL lvac. |EMIEINOTA[ ITEIZ|Y|NEY |A2|vac. * * * 46 JEOS[ JNTTYK[ ἸΓΟΙΚΟΡΙ JATOPA 50 JMEAI®PONOSY[ JEPAN JXAIANTIOAIN ἸΓΟΙΛΛΕΝΟΙ ἸΑΝΔΗΡΟΙΣΑΛΟΣΙ 55 ἸΥΓΑΙΣΑΕΛ..Υ Wal * * * JZATOPAIL ]. EAQAET[ JAAAKATOS[ 75 A’ ETTEYNAH[ ἸΑΤΤΡΟΣΦΩΝΕΙ. |TEN JZAINOY>’ ΟΠ]! 71. ENTEPOMIAI ἸΦΑΚΕΙΔΥΙΑΙ 80 ἸΕΝΙΑΙ ἸΤΓΕΤΙ . ΠΤΑΛΛΙΤΑΓ Az JOMO! 35 46 στρ. γ΄. 50 ODE TI. τοῖον [VY — VY = ται Kad] VY ὥς Ae - —-V-—|euer, ὅταν - πῷὸ - χή͵τει συνεύ- νων Y — — — Ὠυ͵ας Lost, ep. 2. Jeos[ bei eer tiers -Ἰν πυκιν - νὰ ἵἱστουρ ? you κόρ[ au ποὺ - σ]αγόρα - -- υ] μελίφρονος ὕπνου — vv ἁμετ]έρραν - ---οωυ ἀρ]χαίαν πόλιν ποτ ee - ’ἰγοιμεν ol- " 9 > , eV κους ἐπ᾽) ἀνδήροις ἁλὸς 9 , ε , > > ~ > λί 55 ἄντ Ὑ. ὑπὸ Τ α Ἰὐγαῖς ἀελιου (στρ. δ΄.) 72 75 (ἀντ. δ΄.) 8ο ιδ΄ Lost, the last seven vv. of ant. 3, the whole of ep. 3, and the jirst two vv. of str. 4. - vv -σαγόρᾳ - - Max lero δὲ τί. - - - v φιλ]αλάκατος, - - δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ evvan [πόρον - -|a* προσφώνει τέ νιν μαλθακᾷ] σαίνουσ᾽ ὀπί" συ - — plev στέρομαι UV ἀμ͵]φάκει δύᾳ, ποὺ - π]ενίᾳ" — - υύυ φε]ύγετε πάμπαϊΪν Sip TORTI aN Vlas --V-- -ἰ[ὑμοι 439 440 APPENDIX. Verse 83 was followed (as Prof. Blass supposes) by 27 verses of which nothing remains (vv. 84—110). Then comes the frag- ment which supplies vv. 11I—129 (= I—I9g in my text); after which 8 verses, and part of a ninth, are lost. (129+9 = 138, or six systems.) Verse 139 is the first in col. I (Kenyon’s ed.), and the first of the seventh system. It may now be convenient to the reader if I show in a tabular synopsis the whole scheme of the Ode, as conjecturally completed by the reconstruction given above; indicating (4) the corre- spondence of the verses with the fragments which have been combined, and with the several parts of each metrical system ; (ὁ) the position and extent of the supposed lacunas; (2) the more salient points in the subject-matter, so far as they can be made out. No. of cr in No. of fragment} Place in metrical Subject-matter, so far as it can be (ace. to Blass®). (ed. Kenyon). system. traced or surmised. Column I. Verse 3. ImIJepides. Exordium: in- 5.2 16a strophe 1; vocation of Muses. 3-10 6 antistr. I. 1, 2 6 ff. γαίας ᾿Ισθμίας | ὀφθαλμόν κ.τ.λ. Corinth: Isthmian festival. gf. νάσοιό τ᾽ Εὐϊξαντιαδ]ᾶν. Ceos. 11-18 Lost. antistr. I. 3-8 epode I. 1, 2 19 24 epode I. 3 19 f. ἔζευξεν ὑφ᾽ ἅρμ]ασιν ἵππους" | 20-26 15 ep. I. 4-7 οἱ δὲ πέ͵τοντο. Some one starts in a str. II. 1-3 chariot; perhaps Zeus? 27-34 Lost. str. 11. 4-8 ant. 11. 1-3 Column II. 35 166 and 28 | ant. 11. 4 38 f. χή]τει συνεύϊνων. Does this 36 166 τ ΣῈ refer to the forlorn state of the maidens, 37 39, 40, 28 pa KS Dexithea and her sisters, after their 38 39, 40, 28 πὴ ον ἢ father Damon and the other Telchines 39 40 Se ees had been slain by Zeus ? 40-45 Lost. ep. 11. 1-6 ODE TJ. 441 46-56 13 ep. II. 7 49-55. One of the maidens, on str. IL. awaking from sleep, speaks to another ant. 111. 1,2 | about quitting their ἀρχαίαν πόλιν, and seeking a new abode ‘on the verge of the sea’ (ἀνδήροις ἁλός), in the full ‘rays of the sun.’ 57-71 Lost. ant. III. 3-8 In the next strophe, one of the Column III ep. III. maidens accosts certain visitors, —prob- began about str. IV. I, 2 ably Zeus and Apollo (Nonnus 18. 35). v.70. Their arrival in Ceos may have been related in the course of these 16 lost verses. 72-83 5 str. Iv. 3-8 73. From -é\w in the Ms., Bl. conj. ant. Iv. 1-6 Mak ]ero. 76. Macelo (or some other maiden) “addressed them, μαλθακᾷ calvovo’ drt. The pron. vw here meant αὐτούς (Apol- lon. de prom. 368 A);—probably (the disguised) Zeus and Apollo. In 79 f. she spoke of ἀμφάκει δύᾳ and πενίᾳ,.--- presumably in excuse for inability to provide better entertainment. 84-110 Lost. ant. Iv. 7,8 This large lacuna of 27 verses must Column IV ep. Iv. have comprised some further account began about str. V. of the interview between the maidens Vv. 105. ant. V. and their visitors. Zeus or Apollo may ep. V. I, 2 have foretold the high destiny in store for Dexithea. 111-129 Ι ep. V. 3- 112 ff. ‘On the third day’ (after (With which | str. vi. the visit of the gods to the maidens?) ᾿" I begin my | ant. vi. 1-6 Minos arrives. He weds Dexithea. text.) ‘In the tenth month’ is born Euxantius, the future lord of Ceos. 130-137 Lost. ant. VI. 7, 8 ep. VI. 1-6 138 34 ep. VI. 7 ἄλλα]ξαν θύγατρες. Bl. connects this with the maidens’ change of abode (see above, 49-55).—If Dexithea and her sisters are the ‘daughters,’ this implies a reference to their father Damon. Column V| =Col. I str. VII. 139-146. The boy Argeius—his 139-174 (Kenyon) ant. VII. spirit and athletic skill. Col. VI =Col. II } ep. vu. 147-154. His father Pantheides. 175-184 (K.) str. VIII. 155-158. The Isthmian victory of ant. VIII. Argelus. ep. VIII. 159-184. Praise of ἀρετή. 442 APPENDIX. For the purpose of piecing together the small separate fragments in vv. 1—83, three tests have been available; viz. (1) metre; (2) sense; (3) the colour of the papyrus. As to metre, when a single fragment contains even very slight remains of a series of verses, such traces may suffice to make it certain that those verses belonged to a strophe, an antistrophe, or an epode, as the case may be. A good example is afforded by verses 47—55 (as now numbered by Prof. Blass), all contained in fragment 13. We may be certain that there we have the traces of a whole strophe, and of the first verse of an antistrophe. Even then, however, we have still to determine where that strophe (etc.) came in the Ode. In many other cases the metrical test is ambiguous: eg. fr. 34 (=v. 138 Blass), -ξαν θύγατρες, might belong either to the 7th verse of an epode, or to the 5th. As to the sense, there is at least one instance in Prof. Blass’s_ reconstruction where he has justly deemed this second test to be conclusive. There can be no doubt that fragment 6, containing Πι]ερίδες, γαίας ᾿Ισθμίας | ὀφθα]χλμόν, etc., belonged to the exordium of the Ode, and presumably to its first strophe. But, on the whole, there is very little coherent sense to be extracted from the mutilated words or phrases in these fragments; as an inspection will show. And where such sense is traceable (as in verses 19 f., 50—55, and 75—-80), it does not suffice to exclude doubts as to the order in which the several groups of verses stood when the Ode was entire. The third test is that afforded by the colour of the fragment of papyrus. Colour alone is a very uncertain guide, though it may be useful in suggesting a juxtaposition, or in confirming other evidence. There are, however, some instances in which colour is the principal or only test on which we have to rely for the position assigned to fragments. It is on this ground that fragments 24 and 15 (=vv. 19—26) are now referred to the first of the lost columns. Again, Prof. Blass and Dr Kenyon are agreed (and are doubtless right in thinking) that fragments 39, 40, and 28 cohere. But colour is the reason for assigning them to the second of the lost columns. Then as to fragment 13. In his first edition, Prof. Blass placed this (= verses 46—55 as ODE 7. 443 now numbered) after fragment 5 (= vv. 72—-83 as now numbered). But in subsequent editions he gives fragments 13 and 5 their present respective places, because the colour and condition (color habitusque p. 22, ἢ.) of fragment 13 indicates that it belonged to one of the first two (lost) columns. And after all three tests, metre, sense, and colour, have been used, so far as the data permit, with the utmost sagacity and patience, large room for doubt remains, as the editor frankly recognises. Take, for example, three groups of verses, as numbered in his later editions,—(1) vv. Ig—25: (2) 47—56: (3) 3538. He observes (p. 23, note on v. 19) that it may be questioned whether, after all, the order of these groups should not be (3), (2), (1). What has now been said will serve to make it clear why I have not printed Prof. Blass’s ingenious reconstruction as part of the text. It must be regarded as very largely hypothetical : that follows from the nature of the case. But his acuteness and industry have not therefore been expended in vain. Several fragments have been rightly combined; the context of some passages has been elucidated. And these fragments afford interesting glimpses of the matter which they contained, justifying the belief that the Ode, when entire, contained a large and highly- wrought mythical story. The legend of Minos and Dexithea, which Bacchylides treated in this Ode, is epitomized in the scholia on the /ézs of Ovid'. It is there said that Macelo and her sisters, the daughters — of Damon, had once been hospitable to Jupiter. On this account he spared them, when he slew the Telchines, of whom Damon was chief, for blighting the fruits of the earth by evil arts. Minos came to the sisters, wedded ‘Dexione’ or ‘ Desithone’ (Dexithea), and begat Euxantius, ancestor of the Euxantidae. The longer of the two scholia which give this story cites the poet Nicander (c. 150 B.C.) as the source, A verse in the 1 Robinson Ellis in Class. Rev. xi. filia Damonis dicitur cum [here, I may p- 66 (Feb., 1898): v. Wilamowitz in observe, E. Rohde would insert 1 or III, Gott. gel. Anz. 1898, 126 f. which could easily have dropped out after * See Robinson Ellis’s edition of the mJ] sorortbus fuisse: harum hospitio usus Jbis (Oxon. 1881), p. 83. (1) Theshorter Iupiter, cum Ze/chinas guorum hic prin- scholium on y. 475 runs thus:—J/acedo ceps erat corrumpentes inuidia successus 444 APPENDIX. Dionysiaca of Nonnus, which unfortunately is followed by a lacuna, says that ‘ MWacello entertained Zeus and Apollo’ at the same time}. omnium fructuum fulmine interficeret, seruauit. ad guas cum uenissel Minos cum Dextone concubuit : ex gua creauit Euxan- tium unde Euxantidae fuerunt. (2) The longer scholium is as follows :—Vicander dicit Macelon filiam Damonis cum sorori- bus fuisse. harum hospitio Iupiter sus- ceptus cum Thelonios [Thelginas=Tel- chinas?] guorum hic Damo princeps erat corrumpentes uenenis successus omnium Sructuum fulmine interficeret seruauit eos [sic: leg. eas]. sed Macelo cum uiro propter uiri nequitiam periit. ad alias wero seruatas cum uenisset Minos cum Desithone [| Desitone ed. Paris.] concubuit, ex gua creauit Eusantium unde Eusantiae Suerunt.—Cp. Otto Schneider, Micander, p- 133 f., frag. 116. Nothing is known about Nicander’s treatment of the subject beyond what is stated here. This scholium says that, while the other sisters were spared, A/acelo was killed, along with her husband, on account of the latter’s wickedness. The verse of the Ibis (475), to which these scholia belong, is—Ut Macelo (v.1. Macedo) rapid?s icta est cum coniuge flammis. Two other scholia on that verse say merely that Macelo and her husband were struck with lightning by Jupiter at their marriage- feast because he (or they) had invited all the gods except Jupiter. It is surprising to learn that Macelo, one of the sisters whose hospitality to the god saved their lives, perishes for an act of the opposite kind, albeit the guilt was her husband’s. The hospitality to Zeus (and Apollo) is ascribed by Nonnus (XVIII. 35), not to several sisters, but expressly to Μακελλώ. There may have been a contamination of myths here. In one (probably the older) form of the story, Macelo was simply the foremost of the sisters in offering hos- pitality to the god (or gods). Then, perhaps by some confusion with a similar The scholia, and this verse of Nonnus, are our only authorities (other than Bacchylides) for the myth. It has name, she became the bride who was in- volved in the punishment of the bride- groom for a sin of that type so common in mythology,—omission to ask a par- ticular god to a feast. Thus a foreign and discordant element was interwoven with the original myth. 1 Nonnus XVIII. 35 ff.: Ζῆνα καὶ ᾿Απόλλωνα μιῇ ἕξείνισσε Ma- κέλλων [leg. Μακελλώ] * * * * * * * καὶ Φλεγύας ὅτε πάντας aveppltwoe θαλάσσῃ, νῆσον ὅλην τριόδοντι διαρρήξας Ἔνο- σίχθων, ἀμφοτέρας τριαίνῃ. The substantive which went with μιῇ is lost in the lacuna. A. Kéchly, in his edition (Teubner, 1857-8), has altered Μακέλλων (very unwarrantably) into Tparé{yn,—the conjecture of α. Falken- burg (ed. princeps, Antwerp, 1569) ; and has also changed the ἀμφοτέρας of the MSS. into ἀμφοτέρους. The subject to ξείνισσε was, he supposes, one of the Phlegyes, who, with a companion, was spared by Poseidon, when he destroyed those savage islanders. E. Rohde (Der griech. Roman und seine Vorlaufer, p. 506 2nd ed.) has judged more soundly of this passage. The traditional reading Μακέλ- λων (i.e. Μακελλώ) is corroborated by the Zbis-scholia. Nicander had told her story, which was connected with the destruction of the Telchines by Zeus. Euphorion of Chalcis (c. 220 B.C.) had related the de- struction of the Phlegyes by Poseidon (Servius on Aen. VI. 618: Euphor. fr. CLV. p. 154 Meineke). Nonnus alluded in this passage to both legends: the verses lost after v. 35 contained the end of the first, and the beginning of the second. P ἐφύλαξε καὶ οὐ πρήνιξε ODE ἢ . 445 three principal features: (1) the hospitality of the sisters to Zeus (and Apollo); (2) the slaying of the Telchines by Zeus; (3) the visit of Minos to the sisters, his union with Dexithea, and the birth of Euxantius. This last part of the story,—the vital one for the Cean poet, —is contained in the first large fragment of the Ode. But how had Bacchylides conducted the mythical narrative up to that point? The fragments, though too scanty to help us far, afford some gleams of light which are suggestive. One of the sisters, on awaking from sleep, proposes (it would seem) that they shall quit their ἀρχαίαν πόλιν, and seek a new abode—‘on the verge of the sea’ («ἐπ᾽ ἀνδήροις ἁλός), and open to the rays of the sun («ὑπ᾽ αὐγαῖς ἀελίου). The words (Ajfaca?) μελίφρονος ὕπνου suggest that the maiden’s projects like Nausicaa’s, had been prompted by a dream, sent to her in order that she and her sisters should meet visitants who were on their way to Ceos. (That all this happens in Ceos, may safely be inferred from the fact that Ceos is plainly the πολύκρημνος χθών of verse 11, in which Minos finds Dexithea.) Then in fragment 5 one of the sisters is found addressing certain persons ‘in a soothing voice’ (...caivovo’ ὀπί), near some stream which has the epithet εὐναῆ. This meeting occurred, no doubt, after the migration of the maidens from their ‘old city’ to the abode near the sea; and may have been placed by the poet near the mouth of a river. Are the persons whom this maiden accosts the disguised Zeus and Apollo? It is possible, or even probable: we can say no more. But it is interesting to note that the speaker touches on ‘anguish sharp as a two-edged sword’ (ἀμφάκει dva), and on ‘poverty.’ Probably she is apologizing (as Prof. Blass suggests) for being unable to provide better entertainment for the strangers, and φεύγετε (in v. 81) was preceded by a negative: ‘yet do not altogether decline what we can offer. No stronger proof of φιλοξενία could be given than to offer hospitality in a season of private sorrow (cp. Eur. A/c. 512—567). But what was the cause of this ἀμφάκης δύα to which the speaker refers? The sisters are, it is apparent, in affliction and distress. This might be due to the knowledge that their father Damon, with the other Telchines, had incurred the wrath of Zeus, and that the divine 446 APPENDIX. chastisement was about to descend upon him. A warning of such peril, by dream or oracle, may have been the motive of their removal from their ἀρχαίαν mokwv—which must have been also their father’s seat—to the new abode by the sea. The scholia on the /dzs, at any rate, imply that the hospitality of the sisters to Zeus preceded the slaying of the Telchines. If the ἀμφάκης δύα is grief for Damon’s death, then Bacchylides has followed a version according to which the danger of destruction menaced the sisters, not at the moment of their father’s fall, but soon after it: their hospitality to Zeus and Apollo averted the peril, and brought, instead of it, a great reward. With regard to the Telchines, we know that Bacchylides somewhere named four of them,—’Axtaios, Μεγαλήσιος, Ὄρ- μενος, AvKos,—and described them as the offspring of Nemesis‘. If this Ode was the place where the mention occurred, we might conjecture that a good deal was said about the Telchines. That must remain wholly uncertain: the fragments tell us nothing. One thing, however, may be said. Rhodes was the primary seat of the Telchines ; but it was not there (according to legend) that they perished. They quitted Rhodes (driven out by the Heliadae*, or, according to another account, foreboding a deluge*): and then, as legend told, they were scattered (δια- σπαρῆναι). There was nothing, therefore, to prevent a poet from supposing that the Telchin Damon had established himself in Ceos, and was there slain by the bolt of Zeus. A small town on the coast of Ceos was called Κορησία (Strabo 10, p. 486), Kopnoos, or Kopnoaos®. Near it was the 1 Tzetzes, Theogon. 81: see p. 432 Poseidon. Are the words Νεμέσεως (fr. 55). The words as to the origin Taprdpov sound, or should a καὶ come of the Telchines are,—ods Βακχυλίδης μέν φησι Νεμέσεως Ταρτάρου, ἄλλοι τινὲς δὲ λέγουσι τῆς Τῆς τε καὶ τοῦ Πόντου. The singularity of the version which Bacchylides followed is that it does not connect the Telchines with the sea. These volcanic daemons were essentially, as Nonnus calls them (XIV. 42), daluoves ὑγρονόμοι : he makes them children of Poseidon, whose trident they wrought (Callim. Del. 31). According to Dio- dorus (V. 55) they were υἱοὶ... Θαλάσσης (no father is named), and were reared by between them? Nemesis is usually called a daughter of Night (Hes. 7heog. 223: of Erebus, in Hygin. Fad. praef.): in Attic mythology the Rhamnusian Nemesis was a daughter of Oceanus (Paus. 7. 1 § 3). 2 Nonnus XIV. 42 ff. 3 Diod. v. 56 ad init. προαισθομένους ...Tov μέλλοντα γίνεσθαι κατακλυσμόν. 4 fb. 5 The little that has been ascertained or conjectured about this place is brought together by A. Pridik, De Cet Znusulae rebus (Berlin, 1892), p. 7 f. ODE I. 447 port of lulis——the latter town itself being about three miles further inland. It has been ingeniously suggested by N. Festa? that a local legend, deriving Κορησία from Κόραι, may have connected it with the migration of Dexithea and her sisters from their former home (the ἀρχαίαν πόλιν) to the coast; and that Kopnoia is the πόλις βαθυδείελος of vv. 29 ἔ, of which Argeius was a native. Some allusion to the foundation of that town may have occurred in the lacuna which now exists between v. 18 and v. 23. To sum up :—the fragments, supplemented by conjecture on the lines indicated above, might suggest that the argument of the Ode was somewhat as follows. It began,—so much is reasonably certain,—with an invocation of the Pierides,—a reference to Corinth, ‘eye of the Isthmian land, ‘the city which worships Poseidon, wedded to the daughter of wise Nereus’ (Amphitrite)—and then a mention of Ceos, ‘isle of the Euxantidae. This last served to link the prelude with the myth of Minos and Dexithea, which occupied the larger part of the poem. In Ceos was dwelling, with his daughters (Macelo, Dexithea, and others), the Telchin Damon,—guilty, in the sight of Zeus, along with his brethren now scattered in many lands, of practising the malign arts by which they had once blighted the fruits of the earth in Rhodes*» A dream comes to one of the daughters, warning them of a disaster impending on their house, and counselling them to leave the city of their father for a place on the sea-coast. They do so; and there meet two strangers of | noble mien, who have just reached the island. Though in deep sorrow and distress, Macelo, on behalf of the sisters, offers them such hospitality as they can give. One of the visitors speaks words of comfort; and predicts that, though the maiden’s father, Damon, must presently be smitten by the wrath of Zeus, a great hero shall come anon to Ceos, who shall wed one of the sisters, and that the offspring of this union shall in future days be lord of that land, and founder of a famous line. The strangers 1 Leodee ti frammenti di B.(Florence, χιν. 46 f.: 1898). χερσὶ βαρυζήλοισιν ἀρυόμενοι Στυγὸς 53 They drenched the crops with the ὕδωρ sulphurous waters of the Styx. Nonnus ἄσπορον εὐκάρποιο ἱ Ῥόδου ποίησαν ἀλωήν. 448 APPENDIX. vanish. Storm-clouds gather in the sky; and from their dwelling by the sea the sisters behold the lightnings which show where the doom of Zeus has fallen. But, on the third day thereafter, Minos arrives with his Cretan warriors; he weds Dexithea; and, when he departs for Crete, leaves the half of his host to protect her. In the tenth month her son Euxantius is born. And in after days he, or a descendant, founds a goodly city in the place by the sea where of yore Macelo and her sisters entertained Zeus and Apollo unawares; and calls it, in memory thereof, Covesus, ‘the city of the maidens,’ There was born the young victor at the Isthmian games, Argeius, son of the hospitable physician, Pantheides. Thus, or somewhat in this fashion,—following the hints in the fragments, and the other evidence,—might we conceive the outline of the form which Bacchylides gave to the legend of his island. At any rate, we may be sure that those passages of which the fragments afford glimpses,—the scenes in which Dexithea and her sisters bore part,—exhibited to advantage the poet’s most attractive gifts,—his graceful ease in narrative, his skill in bright and picturesque detail, his simple pathos. Few mutilations in the papyrus are more to be regretted than those which have rent away the earlier portion of this first ode. Ode I. 15. EUXANTIUS. 1.15 According to the scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius (1. 186), Euxantius was the father of Miletus. The source used by the scholiast may have been Aristocritus, the author of a work on Miletus, who mentioned the Εὐξαντίδαι (Miiller, Frag. Histor. IV. p. 331). The renown of the Milesia vellera points to a connexion between Εὐξαντίδαι and ἕάντης, carminator, ‘ wool- carder. Such patronymics were often borne by hereditary guilds, in which the exercise of some art or craft descended from father to son. But it is easy to conceive that, when the Euxantidae of Miletus had become a clan of wealth and dis- tinction, they should have aspired to the honours of heroic ancestry. It has been remarked by Prof. v. Wilamowitz-Moel- lendorff (Gétt. gel. Anz., 1898, no. 2, p. 128) that Εὐξάντιος is ‘a strange formation.’ He suggests that it means, ὁ κατ᾽ εὐχὴν ἀντίος ἐλθών. He thinks that, in the original form of the ODE I. 449 legend, Δεξιθέα (‘she who receives a god’) became a mother, not by Minos, but by a god (Zeus or Apollo), whose welcome epiphany was commemorated by the name Euxantius, given to the offspring of that union. Forced interpretations of tra- ditional proper names were frequent enough in popular Greek mythology. It is not inconceivable that Εὐξάντιος should, at some time or other, have been explained as meaning, ὁ Kat’ εὐχὴν ἀντίος ἐλθών: but is it at all probable that it should have been invented to express that idea? I cannot think so. Surely it is far more likely that Εὐξάντιος was a name suggested by the patronymic Εὐξαντίδαι, and invented -in order to provide the ‘sons of the good wool-carders’ with a heroic ancestor. This hypothesis is confirmed by the comparative obscurity in which the Euxantius-myth remained. That legend, so far as we know, had only what may be called a domestic currency,—viz., at Miletus and in Ceos. The learned Alexandrians, of course, knew it. Herodian has preserved part of a verse of Callimachus, αἷμα τὸ μὲν γενεῆς Εὐξαντίδος. But there is no reason to suppose that the Alexandrian knowledge of the myth was derived from any sources other than those which Ceos and Miletus themselves had furnished,—the poem of Bacchylides, and the prose-work of Aristocritus (with possibly other writers of local mythography). It is significant. that pseudo-Apollodorus, usually so full and precise in regard to every mythological person of any importance, simply mentions Euxantius as a son whom Dexithea bore to Minos, and has not a word more to say about him (3. 1 § 2). To sum up, the conclusion to which I am led is as follows. The Euxantidae were a clan at Miletus in whom the craft of wool-carding was hereditary. Ceos had an ancient local legend which made that island the place where Dexithea became the bride of Minos. Minos was associated in legend with Miletus also. It was an easy combination to call the son of Minos and Dexithea ‘Euxantius, and to represent him as the ancestor of the Milesian Euxantidae. The myth would be welcome to the Euxantidae themselves, whom it furnished with a lineage so illustrious; it would also be gratifying to the Ceans. A further embellishment of the legend was to make Euxantius the father of Miletus. J. B. 30 450 APPENDIX. Ode I. 32—34. ᾿Αργεῖος.. μάχας. I. 32. 34 It is certain that verse 34 began with the letters XPE. The scribe had written the letter A before these, but this has been deleted. As verse 33 ends with ὅπότε, and its final syllable must be long, verse 34 must have begun with xp, before which ε could be lengthened. There is no room for ZA before XPE. The letter after E must have been I, and the only question is whether this I had the circumflex or the acute accent (the trace admits of either): z.¢, whether the word was (1) χρεῖος or xpeiov: or (2) χρείη, or some part of χρεία. The fact that A was written by error before XPE is decidedly in favour of (1); since a transcriber, who had χρεῖος (or -ov) before him, might easily, by inadvertence, have written the much commoner word ἀχρεῖος (or -ov): whereas such a slip would have been less likely, if χρείη or-some part of χρεία had stood in the text. -Bodot is certain. This must be pres. optat. from a verb in -€e: for no verb ending in -βολόω is discoverable. Dialect would lead us to expect -έοι in the optat., not the contraction -ot. It is, of course, possible that the poet wrote -Bodéor, and that -Bodot is due to transcription. What was the verb of which -Bodot formed the latter part? Blass reads κερβολοῖ (irritate, provoke’). “Κερβολεῖν idem est atgue xepropetv’ (praef. p. xiii). He cites Hom. //. τό. 261 where αἰεὶ κερτομέοντες is said of children who are teasing wasps. ‘The form κερβολεῖν occurs in Hesych. s.v. κερβολοῦσα: λοιδοροῦσα, βλασφημοῦσα. Cp. Ar. Eg. 822 μὴ σκέρβολλε πονηρά (= λοιδόρει). Prof. Blass further supposes that, as the contraction in -βολοῖ is strange, and as the syllable Bd answers to one which is long in the corresponding place, the word in the text was originally κερβόλλοι. In his first edition, he read xpetov τι κερβολοῖ μάχας, ‘(whenever) any creature (‘sive canis sive homo’), desirous of fight, provoked (the lion).’ In his later eds., he reads xpetés ἑ [= fe] κερβολοῖ μάχας, ‘(whenever) any need of fight provoked him’: adding ; ‘si litt. F positionem non facit, habemus -- ὦ -- [χρεῖός E κερ-Ἶ 270 -—-—v-. In any case, I should prefer χρεῖός τι to xpetds Fe. But I cannot think that κερβολοῖ has any probability. Neither Hesychius nor Aristophanes warrants the supposition that κερβολεῖν or σκερβόλλειν was used in any sense except that of ‘taunting’ or ‘reviling.’ Prof. Blass assumes that κερβολεῖν = κερτομεῖν, and relies on //. 16. 261 to prove that κερτομεῖν could mean to ‘ provoke’ or ‘ worry’ otherwise than by words. Now, that verse was suspected by Alexandrian critics ODES f, 11. 451 precisely because κερτομεῖν seemed to be used in an unexampled sense. See the scholium of Aristonicus upon it : ἀθετεῖται, ὅτι τὸ κερτομεῖν ov τίθησιν ἐπὶ τοῦ δι᾿ ἔργου ἐρεθίζειν, ἀλλὰ διὰ λόγων. If indeed, that verse be genuine, κερτομέοντες may best be referred to the seering cries of the children, since noise would contribute to the irritation of the wasps. In -βολοῖ, I can find nothing but συμβολοῖ (see commentary). Ode Il. of. ἑβδομήκοντα σὺν στεφάνοισιν. The context makes it clear that these ‘seventy victories’ had been 11. 9f. won by Ceans at the Isthmus alone. The Isthmiads were reckoned from 5808.c. This Ode is of unknown date, but was probably among the poet’s earlier works. Suppose, for the sake of illustration, that Argeius won in 470B.c. The Isthmiad of that year was only the 56th. If we assumed a date as low as 440 B.c. (the 71st Isthmiad), the record would still be a distinctly good one for so small an island as Ceos, competing with all Hellas. Still there is nothing marvellous about it. In the first place, it would not seldom happen that a victor at one Isthmian festival would repeat his success at one or more subsequent festivals. ‘The fragmentary Cean inscription (noticed in the Introduction to Ode 1) records two men, each of whom had won three Isthmian victories. Again (though this case would be much rarer) the ‘same competitor might win more than one wreath at the same festival. Pausanias (6. 15 § 3) mentions a Theban who, on the same day of the Isthmia, was victorious in three contests,—boxing, wrestling, and the pancration. The greater number of the ‘seventy wreaths’ must have been gained in boxing and running, for which Ceos was especially noted (v1. 7). Two inferences, at least, may safely be drawn from this passage. First, that Ceos was exceptionally prolific in athletes of these classes: secondly, that the Isthmian festival was that which Cean competitors more especially frequented. It was the most readily accessible from their island, and traditional associations had doubtless confirmed the preference. Pind. 0. x11. g98—100, speaking of the clan of the ᾿Ολιγαιθίδαι at. Corinth, to whom Xenophon (winner of stadion and pentathlon at Olympia in 464 B.c.) belonged, mentions that they had won thirty victories at the Isthmus, and thirty at Nemea (ἑξηκοντάκι δὴ ἀμφοτέ- ρωθεν). 30—2 III. 18 f. 452 APPENDIX. Ode III. 18 ἢ ὑψιδαιδάλτων τριπόδων σταθέντων πάροιθε ναοῦ. The French exploration of Delphi has shown that a tripod dedicated by Gelon, and another dedicated by Hieron, stood side by side before the east front of the temple. No votive offering in the entire sanctuary of Apollo held a more conspicuous position. (See the Audletin de Correspondance Hellénique, vol. Xx1. 1897, plate xvi, the spot marked £x-voto de Gélon.) This fact alone suffices to explain the reference of Bacchylides. I. The monumental evidence has been set forth with great clearness and precision by M. Théophile Homolle (Budéletin de Corre- Spondance Héllenique, vol. Xx1. pp. 588 ff.,. 1898: Méanges Weil, pp. 207—224, Paris, 1898.) Here I can but briefly indicate the more essential facts. The explorers found a large quadrangular base of limestone, on which was superimposed a high limestone step, carefully wrought. This in turn carried two stands or pedestals (socles), re- sembling bell-shaped capitals inverted, and placed a meter apart from each other. Each of these pedestals once supported a metal tripod, as is shown by the cavities in which the three feet were once secured. One of the pedestals bears the following inscription :— TEAONOAEINOMEN ANE@EKETOIOAAONI ΣΥΡΑΦΟΣΙΟΣ ΤΟΝΤΡΙΠΟΔΑΚΑΙΤΤΕΝΝΙΚΈΕΝΕΡΓ ΑΣΑΤΟ ᾿ΒΙΟΝΔΙΟΔΟΡΟΥΙΟΣΜΙΛΈΣΙΟΣ So Gelon dedicated a golden Nixy along with his tripod,—both being the work of the same artist, Bion, son of Diodorus, of Miletus [as to whom see Bull. Corr. Hellin. 1896, pp. 654—6]. The inscription on the other pedestal is mutilated: all that remains of it is the following :-— NEOSANE@EKE EA BEUTAMNAI The dedicator was, then, a son of Deinomenes ; certainly not Gelon, who, if both the tripods had been his, would not have placed two separate inscriptions on offerings supported by the same base, but rather one inscription on the base itself. Further, we know (from Athenaeus) that Hieron dedicated a golden tripod at Delphi: and there is no record of such a gift by Polyzelus or Thrasybulus. It may be ODE If. 453 regarded as certain, then, that this second tripod was Hieron’s. The inscription is thus restored by M. Homolle :— [Huapwv ho Δεινομέ]νεος ἀνέθεκε: [ἀ]ἕλ [κε δὲ τάλαντα δέκα]ἠεπτὰ μναῖ. (The nominative μναῖ, instead of the accus. μνᾶς, is strange, as M. Homolle says, in so short a statement of the weight; though the Delian inscriptions afford instances of nominatives mixed with accu- satives in longer statements of the same nature.) The base on which both the tripod-pedestals stood was probably designed at first for one pedestal only,—that of Gelon’s tripod; and was afterwards enlarged to receive Hieron’s (A@é/anges Weil, p. 220). II. The literary evidence may be summed up as follows. 1. Diodorus (ΧΙ. 26), following Timaeus, mentions only one tripod, —that dedicated by Gelon after the victory at Himera:—ypvootv δὲ τρίποδα ποιήσας ἀπὸ ταλάντων ἑκκαίδεκα ἐνέθηκεν εἰς τὸ τέμενος TO ἐν Δελφοῖς, ᾿Απόλλωνι χαριστήριον. 2. Athenaeus (6. pp. 231 Ε---232 6) makes certain statements con- cerning the votive offerings generally at Delphi. For these statements he quotes two authorities, viz. (1) Phanias of Eresus, a pupil of Aristotle, who wrote Περὶ τῶν ἐν Σικελίᾳ τυράννων (see Miiller, Frag. Hist. 111. p- 297): (2) Theopompus, Φιλιππικά, book 40 (written in the second half of the fourth century B.c.). Phanias and Theopompus, says Athenaeus, state that, after Gyges and Croesus, Gelon and Hieron were the next donors of silver or gold ἀναθήματα at Delphi :—rod μὲν (Gelon) τρίποδα καὶ νίκην χρυσοῦ πεποιη- μένα ἀναθέντος, Kad’ ods χρόνους ἘΞέρξης ἐπεστράτευε τῇ Ἑλλάδι, τοῦ δὲ Ἱέρωνος τὰ ὅμοιαι [Observe that the date is here appended to the notice of Ge/on’s gift, and separates it from the mention of Hieron’s: whereas, if both gifts had been of the same date, the clause καθ᾽ οὗς.. Ἑλλάδι should have followed ὅμοια. Then Athenaeus goes on to quote verbatim a passage of Theo- pompus. After relating that the Lacedaemonians, when they wished to gild (χρυσῶσαι) the face of the Amyclaean Apollo, were directed by the Delphic oracle to buy gold of Croesus, the historian proceeds :—Tépwv δ᾽ 6 Συρακόσιος, βουλόμενος ἀναθεῖναι τῷ θεῷ τὸν τρίποδα Kal τὴν Νίκην ἐξ ἀπέφθου χρυσοῦ, ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἀπορῶν χρυσίου, ὕστερον ἔπεμψε τοὺς ἀναζητήσοντας εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα. Hieron’s emissaries (Theopompus goes on to say) finally discovered a man at Corinth, one Architeles, who had large stores of gold, and who allowed them to buy as much as they 454 APPENDIX. desired,—adding a onus on the purchase,—a large handful of the precious metal: ἀνθ᾽ dv Ἱέρων πλοῖον σίτου καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ δῶρα ἔπεμψεν ἐκ Σικελίας. This extract from Theopompus is instructive in three respects. (1) Hieron, like Gelon, dedicated both a tripod and a Victory,—and Hieron’s were of refined gold. (2) ‘A long time’ elapsed before he could procure a sufficient quantity of such gold. After search (presumably) in Sicily and Magna Graecia, he ‘afterwards’ (ὕστερον) sent messengers to Greece. (3) Hieron rewarded the Corinthian gold-merchant with princely munificence, sending him ‘a ship-load of corn,’ and ‘many other gifts.’ All this clearly suggests that, when he dedicated his offerings at Delphi, Hieron was already ruler of Syracuse. The details of the story indicate a prince who wields large resources, whose commands are executed without stint of cost or trouble, and who royally repays those who serve him. Hieron became ruler of Syracuse in 478. According, however, to an ingenious theory propounded by M. Homolle, Hieron’s offering was placed beside Gelon’s in the latter’s life-time. The scholiast on Pind. Py?/. τ. 155 records the tradition that Gelon, from affection towards his brothers (Hieron, Thrasybulus and Polyzelus), dedicated his thank-offering at Delphi in their names as well as in his own :---φασὶ δὲ τὸν TéAwva τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς φιλοφρονούμενον ἀναθεῖναι τῷ θεῷ χρυσοῦς τρίποδας, ἐπιγράψαντα ταῦτα" Φημὶ Τέλων᾽, Ἱέρωνα, Πολύζηλον, Θρασύβουλον, ἢ παῖδας Δεινομένευς, τοὺς τρίποδας θέμεναι, βάρβαρα νικήσαντας ἔθνη" πολλὴν δὲ παρασχεῖν σύμμαχον Ἕλλησιν χεῖρ᾽ ἐς ἐλευθερίην. This inscription is ascribed to Simonides in the Palatine Anthology (νι. 214), where in verse 2 the reading is τὸν τρίποδ᾽ ἀνθέμεναι, as it is also in Suidas s.v. Aaperiov. [The Anthology and Suidas further insert the following couplet after verse 2: ἕξ ἑκατὸν λιτρῶν Kal πεντήκοντα taddvrwv | Aaperiov (Aayapérov Bergk) χρυσοῦ, τᾶς δεκάτας δεκάταν. | M. Homolle holds that the reading of the scholiast, τοὺς τρίποδας θέμεναι, is the true one. At Delphi, besides the two pedestals, standing on a common base, which supported the tripods of Gelon and Hieron, the French explorer found also two smaller pedestals, which bear no inscriptions. These smaller pedestals (C and J) have the same form (that of a bell-shaped capital inverted) as the two larger (4 and #); a form which is exceptional at Delphi, and does not seem to occur elsewhere. One of them (292) shows the three cavities intended to ODE 1. 455 receive the feet of a tripod; in the case of the other (C), the upper surface, where such cavities, if they existed, would have appeared, has been broken away. The history of the relation between the four tripod-pedestals (4, B, C, D) is conceived by M. Homolle as follows. (1) Gelon dedicated A after the battle of Himera. (2) Hieron, ambitious and self-assertive, afterwards contrived that his offering, B, also dedicated on account of Himera, should be set up beside that of his elder brother ; and the base which supported the pedestal of A was enlarged for that purpose. (3) Then the kindly Gelon caused the two smaller tripods, C and D, to be erected on the same spot, in order to associate the younger brothers (Thrasybulus and Polyzelus) with his renown, while at the same time he thus administered a mild reproof to Hieron. C is somewhat larger than D; and M. Homolle suggests that. Gelon in- tended this gradation of size to correspond with the gradation of age in his younger brethren. The pedestals of C and D may have stood on a common base, and this base may have borne the inscription by Simonides, Φημὶ Τέλων᾽, Ἱέρωνα κιτιλ. It could have been set, facing westward, at right angles to the larger base which carried the offerings of Gelon and Hieron. This theory—that C and D were set up by Gelon in order to give Thrasybulus and Polyzelus a share in the glory of Himera—presupposes, as we have seen, that Hieron’s tripod, 2, was set up by him, beside Gelon’s, in Gelon’s life-time. But the latter hypothesis appears very improbable. In 480 Hieron was regent of Gela under his elder brother, then ruler of Syracuse. (Herod. vil. 155: Freeman, Scczly 11. p. 129.) At Himera Gelon commanded in chief against the Cartha- ginians, Alike in a military and in a political sense, Gelon was paramount; Hieron’s position was a secondary and a dependent one. Now, the position of Hieron’s Delphian tripod, at the side of Gelon’s, and the similarity of scale, imply (as M. Homolle has recognised) a claim of equality. Such a claim would be perfectly intelligible if Hieron’s gift to Delphi was made after Gelon’s death, when Hieron had succeeded him as ruler of Syracuse. But in 480/79, and with reference to the victory at Himera, the regent of Gela would have been strangely ill-advised, if, at the central sanctuary of Hellas, he had ostentatiously asserted such equality with his elder brother and over- lord. Prof. Blass has quite a different way of explaining the two smaller pedestals (Preface to the 3rd ed. of his Bacchylides, pp. lix.f.). He 456 APPENDIX. supposes that Hieron dedicated three tripods at Delphi. The two smaller ones, C and DY, commemorated his Pythian victories with the κέλης in 482 and 478; the largest, B, his victory at Delphi with the four- horse chariot in 470. But, as we have seen, the authorities quoted by Athenaeus speak of Hieron as having dedicated only one tripod (with a Νίκη). On the view of Prof. Blass, we should have to assume that his other two tripods were ignored because they were smaller. There are, however, certain considerations which seem to render it very improbable that Hieron’s tripod, which stood beside Gelon’s, can have been a thank-offering for Hieron’s success in the Pythian games. (1) The conspicuous spot where these two tripods stood, before the east front of the temple, was peculiarly associated with the great national victories, those of Salamis, Plataea, and Himera, The bronze mast with gold stars, which the Aeginetans set up after Salamis, stood close to the gold crater of Croesus (Her. vill. 122), which itself was on the right hand of one entering the temple (id. 1. 51), Ze. mear the N.£. angle. The Panhellenic thank-offering for Plataea,—the golden tripod on a three-headed serpent of bronze (Her. 1x. 80),—was in the same neighbourhood, close to the Great Altar. Gelon’s tripod and Nike, as we know, commemorated Himera. The memorial of a mere personal success in the games would have seemed strangely intrusive amidst such surroundings. (2) Further, the base on which Gelon’s tripod stood was enlarged to receive Hieron’s, Community of base suggests com- munity of purpose. Hieron had fought at Himera. When his tripod and Nike were placed at the side of his brother’s, and on the same plinth, can we doubt that the meaning was to assert his equality with Gelon as a champion of western Hellas? That significance would be enhanced, if we could suppose that the date was subsequent to Hieron’s naval victory over the Etruscans at Cumae in 474. Another question remains. If the epigram of Simonides (or at least the first couplet of it) was really used at Delphi, where was it placed ? 1. We now know that it was zo placed on the pedestal of Gelon’s tripod. The inscription there names Gelon only. That inscription also speaks of τὸν τρίποδα καὶ τὴν Νίκην : which clearly suggests that this pedestal supported both, the tripod being surmounted by the Victory. This seems almost conclusive against the hypothesis that Gelon’s Nike stood on a separate pedestal, which bore the epigram of Simonides, the speaker (φημί) being the Nike herself (as suggested by v. Wilamowitz, Gotting. Nachr., pp. 313 ff.). Further, it would be strange that an inscription speaking of the tripod (or tripods) should be placed on a pedestal which supported only the Nike. ODE III. 457 2. M. Homolle supposes that the epigram of Simonides was engraved on a lost base which once supported the two smaller tripod- pedestals (Cand D), those for Thrasybulus and Polyzelus. In that case, the epigram referred to four tripods. But, as I have sought to show, it is not probable that Hieron’s tripod was placed beside Gelon’s till after the latter’s death. We should have to suppose, then, that Hieron was originally represented by a tripod which stood on a separate pedestal, a tripod presumably of smaller size than that which he afterwards caused to be set up. It seems to me that, with the existing data for the problem, we must be content to remain in doubt with regard (1) to the history of pedestals C and D; and (2) to the place of the Simonidean epigram, if it was really used at all. But two things appear strongly probable: viz. (1) that the tripod and Nike of Hieron, which stood beside Gelon’s, commemorated the victory at Himera; and (2) that they were placed there after he succeeded Gelon at Syracuse in 478. Ode III. arf. θεόν, θεόν τις ἀγλαϊζέτω, ὁ γὰρ ἄριστος ὄλβων. In verse 22 Kenyon reads, ἀγλαϊζέτω γάρ, ἄριστον ὄλβον. (For the Ill. 2if. position of γάρ, cp. Soph. “δ΄. 1450.) Housman and Richards, ἀγλαϊζέτω παρ᾽ ἄριστον ὄλβον (‘in the time of greatest properity’). But the change’ of τ into 6 in the Ms. reading ἀγλαϊξζέθω is then unexplained. Others read ayAaife. Marindin, dyAdife, θεῷ yap ἄριστος ὄλβων (Z.¢., the god has the best happiness in his gift), Tyrrell, ayAdil’ ἔθ᾽, ᾧ rap’ ἄριστος oABwv. Butcher, ἀγλάϊζε, δώτορ᾽ ἄριστον oABwv. The use of τις here with the second person of the imper. is, however, difficult to justify. πᾶς, indeed, is often so used (4g. Ar. Pax 555 πᾶς χώρει πρὸς ἔργον). In Ar. Av. 1187 τόξευε, παῖε, a τ. for παῖε is πᾶς τις: and in [Eur.] Rhes. 687, where Dind. gives ἴσχε πᾶς toy’, some Mss. have ἴσχε πᾶς τις. But, even if the use of τις with the second pers. imper. could be proved authentic in some passages of this special kind, where a hurried command is addressed to several persons, it would not follow that τις could be so used in a case like the present,—z.e. in a general moral precept. Ode III. 25—31. Blass gives this passage as follows: I print in II. 25—31 black type the parts of the restoration which are his own :— 25 εὖτε τὰν πεπ[ρωμέναν Ζηνὸς τελείου νεύμασιν 458 APPENDIX. Σάρδιες ἸΤερσᾶ[ν ὑπ᾽ ἐκπίμπλαν orp jatar, Κροῖσον ὃ χρυσάορος φύλαξ᾽ ᾿Απόλλων. [τὸ yap ἀ͵ελπτον ὦμαρ 30 μόλ᾽ ὦν: πολυδ[ ἀκρυον] οὐκ ἔμελλε μίμνειν ἔτι δ[υσφροσύναν], πυρὰν δὲ (κ.τ.λ.) (a) The sense of the first three verses then is :—‘ When, by decree of Zeus who brings the end, Sardis was fulfilling its doom ὑπὸ στρατῷ Περσᾶν, under the hands of the Persian host.’ He compares xvi. 26 f., πεπρωμέναν αἶσαν ἐκπλήσομεν : and for ὑπό, Xil. 166 θνάσκοντες ὑπ᾽ Αἰακίδαις. But verse 27 is not a good one; the position of ὑπό is awkward. And in verse 26 the plural vevpaow (used once by Aesch., Suppl. 373 μονοψήφοισι νεύμασιν σέθεν) seems neither quite fitting nor very probable. The caesura after τελείου is also against the rule usually observed by Bacchylides: see p. 97. It is surely much more likely that the government of πεπρωμέναν was provided in v. 26 by τελειοῦσαι (or τελέσσαντος). (ὁ) From τὸ γὰρ «7.4. in v. 29 onwards, the sense is:—‘ For the unexpected day had come indeed (av): he (Croesus) was not minded to await a further doom of tears and anguish,’ etc. This suggests some remarks. (1) Blass’s reading pod’ ὧν is prompted by the indication in the Ms. of & But μολῶν for μολών was one of the commonest errors in accentuation. Headlam has collected the following (among other) passages where μολῶν is so accented in one or more of the mss.: Eur. AZ. 1153, Hipp. 656, Med. 246, Phoen. 480, 663: Lycophron, 824, 1312, 1370, 1376 (μολῶντες 925, 956). Cp. ἐπεῖ for ἐπεί in v. 23 of this Ode. In his 2nd and 3rd editions (p. 36) Prof. Blass further observes that, after the letter N, he has found a point in the ms. Of this I can perceive no trace. The right-hand stroke of N has been partly effaced, and one of the vestiges of that stroke might, indeed, be taken for a point; but it is in the line of the upward stroke, and not to the right of it. (2) The form ὧν occurs nowhere else in Bacchylides ; whereas in xvill. 29 and 37 he uses οὖν. Did he here prefer ὦν as Pindaric? It seems unlikely. The sense given to it is such as it would bear if (e.g.) the sentence had been, τὸ ἦμαρ ἄελπτον μὲν ἦν, μόλε δ᾽ ὦν. This is (to my apprehension) a little forced. (3) The asyndeton after μόλ᾽ ὧν is somewhat harsh, and certainly is not in this poet’s narrative style. (In his note Prof. Blass suggests, as an alternative, πολὺ δὲ στύγος... δυσφροσυνᾶν.) (4) The subject to ἔμελλε is Croesus: but, after two clauses with other subjects (Απόλλων and dyap), this needs to be indicated. (5) δυσφροσύναν, ‘trouble of mind,’ seems too weak a word here ; the epithet πολυδάκρυον ODE III. 459 prepares us for some word expressing a dire calamity, such as dov- λοσύναν. Ode III. 48 dBpoBérav.—There is perhaps only one instance in III. 48 which a classical Greek writer applies the term ἅβρός to the movement of men without implying the reproach of effeminacy: viz. Eur. Med. 829 f. (the Athenians) αἰεὶ διὰ λαμπροτάτου | βαίνοντες ἁβρῶς αἰθέρος, where, as Verrall says, ‘it denotes the soft motion of the body, luxuriating...in the genial air.’ The normal sense of ἁβρὸν βαίνειν is illustrated by verse 1134 of the same play, where the young bride Glauce, conscious of her radiant beauty and splendid attire, is described as ἁβρὸν βαίνουσα παλλευκῷ ποδί Cp. Helena 1528, σοφώταθ᾽ ἁβρὸν πόδα τιθεῖσ᾽ ἀνέστενε (where Helen is moving with the gentle tread of a mourner): and 7. A. 614 (Iphigeneia) ἁβρὸν τιθεῖσα κῶλον. Jurenka compares Clem. Alex. Paedag. WW. 294 τὸ ἁβροδίαιτον τῆς περὶ τὸν περίπατον κινήσεως Kal τὸ σαῦλα βαίνειν, ὥς φησιν ᾿Ανακρέων, κομιδῇ ἑταιρικά. This is relevant in so far as it illustrates the display of ἁβρότης in movement. But Clement there has in view something much coarser than Euripides (e.g.) meant by ἁβρὸν Baivovea: this is shown by τὸ σαῦλα βαίνειν (‘a swaying gait’), as also by ἑταιρικά, and, indeed, by τὸ ἁβροδίαιτον, which might be rendered ‘voluptuousness.’ The idea which ἁβρὸν βαίνειν expresses, and the antithesis which it implies, might be illustrated by the words of Shakespeare’s Portia, when she is about to enact the part of a man, and says that she will ‘turn two mincing steps into a manly stride’ (AZerchant of Venice 111. 4. 67 :—which might be rendered in Greek, ἁβρὸν μὲν od Batvovoa, βῆμα δ᾽ ἄρσενος | τρόποις ἐπεκτείνουσα). Prof. J. B. Bury explains ἁβροβάταν as ‘a slippered eunuch.’ But, as I understand the word, it refers to a delicate gait, rather than to soft coverings for the feet (as though ἁβροβάτης meant ‘walking on aBpa’). It may be added that the phrase of the oracle given to Croesus (Her. 1. 55),—Avde rodaBpé,— though verbally similar, is not really relevant. The oracle,—very unjustly,—chose to assume that the Lydians were already what they became after their subjection, an effeminate race. The ‘Lydian with delicate feet’ is merely the ‘effeminate’ Lydian,—the epithet being ironically adapted to the counsel given,—viz., φεύγειν. It was only after his fall that Croesus advised Cyrus to enervate the Lydians by requiring them κιθῶνάς τε ὑποδύνειν τοῖς εἵμασι καὶ κοθόρνους ὑποδέεσθαι (Her. 1. 1885): Some critics write “ABpoBdray, and take it as a proper name, like “Αβροκόμας in Her. vil. 224. This is surely improbable. 460 - APPENDIX. III. 59 Ode III. 59 ἐς ‘YmepBopéovs.—Otto Crusius, in Roscher’s Lexikon der gr. und rim, Mythologie (pp. 2805—2835), exhaustively discusses the Hyperborean legends. He adopts and enforces the view of H. 1,. Ahrens as to the original meaning of the name. That view may be summed up as follows. (1) In the Apollo-cult of Delos, it was said that the Hyperboreans had sent two maidens with offerings of first-fruits to Delos. (2) These maidens were escorted by five men, πομποί, whom the Hyperboreans sent with them. The Delians called these men Περφερέες: high honours were paid to them. (See Her. iv. 32—35.) (3) Ὑπερβέρετος was the name of a month (=July) in the Cretan Calendar: and Ὑπερβερεταῖος (= September) in the Macedonian Calendar. In these months there were harvest-festivals of Apollo. (4) In some North-Greek dialects, as in those of Macedonia and of Delphi, ¢ became B. Thus ὑπερβέρετος leads back to ὑπερφερέτης ; and ὑπερβερεταῖος to ὑπερφερεταῖος. So ὑπέρφορος would in those dialects become ὑπέρβορος. Thus would come in a popular (or hieratic) derivation from βορέας, (5) The dringers of offerings over (land and sea) would originally have been a designation applicable to pious votaries of Apollo anywhere who sent offerings to his shrine. These votaries were transformed by the etymologizing legend into a people dwelling beyond the north wind,—a separate and blessed folk, devoted to the god’s worship. (6) This explains how it happens that eg, the Argive Perseus-saga places the ‘Hyperboreans,’ not in the far JVorth, but in the far West, near the dwelling of the Gorgons, (See Crusius in Roscher, p. 2816, § 22.) Bacchylides, who was in touch with Delos (cp. Ode xv1) and its Apollo-cult, treats the land of the Ὑπερβόρεοι as a paradise to which Apollo can transport pious mortals; a place like the ᾿Ηλύσιον πεδίον or the μακάρων νῆσοι in the far West. Doubtless he, like Pindar, thought of the ‘Hyperboreans’ simply as ‘dwellers beyond the North Wind.’ But unconsciously he has introduced a touch which is in perfect harmony with the derivation from ὑπερφέρω, and with the view that the name originally denoted pious votaries of Apollo in whatever region they might dwell. It is very possible that here he may have been influenced by Delian traditions which he knew. The Hyperborean legend was a temple-myth, developed at the sanctuaries of Apollo, and doubtless first of all at Delphi, whence it passed to Delos, and to other Aegean seats of the cult. ODE III. 461 CMe PETS RS ree padéar wor... Δ ἐς ‘ov 73. +++ + νοφεφᾶμερονα[ 1c ee ασκοπεισβραχ[ What was probably the general sense of the three mutilated verses, 72—74? This question must be viewed in the light of the whole context. Verses 67—-71 are an epitome of Hieron’s glories, as victor in the games, warrior, just ruler, and votary of the Muses. In verses 73—74 there was clearly some reference to the shortness of life: and that strain was continued in verses 75—-84. The general purport of the whole passage, from v.74 to 84, was to this effect :—‘ Life is short and un- certain ; a man must be prepared either to die to-morrow, or to live for many years: do your duty day by day, and be cheerful’ (83). What we do not know is the nature of the transition by which, in verses 72—74, the poet passed from the theme of Hieron’s glories to reflections on the brevity and insecurity of human life. This ode was written after the Olympic festival of 468 B.c.; and Hieron died, in 467, of the disease from which he had long suffered. Pindar’s third Py/hian (written in or about 474 B.C.) shows that even then Hieron was a sufferer. The whole strain of Pindar’s ode is, indeed, strikingly similar to that of Bacchylides here: it dwells on the shortness of life; and consoles the invalid with the thought that the Muse can give lasting fame. Compare especially verses go f. here, ἀρετᾶς ye μὲν οὐ μινύθει | βροτῶν ἅμα σώματι φέγγος, with Pind. 2. ur. 114f. ἃ δ᾽ ἀρετὰ κλειναῖς ἀοιδαῖς | χρονία τελέθε. When Bacchylides wrote his verses, it was perhaps known to him that Hieron had not long to live. Two lines of restoration are possible, according to the view taken of MAAEAT in ν. 72. I. If ϑειμαλέᾳ (or ῥωμαλέᾳ) be assumed, the subst. agreeing with it must certainly have stood in the same verse ; and nothing seems possible except χειρί This suggests that the passage contained a contrast between Hieron’s former activity in war (cp. v. 34) and his present state. The word σκοπεῖς in 74 is clearly addressed to him: it could mean either ‘/ookest for’ solace from the Muses, or ‘contemplatest’ the approach of the end. Compare 1x. 13, where τεὰν aperdy, ad- dressed to the victor, rather abruptly follows the mention of him in v. 9. Similarly in xv. 6 Apollo is the subject of ἀγάλλεται, and then is suddenly apostrophised in v. ro. Ill. 72—74 462 APPENDIX. Prof. Blass restores thus :— 72 Os δειμαλέᾳ ποτὲ χειρὶ θύνων 73 γαλανὸς ἐφάμερον ἁδονὰν φι- 4 λάνορα σκοπεῖς. βραχύς ἐστιν αἰών, i.e. ‘who of yore didst rage with terrible hand, (but now) in tranquillity, lookest for some kindly enjoyment, sufficient unto the day’ (ze. for the pleasure afforded by the kindly Muses).—The following remarks suggest themselves. (1) épdpepov is here used as by Pindar in / vi. 39 ff, ὃ 8 ἀθανάτων μὴ θρασσέτω φθόνος | 6 τι τερπνὸν ἐφάμερον διώκων | Exados ἔπειμι γῆρας. That sense of ἐφάμερον is suitable to Pindar’s prayer for himself. It is also suitable to Hieron’s probable condition in 468 B.c. : but it may be doubted whether Bacchylides would have so openly referred to that condition. His allusions to Hieron’s illness are else- where veiled. βραχ- in v. 74, and ἐφαμερίων in 76, might incline us to surmise that ἐφάμερον in 73 meant ‘short-lived,’ rather than ‘sufficing for the day.’ (2) I greatly doubt whether there is room for the letters TAAAN before OC in 73. A careful measurement of the letters TEAAN (of γελανώσας) in Ode v. 80 will show that they exceed the space avail- able before OC here; @ fortiori, then, TAAAN is too large, for A in this Ms. is much broader than E. (3) ἁδονὰν φιλάνορα would more naturally mean ‘the pleasure of being hospitable’ (cp. 1. 40 ξείνων τε φιλάνορι τιμᾷ) than ‘the kindly pleasure’ given by the Muses. The following modifications of Prof. Blass’s reading have occurred to me as possible :— (1) ὃς δειμαλέᾳ ποτὲ χειρὶ θύνων γεραιὸς ἐφάμερον αὖτε τέρψιν ἅσυχα σκοπεῖς. βραχὺς ἄμμιν αἰών᾽ With regard to γεραιός, it may be remarked that the word connotes the veverence due to years; and also that in verses 88—g1 the poet clearly refers to Hieron’s physical decay. This conjecture implies, like that of Blass, that ἐφάμερον = ‘ sufficing for the day.’ (2) If, on the other hand, ἐφάμερον meant ‘short-lived,’ we might conjecture :— γεραιὸς ἐφάμερον ἀνδρὸς αἶσαν ἅσυχα σκοπεῖς. (For the sing. ἀνδρός cp. 88.) II. Let us now turn to the other line of restoration,—that which presupposes Μαλέᾳ. If that was the word, the reference was to the ODE Il: 463 dangers of that stormy cape for sea-farers, owing to the conflict of currents and winds. Cp. Strabo (8. 378): the sea off Malea is dreaded by sailors, διὰ τὰς ἀντιπνοίας: ἀφ᾽ οὗ καὶ παροιμιάζονται, Μαλέας δὲ κάμψας ἐπιλάθου τῶν οἴκαδε. That proverb was doubtless made by Greeks living in the islands or on the coasts of the Aegean. If you have once got safely round Malea, be thankful, and do not tempt the gods by returning that way. (Cp. Curt. Pelop. τι. p. 298 and p. 330.) Od. 9. 80 (Odysseus speaks) :—dAAd pe κῦμα poos τε περιγνάμπτοντα Μάλειαν | cat Βορέης ἀπέωσε, παρέπλαγξέν τε Κυθήρων. Her. tv. 179 (Jason and the Argonauts) : καί μιν ὡς πλώοντα γενέσθαι κατὰ Μαλέην, ὑπολαβεῖν ἄνεμον Βορέην καὶ ἀποφέρειν πρὸς τὴν Λιβύην. Statius 7 εὖ. 2. 33: Qua formidatum Maleae spumantis in auras It caput. Virgil (Aen. γ. 191) and Ovid (Am. 11. 16. 24) also allude to Malea’s terrors. The name of Malea was thus proverbial, and might easily have furnished a poet with a simile. A simile from the perils of the sea is used by Bacchylides in Ode ΧΙ (124—132). There is something to be said, then, in favour of such a restoration as that which is given, exempii gratia, in my text. ‘But, as erenow at Malea, the god suddenly brings stress of storm on the children of a day. Thou lookest to the needs of the time: our life is short.’ The reference to Malea would be a veiled, not an open, allusion to Hieron’s state. It would be a general sentiment concerning unforeseen vicissitudes in human fortunes. The special application of it would be left to the hearer. This would be quite in the manner of Bacchylides (as of Pindar), when he glances at the element of adversity in Hieron’s otherwise brilliant lot (see e.g. Ode v. 50—55). In v. 74 a possible variant for καίρια σκοπεῖς: βραχὺς ἄμμιν αἰών’ would be :—aovya σκοπεῖς βραχὺ μέτρον aicas. No point after σκοπεῖς now appears in the MS.: it may, however, have been obliterated in the correction made after that word (see cr. n., p. 263); or it may have been omitted by error. It is not easy to choose between the two lines of restoration,—that which assumes δειμαλέᾳ and that which assumes Μαλέᾳ. If any one contends that the former is the more probable, I shall not gainsay him. My object has been to state the data of the problem as clearly as I could, and to indicate such tentative solutions as I have been able to find. 464 APPENDIX. Ode IV. 7—13. In his third edition Blass prints this passage as follows :— vuvrvvuvr-gs e > ΄ v-—-vu-—vyl, ἃς ἀλέκτωρ υνυ - ἑκόντι νόωι Σ᾽ ΟΣ: vu] ὕμνους, ΕΣ IX. e 5 ’ νου €EK'AVEY, οἷς] toop- ροπον ἔχοντα Δίκ]ας τάλαντον , > , ev Δεινομένεος ἐγερα[ίρο]μεν vLoV. IV. 7—13 The supplements in verses 9, 11, 12, to the left of the bracket ], are his own; except that, in 11 f., where in his 2nd ed. he read dis ὀρθὸν ἀνέχοντα, he now receives Headlam’s ἰσόρροπον ἔχοντα. The letters ICOP.. and ACTAAAN in v. 11 and in ν. 12 are found on a small fragment (no. 19 Kenyon) which Blass refers to this place. He thinks that the same fragment shows the lower part of the first Y in ὕμνους (v. 10). This collocation of the fragment is possible, but it cannot be regarded as certain. Then in verse 8 Prof. Blass finds traces of an apostrophe in the ms. before AC (I fail to do so), and reads ds. He thinks that the sense of the whole passage was to the following effect. Verse 6 contained some reference to Arethusa ;—ds ἀλέκτωρ, “ whose husband (the Alpheus) with willing soul (ἑκόντι vow) was wont to hear the songs with which we honoured the son of Deinomenes, who holds the balance of Justice in even poise.” Now, I agree with Prof. Blass in thinking that the earlier part of this passage referred to Hieron’s two victories at Olympia. It seems improbable, however, that the ἀλέκτωρ was the Alpheus. I should rather surmise that he was the ἐρίγδουπος πόσις Ἥρας. Such a designa- tion would be the more appropriate, since at Olympia the temple of Hera was next in importance to the temple of Zeus. In verse 13 Prof. Blass now deletes the κ᾿ which the ms. exhibits after Δεινομένεος. In his first edition he retained it, explaining it as iterative (p. 41 ‘x vrepetitionis est’); te, he took x ἐγεραίρομεν as meaning, ‘we used to honour.’ But in his second edition (p. 44) he writes: ‘Von est tustum x: sed st omnino est, putandum ex alia littera (€?) corrigendo factum.’ By the words, ‘non est iustum x,’ Prof. Blass means that it differs from the regular form of « in this papyrus. That is true. The x is somewhat narrower, more compressed, than usual; as if at this point the scribe was doubting whether he would have space enough in the column for the words ἐγεραίρομεν υἱόν which he had still to write. There are, however, many similar instances in the ms. of a ODES IV, V. 465 slight difference between the forms of the same letter in different places. And on the other hand the «’ here is perfectly distinct. I cannot perceive any ground for the suggestion that it has been made by correction out of some other letter. To delete it seems a wholly unwarrantable proceeding. It remains to speak of verse 14. In his first edition (1898) Prof. Blass wrote Tatas μυχοῖς, meaning Delphi, the seat of τὴν πρωτόμαντιν Ταῖαν (Aesch. Zum. 2). In his second edition he gives Κίρρας μυχοῖς. My own conjecture, Kptoas μυχοῖς, was made independently (in 1898), and before the appearance of his second edition. Cirrha was the ancient port of Crisa: if ἀγχιάλοισι better suits Cirrha, μυχοῖς is more suggestive of Crisa: cp. Pind. P. vi. 18 Κρισαίαις ἐνὶ πτυχαῖς. Wilamo- witz proposed Kovpas puxois,—i.e. Syracuse, as the city of Persephone. But here we clearly need a mention of Delphi, to balance that of Olympia (ὀλυμπιονίκας) in v. 17. An indication of the Pythian victories merely by the word τάδε would be too obscure. Ode V. 2 otparayé—See Freeman, Sicily, vol. 11. Appendix 111. V. 2 Pp- 499 —502, on ‘Gel6n as General and King’: also pp. 135—-137: and as to the title of βασιλεύς given to Hieron by Pindar, pp. 540—542. In Class. Rev. xi. p. 98 (March, 1899) Prof. J. B. Bury holds that στραταγέ is ‘a definite reference to the formal title orpatayds* avro- Kpatwp.’ It is well to keep the following points clearly in view. 1. Gelon reigned at Gela from 491 to 485 Bc. In 485 the Gamoroi (oligarchic land-owners), who had been driven out of Syracuse by the democrats, and had established themselves at Casmenae, asked help from Gelon, who undertook to restore them. ‘When he drew near to the city, the new democracy at once submitted, and Gel6én became lord of Syracuse’ (Freeman, .522. 11. 127). He reigned at Syracuse from 485 to his death in 478. 2. That Gelon at some time held the office of στρατηγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ is a belief which rests on the following authorities. (i) Diodorus XIII. 94 says that, in 405 B.c., the elder Dionysius was made στρατηγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ against the Carthaginians. One motive for this measure was that in 480 the Carthaginians had been defeated at Himera, στρατη- γοῦντος Τέλωνος αὐτοκράτορος. (ii) Polyaenus I. 27 §1 says that, for the war against the Carthaginians in 480, Gelon was elected ‘general with full powers’ (στρατηγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ χειροτονηθείς). He ‘rendered his account’ of that office to the people (εὐθύνας δοὺς τῆς αὐτοκράτορος J. B. 21 466 A PPENDIX. : ἀρχῆς), and, having thus laid it down, appeared unarmed before the armed people in the agora. They re-elected him general; and ‘so’ he became τύραννος. (οὕτω δὴ παρακληθεὶς δεύτερον στρατηγῆσαι τύραννος ἐγένετο Svpaxovoiwv.) This, as Freeman observes, is ‘evidently the same scene as that which Diodorus (x1. 26) describes on Gelon’s return from Himera, which ends with the people saluting Gelon as ing.’ Polyaenus has misconceived the circumstances, but must have had some definite authority for the title στρατηγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ. (iil) The Schol. on Pind. Ο. τι. 29 cites Timaeus of Tauromenium (d. εἴγε. 256,B.C.?), who wrote a history of Sicily (Σικελικα)ὴ down to 264 B.c.: τοῦ δὲ TéAwvos τελευτᾶν τὸν βίον μέλλοντος, ἸΠΤολύζηλος ἀδελφὸς τὴν στρατηγίαν Kal THY γαμετὴν τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ διαδέχεται. (Frag. go, Miiller, Frag. Hist. L. p. 214.) ' 3. It is probable, though it cannot be proved, that Gelon was made στραταγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ, not for the first time in 480, with a view to a war against the Carthaginians, but in 485, when he became master of Syracuse. It may have been the official title under which his virtual kingship was veiled. (See Freeman, Svc. 11. p. 137.) 4. After his great victory at Himera in 480, Gelon was saluted by the Syracusans as ‘benefactor, saviour, and king’ (βασιλέα: Diod. ΧΙ. 26). Freeman doubts whether Gelon was ever ‘clothed with any formal kingship’ (.Szc. 1. p. 203). Diodorus, however, in ΧΙ. 38 styles him ὁ βασιλεὺς TeAwv. In Her. vu. 61 the Athenian envoy addresses him as ὦ βασιλεῦ Συρηκοσίων. (Freeman regards this address as ‘more or less sarcastic’; which seems to me improbable: though it may readily be granted that no stress can safely be laid on the use of the word βασιλεῦ there.) 5. In regard to Hieron, there is no direct evidence that he was ever styled στραταγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ. The interpretation of στραταγέ in that sense here rests entirely on the hypothesis that the title was transmitted from Gelon to Hieron; as Timaeus states that it passed from Gelon to Polyzelus. Prof. Bury ingeniously observes that Pindar in P. u, 58 ‘addresses Hieron as πρύτανι κύριε... στρατοῦ, an accurate paraphrase of στραταγὲ avroxpdtwp.’ It is well, however, to consider the whole of Pindar’s phrase :--πρύτανι κύριε πολλᾶν μὲν εὐστεφάνων ἀγυιᾶν καὶ στρατοῦ, ‘sovereign prince of many streets encircled with goodly walls, and of a great host.’ στρατοῦ is used as in verse 87 of the same ode,—é λάβρος στρατός, = δᾶμος : cp. Aesch. Zum. 566. Hieron, in this passage of Pindar, is not specially the ‘ general with full powers,’ but the lord of a strong and fair city, of Syracuse and its people. 6. On the whole, I should be disposed to think that στραταγέ is ODE V. 467 merely a general designation, ‘ war-lord,’ and does not refer to a special office. But I do not regard the latter view as inadmissible. My object has been to define the amount and the limits of the evidence for that view. 7. 1 would only add that the fact of Pindar styling Hieron βασιλεύς, in Odes designed for performance at Syracuse (0. 1. 23, f. πὶ. 70), proves much more than the poet’s belief that the title was one which Hieron would like. It shows that Hieron felt no danger in being publicly so styled. That being so, the motive for vec/ing royal power under the title of στραταγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ cannot, in Hieron’s case, have been very strong, whatever it may have been in Gelon’s earlier years of rule at Syracuse. Whether Hieron ever formally became βασιλεύς, we cannot say. But, if he was styled στραταγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ, it would not follow that he was not also styled βασιλεύς. The former title came down from Gelon: if the latter was also taken by Gelon, or by Hieron, the military title might well remain associated with it. Ode V. 11 f. νάσου ξένος ὑμετέραν πέμ.- qe. κλεεννὰν és πόλιν =26f. δυσπαίπαλα κύματα νωμᾶ- ται δ᾽ ἐν ἀτρύτῳ χάει. Verses 11 and 26 are longer by a syllable than the Corresponding: ¥. 1 8: verses in the other strophes. It is easy to correct verse 26 by reading οἱ - νωμᾷ instead of νωμᾶται. (The first hand had originally written NOMAT, though the I has been deleted.) And νωμᾷ would be intrinsically preferable to νωμᾶται. But verse 11 resists emendation. The following conjectures may be mentioned. (1) R. J. Walker, πλεῖ for πέμπει. (2) A. Platt, πλέων for πέμπει (deleting, in 14, δὲ after ἐθέλει). H. Richards, πέμπει és θείαν πόλιν. The easiest correction would be πέμψε κλεινὰν és πόλιν, but πέμπει is clearly right. ὔμμι προπέμπει would depart too far from the ms. The conclusion must be, I think, that verse 11 is sound. If a corruption exists there, it is deeper than can now be'traced. But if v. 11 is sound, verse 26 is so also. The same phenomenon recurs in verse 14, =v. 29: 12 χρυσάμπυκος Οὐρανίας κλει- γὸς θεράπων" ἐθέλει δέ 28 λεπτότριχα σὺν ἵεφύρου πνοι- αἴσιν ἔθειραν ἀρίγνω- 30 τος μετ᾽ ἀνθρώποις ἰδεῖν. 31---2 468 APPENDIX. Now in v. 30 per is certainly awkward (though, as I have tried to show in the commentary, quite intelligible); Weil suggested μέγ᾽, or (keeping per’) οἰωνοῖς instead of ἀνθρώποις. R. J. Walker would delete per (a remedy which Blass approves, p. x1, and p. 49, 3rd ed.). This would doubtless be preferable to altering apiyvwros into apryvus (Pind. JV. v. 12). But here, just as in the former case, it is the verse in the strophe which resists emendation. ‘There is only one way of shortening verse 14, viz., by deleting δέ after ἐθέλει. But an asyndeton there would be intolerable. If δέ is to be removed, a participle must (as Platt saw) replace πέμπει in 11f.; but this, again, is an improbable change. Thus the first strophe and antistrophe present two instances (v. 11= 26, and v. 14=29) in which the metre varies from that of the subsequent strophes and antistrophes. In neither case does it seem possible to find any really probable emendation. And it would be a very singular coincidence if corruption of the text had produced precisely this peculiarity in two passages of the first strophe and antistrophe, but nowhere else in the other 170 verses of the ode. Again, it is evident that the anomalies cannot be explained by supposing that, in all the pairs of strophes after the first, the final long syllable of the verses corresponding with 11 and 14 was protracted, so that e.g. in V. 51 μοῖράν τε καλῶν ἔπορεν the last syllable was equivalent in time to —w- Iincline, then, to believe that in v. 11 (= 26) and 14 (=29) the text is sound ; and that for some reason or other the poet varied from this model in the corresponding verses of the later strophes. It seems possible that the slight variation was due to mere inadvertence. Ode V. 56—175. THE MELEAGER-MYTH. v.56—175 The mythical genealogy, so far as it appears in Bacchylides, is as follows :— Thestius of Pleuron, Porthaon (v. 70) king of the Curetes | Oeneus of Calydon, king | Ι. =A) of the Aetolians, + Althaea Althaea Iphiclus Aphares | (v. 128) (v. 110) | Meleager Agelaus Deianeira (v. 117) After the narrative in the Homeric Πρεσβεία (71. 9. 529—599), that of Bacchylides is the oldest complete recital of the story which we possess. Certain points are deserving of notice. ODE V. 469 The Homeric version is in outline as follows. Oeneus, king of Calydon, had angered Artemis by withholding the harvest first-fruits (θαλύσια) due to her; and she sent the wild boar to ravage his land. His Aetolian subjects were aided by their neighbours, the Curetes, in the boar-hunt. Meleager slew the boar. Then the Aetolians fell to fighting with the Curetes for the boar’s head and hide. In the fight, Meleager slew some of Althaea’s brethren, his uncles. Thereupon his mother cursed him (567 πόλλ᾽ ἀχέουσ᾽ ἠρᾶτο κασιγνήτοιο φόνοιο), calling on Hades and Persephone to avenge her brothers.. Meleager, in wrath at her curse, withdrew to his house. Meanwhile the Curetes were at the gates of Calydon, pressing the town hard. The Aetolian elders sent priests to Meleager, beseeching him to come forth and help them; his father Oeneus, his sisters, even Althaea herself, implored his aid ; but in vain. The Curetes were already climbing the walls and firing the city, when Cleopatra, Meleager’s wife, prevailed with him. He donned his armour, and repelled the foe. But, so tardy had he been, he won no thanks. That is the point which Phoenix, in telling the story, wishes to urge :—If Achilles delays too long, then, even if at last he saves the Greeks, the service will have no grace. The Homeric poet was not concerned to tell Zow Meleager eventually died. He merely says that Althaea’s curse was heard by ‘the Erinys who walks in darkness’ (571). And there is no allusion to the story of Althaea’s brand. But we know from Pausanias (10. 31 ὃ 3) that, in two other epics, the Muvds and the Ἦοϊαι, Meleager was slain by Apollo, ‘The Homeric poet was probably conscious of that version, Ernst Kuhnert, in his excellent article ‘ Meleagros’ in Roscher’s Lexikon, supposes, indeed, that . the Homeric poet conceived Meleager as slain by the arrow of Apollo just when he had repelled the Curetes (597),—so that ‘he bought the victory of the Aetolians by his death’ (p. 2592), That, however, would destroy the force of τῷ δ᾽ οὐκέτι δῶρα τέλεσσαν (598). The point is that he had to yield at last, and then missed the reward which a timely compliance would have won. But if he died before the reward could in any case have been given, the moral which Phoenix wishes to draw is lost. The poet of the Πρεσβεία must have imagined his death as occurring later. The version of Meleager’s death which made him fall by the shaft of Apollo was evidently well-suited to any epic poem which aimed at exalting the Aetolian hero. That was a glorious end for him. To perish with the wasting of Althaea’s brand was a tragic, but not a 470 APPENDIX. glorious, death. Such a doom was fitted, by its pathos, for lyric treatment ; while, as illustrating the power of destiny, it was a suitable motive for drama. And it is in Attic drama that the earliest extant notice of Althaea’s brand is found. The verses of Phrynichus have been quoted in the commentary (on φιτρόν in v. 142): they occurred in his Πλευρώνιαι, Pausanias (10. 31 § 4) prefaces his citation of the verses with these words :—rotrov τὸν λόγον (the story of the brand) Φρύνιχος ὃ ἸΠολυφραδμονος πρῶτος ἐν δράματι ἔδειξε Πλευρωνίαις. And he adds this comment :---οὐ μὴν φαίνεταί γε ὃ Φρύνιχος προαγαγὼν τὸν λόγον ἐς πλέον, ὡς εὕρημα av τις οἰκεῖον, προσαψάμενος δὲ αὐτοῦ μόνον, ἅτε ἐς ἅπαν ἤδη διαβεβοημένου τὸ Βλληνικόν. ‘It does not appear, however, that Phrynichus developed the story at greater length, as a man would naturally do if the invention was his own; he has merely touched upon it, as if it were already notorious throughout Hellas.’ So, according to Pausanias, the reference to Althaea’s brand in the lyric passage of the Pleuroniae was merely a passing allusion,—just like that of Aeschylus to the same story in the lyrics of the Choephori (604 ff.). Kekulé, indeed (Fabula Meleagrea, p. 13, 1862), holds that the word ἔδειξε, used by Pausanias in reference to Phrynichus, implies that the story of the brand was a principal incident of the play. But I do not see how that view can be reconciled with the comment just quoted. What was the subject of the Pleuroniae? It has been conjectured that the play dealt with the Calydonian boar-hunt; that the scene was laid at Calydon ; and that the chorus was composed of handmaids whom Althaea had brought from her paternal home at Pleuron. Carl Robert}, however, has lately re-affirmed the view of Welcker’, that the scene of the play was laid at Pleuron, and that its theme was the siege of that town by the Aetolians. Bacchylides relates how the Aetolians, among whom Meleager was foremost, drove the Curetes in flight to Pleuron. It was under the walls of Pleuron that Meleager expired (ιν. 149—154). The rout of the Curetes was followed by the siege of their city. In the Péeuroniae of Phrynichus, Carl Robert suggests, the persons may have been Thestius, one or two of his sons, and two messengers, who narrated the boar-hunt, the fight for the trophies, the slaying of the Thestiadae by Meleager, and Althaea’s vengeance on her son. At any rate, Robert thinks it certain that the outline of the story, so far as Bacchylides gives it, follows substantially the same version which was used by Phrynichus in the Pleurontae. That 1 Hermes, vol. XXXIII. (1898), pp. 151 ff. 2 Die griech. Tragidien, 1. 21 ff. ODE V. 471 seems probable enough: though, in the absence of more data, it seems difficult to speak with any confidence on the subject. One remark, however, at once suggests itself. Pausanias says that the lyric reference in the Pleuroniae to Althaea’s brand was merely a passing allusion. And he may be right, even though, in his day, that play was known only through fragments or notices. But, if he is right, then the death of Meleager through the burning of the brand cannot have been narrated in a messenger’s speech. In any case, it is clear that the story of Althaea’s brand is older than Phrynichus,—z.e. goes back to at least the sixth century B.c. The common source of Phrynichus and Bacchylides may have been some epic poem of which no trace remains. With regard to the significance of the brand, Kuhnert has collected (Rhein. Mus. 49. pp. 40 ff.) a number of illustrations and analogies. The essential idea,—that of a link between the /igh¢ of /ife within the man, and some external light on whose existence the other depends,—is frequent in mythology. A writer on modern Greece notices a belief existing among the peasants of Zacynthus, that in the other world there are countless little lights or tapers, each of which controls a human life ; when the taper goes out, the life is quenched (Β, Schmidt, Volksleben d. Neugr. p. 246). The legend that Meleager perished by the wasting of the brand may, indeed, be regarded as the element which connects the Meleager-myth with Aetolian folk-lore. One thing must be added. The //iad knows Althaea’s curse only, not her brand. The curse is, in fact, a delegation of vengeance to the divine powers invoked. The burning of the brand is a mode of vengeance which the mortal could wreak without aid. But the curse and the brand cannot properly be regarded as alternatives, characteristic respectively of two versions in which the story was current. For the burning of the brand might naturally be conceived as preceded or accompanied by some form of imprecation. The chanting of a spell is a normal adjunct of evil magic. Bacchylides says, καῖέ τε δαιδαλέας > , FELD ἐκ λάρνακος ὠκύμορον ‘ > 4 φιτρὸν ἀγκλαύσασα. If ἀγκλαύσασα be the right reading (see n. on v. 140 ff.), this con- sideration may help to explain it. In her passionate anguish for the deaths of her brothers, she invoked a curse on her son. So the Antigone of Sophocles (vv. 427 ff.), when she saw the corpse of her brother denuded of the dust which she had sprinkled on it, γόοισιν ἐξῴμωξεν, ἐκ δ᾽ ἀρὰς κακὰς ἠρᾶτο x.T.d. 472 APPENDIX. Bacchylides, like the Homeric poet, is silent concerning Atalanta. It is certain that Atalanta had a place in old forms of the Meleager- myth. Her absence from the //ad (which merely refers generally to hunters ‘from many cities,’ 9. 544) is certainly not significant in a contrary sense. She appears on some black-figured vases in the Calydonian hunt: where, however, she is not especially associated with Meleager, but with another hero, Melanion. Euripides, in his Meleager, was the first who made Meleager the lover of Atalanta. That love was the leading motive of the play. He gave her the trophies of the boar. His uncles, the Thestiadae, took them away from her; and he then slew them. The siege of Pleuron did not come in. (Cp. Ovid, Mez. vin. 428—461.) The scholiast on /éad 21. 194 quotes Pindar for a ἱστορία to the following effect. Heracles, when he visited Hades to bring up Cerberus, was besought by the shade of Meleager to wed Deianeira. Heracles afterwards obtained the consent of her father Oeneus, and delivered his bride from the pursuit of Achelous. In the version given by Bacchylides, Heracles first expresses the wish to marry a sister of Meleager : it is only then that the latter mentions Deianeira. At first sight a modern reader might be disposed to think that, in telling the story thus, Bacchylides has the advantage of Pindar. Surely it is fitting that Heracles should make the proposal, rather than that it should proceed from Meleager? But further consideration will show that the version followed by Pindar is in a truer and finer harmony with the spirit of the myth. The significance of the scene in Hades depends on the antithesis of the two great heroes,—the living and the departed. There is no longer a Meleager on the earth; but a Heracles has succeeded to his renown. Deianeira is beset by a suitor whom she abhors. Meleager, in the shades, asks protection for his helpless sister from the only living champion who can worthily fill her brother’s place. In this conception there is a higher poetry, a deeper pathos, than in that which Bacchylides adopts. The Heracles of his ode seeks Deianeira’s hand partly through admiration for Meleager, partly through pity for him. There is, however, no ground for assuming that Bacchylides was the first to tell the story in this way. And, given this form of the story, his manner of telling it has a great charm of its own. It is also impressive that the fateful marriage should spring from an impulse originating in the mind of Heracles himself. There are some traces of Bacchylides in the later literature of the myth. Apollodorus 1. 8. 2. §2 follows him in the description of the boar (cp. verses 107—110). As the sisters of Meleager, who bewailed ODE V. 473 him, were changed into pedeaypides (guinea-fowls), compilers of meta- morphoses treated his story. Nicander told it in the third book of his ‘Erepovovpeva. That source was one of those used by Antoninus Liberalis (¢. A.D. 150) in his μεταμορφώσεων συναγωγή, c. 2; but he drew also on Homer, Bacchylides, and Euripides (see Carl Robert, Zc. p. 158). Ode V. 106 f. καλλίχορον Καλυδῶνα. evpvxopos is sometimes so used in poetry as to confirm the view of V. 106f. Aristarchus that the old poets made it serve, metro cogente, for εὐρύχωρος : the strongest instance is //. 9. 478 dv “EAAados εὐρυχόροιο. Cp. Pind. P. vill. 55 and Eur. Bacch. 77 εὐρυχόρους ἀγυιάς. This was an illegitimate use: χορός is ‘an enclosed place’ (akin to χόρτος, ‘courtyard,’ and hortus, but unconnected with χῶρος). But is there any good reason for supposing that καλλίχορος was ever used in the sense of καλλίχωρος Ὁ This verse is more favourable to such a supposition than perhaps any other extant passage; yet even here it is quite unnecessary to assume that sense. Ode V. 172 ἢ. χλωραύχενα... Δαϊάνειραν. The sense of xAwpos, as a word of colour, is that which it derives v. 172¢, from χλόη, young vegetation. It means properly pale green. Then it is applied to verdure or foliage generally (χλωρὰν av’ ὕλην, Eur. Hipp. 17), But pale green may have a yellowish tinge; and xAwpos came to be used (in poetry at least) to mean simply ‘yellow’: χλωρὰν ψάμαθον in Soph, Az. 1064 is the clearest instance: χλωρὸν μέλι (14. 11. 631) is probably another, though ‘fresh’ is a possible sense there. As an epithet of the human complexion, the word means ‘pale,’ especially with the greenish tint of sickness or fear: χλωρὸς ὑπαὶ δείους (71. το. 376). Evidently, then, χλωραύχην, as an epithet of Deianeira, cannot mean ‘with fair neck.’ Nor can χλωραύχην, as an epithet of the nightingale (Simonides, fr. 73), refer to colour: that bird’s neck is not pale green or yellow. The phrase yAwpyis ἀηδών in the Odyssey (19. 518) has, indeed, been understood by Buchholz (Hom. Real. τ. 2. 123) as denoting plumage of that tint ; then, however, he is obliged to suppose that ἀηδών is not the nightingale,—whose hue is a rcddish-brown,—but a bird of some other species,—perhaps the serin finch, akin to the canary. A more refined and poetical interpretation of χλωρηΐς is that propounded by Mr W. Warde Fowler, writing in the Classical Review (vol. Iv. p. 50) on Verg. VI. 3f. 474 APPENDIX. Geo. 1v. 511 f.; viz., that it means ‘green-tinted,’ by the shadows of the thick foliage falling on the bird. Mr Marindin again (C/Zass. Rev. vol. τν. p- 231) takes yAwpyis as =‘ fresh, living, gushing’: ‘liquid’ nightingale in the sense of ‘liquid-voiced.’ Yet I cannot help thinking that there is more probability in the simple explanation of xAwpyis given by the scholiast,—y ἐν xAwpots φαινομένη (or διατρίβουσα), ‘haunting the green covert. The bird is described just afterwards as , > ΄ ᾿ὕ a δενδρέων εν πετάλοισι καθιζομένη πυκινοισίιν. The interpretation of χλωραύχην must be sought through the other sense which χλωρός takes from xAon,—that of ‘fresh,’ without any direct reference to colour. That sense appears in such phrases as xAwpais ἐέρσαις (Pind. JV. vill. 40), xAwpov...daxpy (Eur. Wed. 906, ‘the welling tear’): sometimes connoting vigour, as in Theocr. 14. 70, ἃς γόνυ χλωρόν, ‘while the knee is nimble’ (dum. .virent genua, Hor. Ep. 13. 4). When Simonides spoke of the vernal nightingale as χλωραύχην, he meant, I think, ‘ with fresh throat’; ze. with a throat of fresh, youthful, elastic vigour. Thus the sense which I attach to χλωρός in the com- pound is less special and definite than that which Mr Marindin gives to it, when he suggests, as one rendering of χλωραύχην, ‘with supple or Stexible neck’ (Class. Rev. XU. 37): but it is equally expressive of that quality which the Homeric poet describes ;—Oapa τρωπῶσα χέει πολνυηχέα φωνήν, ‘with many a trill she pours her full-toned song’ (Od. το. 521). An alternative version, which Mr Marindin proposes, is, ‘with “guid throat’; but this gives to the throat an epithet which belongs rather to the voice. The idea of χλωραύχην, as I conceive it, is contained in the phrase of Keats, when he speaks of the nightingale as singing ‘in full- throated ease.’ It is in favour of this explanation that, if it be right, the primary sense of xAwpavyny, as applied to the nightingale by Simonides, is the same which it bears when applied to Deianeira by Bacchylides. In both cases it means ‘with fresh young throat (or neck)’; the reference, in the case of the bird, being to the fresh life with which the throat pours forth song; and, in the case of the maiden, to the fresh bloom of youth on the neck. Ode VI. 3f.—Blass supplies the syllables ὦ -- -- , lost after MPOXOAIC, by reading προχοαῖσ{ι νικῶν], with a full stop. He then takes δ ὅσσα in v. 4 as exclamatory: ‘For how many victories’ has the praise of Ceos been sung! That seems too jerky for our poet’s style; his sentences are wont to flow on smoothly. I cannot doubt that ὅσσα is here the relative. Dr Kenyon writes προχοαῖσ[ι σεμναῖς), and takes ὅσσα as ODES V, VI, VII, VII. 475 referring to Lachon’s feats: ze, ‘L. has won glory, on account of all which deeds (of his) young men lately sang his praises at Olympia.’ But πάροιθεν, followed by ποτέ, could scarcely denote so recent a moment. ὅσσα must (I think) refer to the whole series of victories gained by Ceans. Ode VII. 14. Verse 14 (which was the eleventh verse of the lost VII. 14 13th column) ended with the letters ovw. After that verse, from 21 to 24 verses were needed to complete column 13. Two fragments, a (= Kenyon’s frag. 7, pp. 199f. of his ed.), and ὁ (= Kenyon’s frag. 12, p- 202), are placed by Blass after v. 14. The appearance of the papyrus makes it probable that these two fragments belonged to column 13. They supply minute fragments of 14 verses. (See above, p- 298.) Blass edits them, with a few small supplements, thus (3rd ed., p. 69):— (a) φιλάγλ]αε(Ῥ) Χαιρόλαν —plevov εὐσεβ[ τωι θαν[άτω]ι df 7: πατρίδος -ἰ (5) Ἰνεοκρίτουϊ Ἰάτεκνον[ * * * * (ὁ) joy αγων! ταν λιπαίραν Ἰναισεπαί παῖδας Ἑλλάνων ? (5) πο]λυαμπελίο. Jarov ὕμν[ον Z\nvos? ἐν κἰ ἽἼπερ ἀνιπίπος Ὁ Ἢ κ % % The Χαιρόλας of the first verse was (Blass conjectures) some kinsman of Lachon, after whose death (v. 2) Lachon has brought fresh honour to the family. At any rate πολυάμπελο- (ὁ 5) was the epithet of Ceos: cp. Vl. 5. Ode VIII. 99—102.—Given aivéor in v. 102, two views of the context VIII. 99— are possible. (1) A point may be placed after -evvras in v. 99, so that se: a new clause shall begin with χρυσεοσκάπτρου. That seems the more probable construction. (2) Or a point may be placed after Διός in γ. 100, when the word ending in evyvras must be construed with Διός. IX. 9—14 476 APPENDIX. Thus Blass writes, ar εὖντας | χρυσεοσκάπτρου Διός. | ᾧ τι καλὸν φέ]ρεται, | τοῦτ᾽] αἰνέοι. Seeing that ἁμαρτέοιτε follows (103 f.), the most natural reading in v. 102 would be viv ὦ νέοι. (Cp. ΧΙ. 190 νίκαν... μέλπετ᾽, ὦ νέοι: and Pind. /. vil. 2 ὦ νέοι, addressed to the youths of the comus.) But the traces in the Ms. seem to prove that the letters NEOI were preceded either by Al or by N. Τί is possible, indeed, that the poet wrote viv ὦ νέοι, and that ὦ afterwards dropped out, leaving NYNNEOI. If that could be assumed, it would follow that there was a stop after φέρεται, Verses 99—101 might then have run somewhat as follows: φιλεῦντας | χρυσεοσκάπτρου Διὸς | εἴ τι καλὸν φέρεται (‘ welcoming, cherishing, any good gift that is borne to them from Zeus’). Ode IX. 9—r14. Q α..αἷι καὶ νῦν κασιγνήτας ἀκοίτας Io νασιῶτιν ἐκίνησεν λιγύφθογγον μέλισσαν II .«εἰρες ἵν᾽ ἀθάνατον Μουσᾶν ἄγαλμα 12 ξυνὸν ἀνθρώποισιν εἴη 13 χάρμα, τεὰν ἀρετὰν 14 μανῦον ἐπιχθονίοισιν etc. From τεὰν in v. 13 it is certain that a mention of the victor’s name had preceded. That mention must have occurred either in v. 9 or in v. το. (1) If it occurred in v. 9, ᾿Αγλαῷ (Blass) seems to be the only name which agrees with all the traces in the Ms. ᾿Αγλαός occurs as a mythological name (a son of Thyestes, schol. Eur. Or. 5, 812: a son of Hermione, schol. Eur. Andr. 32), though not otherwise. There are, of course, several other names, beginning with A, which would scan here; as Αἰσίῳ, ᾿Ακτίῳ, ᾿Αλκίᾳ, ᾿Αντίᾳ, ᾿Αρχίᾳ, Αὐγέᾳ, all of which occur as Athenian proper names ; but none of them satisfy the indications of a perispomenon vowel (ὦ or ἃ) before the final 1, and of A (or A, or A) as the letter before it. If the name stood here, I think that ᾿Αγλαῷ is most probable. Assuming ᾿Αγλαῷ in 9, we must infer that the letters -epes in 11 belonged to an epithet of ἄγαλμα. The first letter of the verse is quite uncertain, but the slight trace would suit A, A,or A. The second letter was (as Kenyon thinks) X or A; and so Blass (who had thought of K) now holds: all that remains is a trace (little more than a dot) of the top. The space between epes and the beginning of the verse is about the same as that which is usually filled by the letters AX (eg. in ᾿Αχαιών, ODES VIII, IX. 477 xX. 126). But there would be room for three letters, if two of them were thin. Blass’s ἀχειρὲς therefore suits the data in the ms. The word occurs only in Batrachomyomachia 300 as an epithet of crabs (axeupées): here Blass takes it as = ἀχειροποίητον. (2) The other possibility is that the proper name stood in v. 11, τειρες being the end of a vocative. Ewyewpes is Jurenka’s conjecture ; and I can find nothing better. Evxe and Evyxewpos occur as names; Εὐχείρης does not: in view of ἀχειρής, however, that may be waived. A stronger objection is that the trace of the first letter in the Ms. does not suit E. If the name stood in v. 11, then the word or words before καὶ νῦν in v. g must have marked the transition from the poem concerning Φήμα to the immediate theme. Ode IX. 19—26. 19 ἐν Ποσειδᾶνος περικλειτοῖς ἀέθλοις 20 εὐθὺ ἔνδειξ]ας Ἕλλασιν ποδῶν ὁρμὰν ταχεῖαν 21 δεύτερον δ᾽ οὔ]ροισιν ἔπι σταδίου, 22 θερμ[ὰν ἔτι] πνέων ἄελλαν, 23 éoral. βρέχω]ν δ᾽ ἀξ᾽ αὖτε θατήρων ἐλαίῳ 24 φάρεϊ᾽ ἐς εὔθροο]ν ἐμπίτνων ὅμιλον, 25 τετρ[αέλικτον ἐπεὶ 26 κάμψεν δρόμον. ᾿Ισθμιονίκαν εἰς. With regard to this passage, the following points seem fairly certain. Ix. 19—26 (1) A sentence begins with v. το. (2) A sentence ends with δρόμον in 26. Verses 25 and 26 complete the description of the athlete’s running; they stand in close connexion with vv. 23 and 24. (3) In 21 οὔροισιν.. σταδίου denotes the end of the course from which the runners started. (4) In v. 24 ὅμιλον is the crowd of spectators, and not (as Blass takes it) the throng of competitors. ἐμπίτνων expresses how the victor rushed into the crowd of spectators who pressed around the goal, as he completed the fourth round of the course. (5) Inv. 22 the supplement θερμ[ ἂν ἔτι] is scarcely doubtful. That being so, the word ἔτι, and a comparison with the epigram quoted in the commentary, render it certain that this athlete ran with success in two consecutive foot-races. In v. 20 the -as before “EAAaow indicates the second person singular of an aorist. Blass well supplies εὐθὺς @Seag]as. By εὐθύς I understand ‘at the outset, —t.e. in the first foot-race in which the athlete was engaged. Accordingly in verse 21, before οὔ]ροισιν, I supply δεύτερον δ᾽, which exactly fits the gap in the papyrus. 478 APPENDIX. The most difficult question is that raised by verse 23. The first hand wrote ECTA..... NA’AIZE @ATHPON EAAIQI. Of the Ain ECTA only a small trace remains. The space between that A and N would admit. not more than about five letters. The second corrector (A*) changed AIRE to AYTE. We may be fairly sure that αὖτε was not a mere guess by A®. The first hand made several gross errors in this ode, as EiBo.wv for εὐβούλων in 27 f., ἐπίσταται for ἐπιστᾶμαι in 38, Bpwevopev for βρίσει.τὸ μὲν in 47: the true reading is in each case due to A®. (In 51, indeed, ΔΑ seems to have tampered with a sound reading; but what he meant there is doubtful.) (1) Now suppose that the original reading was βρέχων δ᾽ dif’ αὖτε: our poet has elsewhere, of dicow, only aifov (11. 1) and aigay (x11. 144): but Pindar JV. vu. 40 uses gooe: and Bacchylides could certainly have written dé’ (aé’). The word suits a runner darting forward from the starting-point: cp. Soph. £2 711 (of chariots); ὑπαὶ σάλπιγγος ἦἧξαν. From βρέχων δ᾽ a& αὖτε may have come two readings, (4) βρέχων δ᾽ ἀϊΐξε, and (4) βρέχων δ᾽ atte. The latter violates metre; but A® regarded metre as little as the scribe did (p. 134). It also mars the sense, a finite verb being wanted ; but βρέχων may have become Bpéxev. If, then, A* found αὖτε in his copy, we can understand his substituting it, as he did, for aiée. (2) There is another possibility. Suppose that the original reading was Siavely δ᾽ aire. For movable v before a consonant, cp. v. το, and ΧΙ. 128 Angev δέ. The scribe, heedless as he was of sense (p. 127), may have misread αὖτε as aige, owing to the Ptolemaic forms of Y and = (p. 125), especially if the letters vr had been slightly damaged. But in this obscure matter I incline at present to the former hypothesis. It remains to notice the transition, in the course of verses 19—26, from the second to the third person. The second person is proved by the ending -ds in v. 20, whether the word was ἔνδειξ]ας or another. But in v. 23 the verb of the clause introduced by δέ cannot have been in the 2nd pers., since the traces of the letter before A’ suit only N. Hence it appears that, in v. 20, the poet continued to apostrophise the victor, as he had been doing in the immediately preceding verses (13 τεάν, 18 θῆκας): but, when he came to narrate the victor’s exploits, glided into the third person (23 ἔστα «.7.r., 26 Kaper). Prof. Blass gives vv. 19g —28 as follows :— 19 ἐν Ποσειδᾶνος περικλειτοῖς ἀέθλοις 20 εὐθὺς ἔνδειξ]ας Ἕλλασιν ποδῶν ὁρμὰν ταχεῖαν, 21 ἐκφανεὶς οὐ͵ροισιν ἔπι σταδίου" 22 θερ[μὰν δ᾽ ἔτι] πνέων ἄελλαν ODE IX. 479 23 éoral, βρέχων] δ᾽ aige θατήρων ἐλαίωι 24 dpe [᾿ ἐς ἵππιο]ν ἐμπίτνων ὅμιλον. 25 τετρ[αέλικτον ἐπεὶ 26 κάμψεν δρόμον, ᾿Ισθμιονίκαν 27 δίς v[w ἀγκ]άρυξαν εὐβού- 28 λων[υ -- --[ων προφᾶται. The words printed in thick type are those which he supplies. As to punctuation, he has a point after σταδίου in 21, and a full stop after ὅμιλον in 24. The sense (if I understand it aright) is as follows :— ‘In Poseidon’s renowned games thou didst show thy rushing speed to the Greeks at the outset, when thou camest to the front (éxpaveis) at the bounds of the course (at the goal). Then, still breathing a storm of hot breath, he took his place [at the starting-line], and darted forward, sprinkling the garments of the spectators with olive-oil, as he dashed into ¢he throng of runners in the Sourfold stadion (ἵππιον ὅμιλον).᾽ ἵππιος δρόμος was the technical name for a foot-race in which the course was four times that of the stadion: Paus. 6. 16. 4: δρόμου δέ εἰσι τοῦ ἱππίου μῆκος δίαυλοι δύο. But the technical term is scarcely felicitous here: and ὅμιλον is surely the crowd of spectators. Then it seems far better to place the full stop after δρόμον than after ὅμιλον. The mention of the athlete’s two victories at the Isthmus (26 ff.) is linked with that of his two victories at Nemea (29). The word Ἰσθμιονίκαν ought therefore to begin a new sentence. Ode IX. 39—45. ἢ γὰρ σοφὸς... θυμὸν αὔξουσιν. The parallel passage of Solon (fr. 13. 4354) is as follows :— 43 σπεύδει δ᾽ ἄλλοθεν ἄλλος: ὃ μὲν κατὰ πόντον ἀλᾶται ἐν νηυσὶν χρήζων οἴκαδε κέρδος ἄγειν 45 ἰχθυόεντ᾽, ἀνέμοισι φορεύμενος ἀργαλέοισιν, ; φειδωλὴν ψυχῆς οὐδεμίαν θέμενος" ἄλλος γῆν τέμνων πολυδένδρεον εἰς ἐνιαυτὸν λατρεύει, τοῖσιν καμπύλ᾽ ἄροτρα μέλει" ἄλλος ᾿Αθηναίης τε καὶ Ἡ φαίστου πολυτέχνεω 50 ἔργα δαεὶς χειροῖν ξυλλέγεται βίοτον" ἄλλος ᾿Ολυμπιάδων Μουσέων πάρα δῶρα διδαχθείς, ἱμερτῆς σοφίης μέτρον ἐπιστάμενος" IX. 39-—45 X. 93 480 APPENDIX. » ἄλλον μάντιν ἔθηκεν ἄναξ ἑκάεργος ᾿Απόλλων, ἔγνω δ᾽ ἀνδρὶ κακὸν τηλόθεν ἐρχόμενον... (1) Verses 432-46, on ¢he pursuit of wealth, correspond with verses 42f. of Bacchylides, ἕτερος δ᾽ ἐπὶ maou κιτιλ. (2) Verses 47, on agriculture, = Bacch. v. 44. (3) The artistic handicrafts in verses 49 f., are included under Χαρίτων τιμᾶν in Bacch. v. 39. (4) The gift of poetry (σοφίης) in verses 51f. is represented by σοφός in Bacch. v. 39. (5) Verses 53f., on soothsaying, answer to Bacch. v. 41f. Ode X. 93. κατὰ ϑάσκιον ἠλύκταζον ὕλαν. The only other passage in which the verb ἀλυκτάζω occurs is Her. IX. 70: of δὲ βάρβαροι οὐδὲν ἔτι στῖφος ἐποιήσαντο πεσόντος τοῦ τείχεος, οὐδέ τις αὐτῶν ἀλκῆς ἐμέμνητο, ἀλύκταζόν τε οἷα ἐν ὀλίγῳ χώρῳ πεφοβημένοι τε καὶ πολλαὶ μυριάδες κατειλημέναι ἀνθρώπων. The sense there is, ‘ they were distracted.’ ἁλύω, ἀλυκτάζω, ἀλύσσω (72, 22. 70), ἀλυκτέω, ἀλυκταίνω (Hesych.), are verbs in which the root ἀλ (ἀλάομαι) takes the special sense of mental wandering, unrest, distress. ‘This notion is very easily associated with that of bodily unrest ; as e.g. in //. 24. 12 δινεύεσκ᾽ ἀλύων παρὰ θῖν ados. In Lucian, Dial. Mar. 13, περὶ τὰς ὄχθας advovea (said of the lovesick Tyro) means ‘ wandering forlorn.’ Here Bacchylides has used ἠλύκταζον in a way which blends the notions of mental and physical unrest: ‘roamed wildly.’ Blass in his 1st and 2nd editions read ἀλύκταζον, but now, in the 3rd, he changes it to ἀλύσκαζον. The use of ἀλυσκάζω in the iad may be seen from //. 5. 253 f., οὐ yap μοι γενναῖον ἀλυσκάζοντι μάχεσθαι | οὐδὲ καταπτώσσειν, ‘Not in my blood is it to fight a skudking fight, or cower down’ (so Leaf). Similarly in 74. 6. 443, ai κε κακὸς ds νόσφιν ἀλυσκάζω πολέμοιο. In the Odyssey the verb takes an accus., 17. 581 ὕβριν ἀλυσκάζων ἀνδρῶν ὑπερηνορεόντων, ‘avoiding,’ ‘shunning.’ If, then, we read here, κατὰ δάσκιον ἀλύσκαζον ὕλαν, the meaning will be, ‘they went stealthily’ through the forest,—seeking to shun observation. But that is much less suitable to the case of the frenzied maidens than the sense given by ἠλύκταζον. It is not probable that ἀλυσκάζω could mean merely ‘to wander’; though Apollonius Rhodius once so uses the form ἀλύσκω (4. 57): οὔτ᾽ dp ἐγὼ μούνη κατὰ Λάτμιον ἄντρον ἀλύσκω. Elsewhere advoxw is used like ἀλυσκάζω. ODES IX, X. 481 Ode X. 118—120. ἄλσος... ἑσσαμένων. In the three epodes of this ode the ms. gives the 7th and 8th verses as follows :-— (1) Epode 1, vv. 35 f. γνῶμαι πολύπλαγκτοι βροτῶν ἄμερσαν ὑπέρτατον ἐκ χειρῶν γέρας. (2) Epode 2, wv. 77 ἔ. τεῖχος δὲ Κύκλωπες κάμον ἐλθόντες ὑπερφίαλοι κλεινᾷ πόλει. (3) Epode 3, wv. 119 f. Κάσαν παρ᾽ εὔυδρον mpoyo- ε ’ , a νῷ ἈΝ , νοι ἑσσάμενοι, Πριάμοι ἐπεὶ χρόνῳ... It is admitted on all hands that πρόγονοι ἑσσάμενοι is corrupt: this is Χ. 118-- proved (a) by the construction, since there is no verb for the nominative ; 12° and (6) by the hiatus. Prof. v. Wilamowitz writes προγόνων ἑσσαμένων, which Prof. Blass adopts. There can be no doubt that ἑσσαμένων is right. The only question is whether προγόνων also is right. In support of προγόνων, it has been pointed out by Prof. v. Wila- mowitz that, if we assume synaphea between the 7th and 8th verses of the epode, we have —vu—v in 35 f. (οἱ βροτῶν a-) answering to ---σὺ -- in 77 f. (-es κάμον ἐλθ-) and in 119 f. (-ov προγόνων). The ‘apparent choriambus’ in 77 f. and 119 f. can be regarded, Wilamowitz observes, as a δίμετρον δακτυλικὸν καταλῆγον εἰς συλλαβήν, or as anaclasis of the trochaic metre —U—v (14. of the so-called epitritus). We have before us, he says, a kind of metrical correspondence which must in any case be allowed for ionics and dochmiacs, though no exact parallel to this example in Bacchylides can be produced. Such an opinion is entitled to careful consideration. It is, however, difficult to believe that προγόνων is metrically tenable. Ingenious as is the theory just stated, there is an objection which it does not meet. The whole metrical structure and rhythm of the epode in this poem render it natural to think that verse 35, γνῶμαι πολύπλαγκτοι βροτῶν, is to be read as a verse complete in itself; and that in v. 77, τεῖχος δὲ Κύκλωπες κάμον (where κάμοντ᾽ is most improbable), the second syllable of κάμον is to be regarded as a sy//aba anceps. Now the defence of προγόνων rests essentially on the view that, given synaphea, -u~— is a permissible substitute for -Uu—v. But this, in turn, implies that the two verses, es, a j 32 482 APPENDIX. between which synaphea exists, form, to the ear, a single verse; since a division of ‘the apparent choriambus’ — vv — which placed — vv (τον mpoyo-) at the end of the first verse, and — (-vwv) at the beginning of the second, would evidently be intolerable. But verses 35 f. certainly (and, to my feeling, verses 77 f. also) are strongly against the hypothesis of such absolute rhythmical continuity in vv. r19f. It is the teaching of the ear which demurs to acquiescence in the technical apology for προγόνων. As to my πρὸ vaot’, it is a tentative suggestion for which, in a difficult case, one may venture to ask a hearing. It may be observed that it has, at least, one slight recommendation: that of serving to explain how ἑσσαμένων came to be corrupted into ἑσσάμενοι. If the true reading was προγόνων ἑσσαμένων, such a corruption becomes very difficult to understand. The case is wholly different from that in vill. 46, where ἐγγόνων, immediately preceding γεύσαντο, was changed into ἔγγονοι. Here the nearest verb is πέρσαν in 122; and that verb stands in a new clause introduced by ἐπεί, Professor A. Platt (Class. Rev. χιι. 61, Feb. 1898) proposed mpd youvot’. This would be excellent if only it yielded a satisfactory sense. youves is usually explained as ‘fruitful land’ (from st. γεν): but Her. Iv. 99 has τὸν γουνὸν τὸν Σουνιακόν, where it clearly means ‘the hill- region of Sunium’ (Ztym. M. λέγεται δὲ youvds 6 ὑψηλὸς τόπος). So πρὸ γουνοῖ᾽ might mean that the ἄλσος by the river had rising ground behind it. But, while the mention of the river is natural, the other detail seems rather lacking in point ; there is nothing distinctive about it. As to the ναός, a mention of it was not, of course, necessary ; but it would certainly be natural. (See the passages quoted in the com- mentary.) Can προγόνων have been a gloss on some other word, scanned v—-, meaning ‘ancestors’? Dr W. Headlam thought of πατρώων, referring to Stesich. fr. 17, πάτρω᾽ ἐμὸν ἀντίθεον Μελάμποδα, on which Eustathius says (316. 16) πάτρωα τὸν κατὰ πατέρα πρόγονον εἶπεν. But that seems hardly probable. Still less so is προπάππων, though πάπποι can mean ‘ancestors’ (Arist. Pol., 111. 2, 1): and παλαιῶν would (of course) be too vague. [The late Prof. Arthur Palmer’s emendation, πρόγο-νοι ἕσσαν ἐμοί, was adopted by Dr Kenyon in the editio princeps. It was supported by Dr Otto Crusius in PAz/o/. tvul. ΔΛ. XI. p. 179. In the Class. Rev. XU. p. 126 (March, 1898) I endeavoured to show what could be said in favour of it. Two objections (the hiatus, and ἕσσαν instead of ἕσσαντο) could be removed by reading θέσσαν. Even with θέσσαν, however, I now regard the emendation ODES X, XII. 483 as metrically untenable. But, in justice to the memory of a brilliant scholar, I still desire, in one respect, βοηθεῖν τῷ λόγῳ ὀρφανῷ ὄντι. Some scorn has been cast on the idea that Bacchylides could have alluded to the Achaean founders of Metapontion as πρόγονοι... ἐμοί. I still hold that it was perfectly possible and natural for him to do so. As Crusius said (quoting Mimnermus fr. 9), ‘Neleus und Nestor sind die wichtigsten xriora der ionischen Inselwelt.’ We have lately acquired a fresh illustration. Timo- theus (Persae 246 ff.) thus speaks of his native city :— Μίλητος δὲ πόλις νιν a θρέψασ᾽ ἁ δυωδεκατει- χέος λαοῦ, πρωτέος ἐξ ᾿Αχαιῶν. The people of the Ionian dodecapolis is ‘a noble scion of the Achaean race.’] Ode XII. 58—63. I. Prof. Blass restores this passage as follows :— 58 θάλλει παρ]ὰ βωμὸν ἀριστάρχου Διὸς 59 Νίκας ἐ]ρ[ικ]υδέος ἀν- 60 θρώποισιν ἄνθεα, 61 ἃ κλυτ]ὰν δόξαν πολύφαντον ἐν αἰ- 62 θέρι] τρέφει παύροις βροτῶν 63 αἰεί: καὶ ὅταν θανάτοιο x.7.X. 1. With regard to ἀνθρώποισιν, it should be observed that the second syllable of the word represents a syllable which is short in all the corresponding verses, 93, 126, 159, 192, 225. ‘This is not a decisive objection ; a long syllable may have been allowed there: but, so far as it goes, it is a reason for preferring a word which would give -U-v. 2. Inv. 61, ἃ, after ἄνθεα at the end of 60, is questionable, seeing that hiatus does not occur at the end of any one of the verses which correspond with y. 60 :—93, 126, 159, 192. This objection would be removed by reading τὰ (cp. vil. 42 where ταί serves as relative pron., y. 41 ending with Νείλου). There is room for τὰ «Avr in the lacuna before -av. 3. In 6r1f. αἰθέρι seems very improbable. The sense intended is :— ‘The flowers of victory cherish renown for those few mortals zz heaven evermore’; 2.6. their fame, exalted by poetry, dwells on high with the immortals: cp. vill. 82 ff. τό γέ τοι καλὸν ἔργον... ὑψοῦ παρὰ δαίμοσι κεῖται. Blass compares also Pind. fr. 227 λάμπει δὲ χρόνῳ | ἔργα per αἰθέρ᾽ ἀερθέντα. Now this sense is intrinsically good enough : but it does not suit this context. The poet is evidently saying, in effect :—‘The 32—2 XII. 58—- 63 484 APPENDIX. victors are famous for the rest of their days; and then, ὅταν θανάτοιο νέφος καλύψῃ, they have κλέος ἀθάνατον. Clearly we need, instead of αἰθέρι, some word which denotes the mortal life. Further, the second syllable of αἰθέρι answers to one which is long in all the corresponding places, 95, 128, 161, 194, 227. It cannot be doubted, I think, that we should read ἐν αἰῶνι, as I proposed in Kenyon’s edition (p. 115, note). II. Prof. νυ. Wilamowitz would read as follows :— 58 ἐκ τοῦ] παρὰ βωμὸν ἀριστάρχου Διὸς 59 νίκας ἐρικυδέος ἀν- 60 δίδωσιν ἄνθεα, 61 καὶ κλυτ]ὰν δόξαν πολύφαντον ἐν ai- 62 due] τρέφει παύροις βροτῶν... ‘Thence’ [from the pancration?—or ‘From that time onwards’?], ‘by the altar of Zeus, flowers of victory spring up, and nourish fame,’ etc. The intransitive use of ἀναδιδόναι seems to be somewhat rare in Greek of the classical age. In both places where Pindar uses it, it is transitive : fr. 133 (Persephone ἀνδιδοῖ ψυχάς), and 7 v. 39. But Herod. vi. 26 has iva πηγαὶ ἀναδιδοῦσι Μαιάνδρου. In ν. 61 καὶ κλυτ]ὰν is slightly too large for the space : καὶ καλ]ὰν would suit it better. III. Prof. Housman proposes :— 58 τᾷ δὴ παρ]ὰ βωμὸν ἀριστάρχου Διὸς 59 νίκας ἐρικυδέος ἀν- 60 δεθεῖσιν ἄνθεα 61 ἀγλαὰν δόξαν πολύφαντον ἐν ai- 62 ὦνι τρέφει παύροις βροτῶν... ‘There,...for men who have been crowned with the flowers of victory, [that wreath, or Zeus] cherishes,’ &c. The drawback here is that there is no evident subject for τρέφει. (It is hard to supply Ζεύς from Διὸς, or the nom. ἄνθεα from the accus.) In 60 f. the hiatus between ἄνθεα and ἀγλαάν is undesirable (see above). Adopting Housman’s ἀνδεθεῖσιν, I read ὃς viv in 58, and χρυσέαν in 61 (see commentary). ODE XII. 485 Ode XII. 71—76. Prof. Blass now restores the passage as follows (3rd ed., 1904) :— 71 γεύεις] πόλιν ὑψιάγυιαν 72 Αἰακοῦ] τερψιμβρότων 73 αὐλῶν καὶ] ἀείρσινόων 74 κώμων], πατρ[ώια]ν 75 νᾶσο[ν] ὑπέρβιον ἰσχὺν 76 παμμαχίαν ἄνα φαίνων. ‘Through thee, the stately city of Aeacus tastes the delight of flutes XI. Τ11-- and exhilarating revels, as thou showest thy paternal isle to be of μὴν exceeding might in the feats of boxer and wrestler’ (ava παμμαχίαν). [I suppose Prof. Blass to intend that ὑπέρβιον should be the predicate of νᾶσον, and ἰσχύν an acc. of respect: since, if ὑπέρβιον were taken with παμμαχίαν, φαίνων νᾶσον could not mean ‘glorifying’ it. ] In v. 73, where the ms. has only......... A....OQN, he thinks that the traces after A point to B, or P, or C, or E. He supplies ἀερσινόων, citing οἶνον ἀερσίνοον in Ion fr. g (= Athen. 2. 35 E), where, however, it is only Casaubon’s conjecture: most Mss. have ἀερσίπνουν, one has ἀερσίπνοον. ‘Lhe word ἀερσίνοος is used by Nonnus: (1) in his para- phrase of the Gospel of St John, ch. viii. v. 44, where, in rendering ὑμεῖς ἐκ Tov πατρὸς τοῦ διαβόλου ἐστέ, he has the phrase πατρὸς aepowdov. The word was there translated by superdi; but might also mean, ‘inciting’ to evil. (2) In Déionysiaca xxx. 68 f., depowdov...Oipavins, the Muse who inspires and elevates the mind. Here, then, ἀερσινόων, as an epithet of κώμων, could mean ‘exhilarating’; but I cannot think that the word is at all probable. I rather hold, with Kenyon, that the letter which followed A here, may have been A (only a trace of the top remains): and I would read αὐλῶν ὑπό θ᾽ ἁδυπνόων. (Blass, in his first ed., suggested ἁβροπνόων.) In his second ed. (1899) he read αὔξεις in v. 71,—a far better word (in my opinion) than yetes. But,—having decided to read ἀερσινόων in 73, and having also reverted in 74 to κώμων (which in his second ed. he had changed to xwpyav),—he desired to find a verb which could govern a genitive as well as an accusative; since, with ἀερσινόων, αὐλῶν ὑπό τ᾽ was impossible. For my part, if that adjective was to be used at all, I should have preferred avges...aiAav ὑπό τ᾽ ἀρσινόων. With regard to 76, παμμαχίαν ἄνα φαίνων, the anastrophe of the XII. 127 XII. 158— 163 486 APPENDIX. prep. does not seem quite happy, since, in this context, the hearer would rather expect ἀναφαίνων (‘illustrating’: see commentary). Dr Jurenka, in his edition (1898), restores thus :— avées πόλιν ὑψιάγυιαν- νῦν δ᾽ ὁρᾷς τερψιμβρότων μολπᾶν ὑπό θ᾽ ἁδυπνόων κώμων πατρῴαν νᾶσον, ὑπέρβιον ἰσχὺν παμμαχὶ σὰν ἀναφαίνων. Ode XII. 127. νυκτὸς ἀντάσας κ.τιλ. It seems certain that the letters after ἀντάσας are to be read as avare-, and not as ἀναπ-. But it may be of interest to record one or two of the conjectures made on the latter hypothesis. Crusius proposed ἀναπεπταμένας (tO go with νυκτός as gen. abs.), ‘when night is spread abroad.’ The phrase is, however, more suitable to the diffusion of light than to that of darkness: and, in fact, the strictly similar phrases always refer to light: e.g. //. 17. 371 πέπτατο δ᾽ αὐγὴ | ἠελίου ὀξεῖα: Od. 6. 44 αἴθρη | πέπταται ἀνέφελος : //. 23. 227 ὑπεὶρ ἅλα κίδναται yos: Her. VII. 23 ἅμα ἡλίῳ σκιδναμένῳ. I was more disposed to read ἀναπεπταμένῳ (with πόντῳ), ‘the open sea,’ which gives just the needful sense. Cp. Her. vil. 60 ἐν weddyei ἀναπεπταμένῳ ναυμαχήσεις: Aratus, Phaen. 287 f. μὴ κείνῳ ἐνὶ μηνὶ περικλύζοιο θαλάσσῃ, πεπταμένῳ πελάγει κεχρημένος (‘at the mercy of the open sea’). The whole phrase from ἐν κυανθέϊ to ἀναπεπταμένῳ would be one, without a pause. Blass formerly read νυκτὸς ἀντάσασαν ἀπεχθο- μένας (with ναῦν θοὰν in 124), ‘having fallen in with hateful night.’ (Pind. WV. x. 83 γῆρας ἀπεχθόμενον.) [My earliest suggestion was ἀναπαυομένων : they were resting, on a calm sea, in fancied security, when the storm burst upon them. ] Ode XII. 158—163. ἃ τλάμονες...πόλιν. 158. Before ὑπέρφιαλον Jurenka and Ludwich propose πνείοντες (Blass πνέοντες). Kenyon, χαίροντες or κλάζοντες (so also Nairn, Tyrrell). Platt, θάλλοντες. 159. Nairn supplies μέγιστ᾽ ἐθάρσεον (Jurenka, μάλιστ᾽---) Blass, δόκεον ᾿Αχαιῶν. Tyrrell, ἔθρεψαν εὐχάν. Platt, φρόνημ᾽ ἔθρεψαν. 160f. Nairn, Jurenka, and Tyrrell supply Τρῶες. Blass, vaas. Nairn and Jurenka, éx\¢Adfaow εὐσέλμους νέας. Tyrrell, ἐκφλέξαντας (or -avav) “EAAavwv νέας. (Desrousseaux, ἐκκαύσαντες...) Herwerden, ἐκπέρσασιν εὐπρύμνους νέας. Blass, ἐκπέρσαντες ἐξ ἀρχᾶς νέας (from νέος). ODES XII, XV. 487 162f. Nairn, παύραις χορὸν εἰλαπίνας 7 ἐν | ἁμέραις (and so Jurenka). Herwerden, λεύκαις χάριν (‘joy’)—. Tyrrell, λοιπαῖς χάριν---. Desrousseaux, δαῖτας re παρ᾽ εἰλαπίνας τ᾽ ἐν | εὐπόροις ἕξειν (1.6. παρέξειν). Blass’, ἐν νυξὶ per’ εἰλαπίνας τ᾽ ἔν | θ᾽ ἁμέραις ἕξειν (1.6. μεθέξεινΛ. Blass’, ππὺ per εἰλαπίνας τ᾽ ἐν | καὶ χοροῖς ἕξειν. (χοροῖς Headlam: ἐν καὶ -- καὶ ἐν.) Ode XV. 1—12. I. Verse τ. Blass writes Πυθίου ay’ oty’, referring to Pind. O. ΙΧ. XV. 1—12 47, €yeip ἐπέων σφιν οἶμον λιγύν. He does not, however, define the sense which he intends. (1) If Πυθίου (masc.) is construed with ote, the meaning will be, ‘ Lead me onward, thou Pythian strain’ (lit., ‘ strain concerning the Pythian god’). But the construction seems somewhat harsh, (2) On the other hand, the words could not well mean, ‘ Lead me, my strain, (to the temple) of the Pythian god.’ For that, we should expect és Πυθώου. The only letter between -ov and ἐπεὶ which is (approximately) certain is the third letter after -ov, which must have been either E or O. The first letter after -ov is torn out. The faint traces of the second letter | after -ov seem to suit Π at least as well as T. At present I can find nothing more probable than Πυθίου ἔπ᾽ εἶμ᾽. "ἡ II. Verse 5. The traces in the papyrus (see crit. n.) exclude such supplements as οἷσιν 6 Δάλιος (Crusius), and καὶ yap ὃ Δάλιος (Jurenka). Blass leaves a lacuna, writing -- ὦ ὦ], εἴτ᾽ etc. The only supplement which he mentions is θεοῦ χάριν (Desrousseaux): but this is of nine letters, whereas, before E, there is room only for about six. III. Verse 7. ἅδείᾳ may be regarded as certain. The space before it might have sufficed, at the most, for a word of four letters (if one of them was thin), but a word of three letters is more probable. Crusius and Jurenka supply é7i,—rightly, as I think. IV. Verse 8 ended with δ᾽ ἵκῃ παιηόνων. Before these words there was just room for six letters (if one at least of them was thin). In the antistrophe (v. 20) the syllables which answer metrically to those lost in v. 8 are -λε κόραι τ᾽ ὀβριμ-, ~~ ——v, and consist of 13 letters,—ze. of more than twice the number for which there was space in v. 8. Now to obtain σὺ ----ὖ with only six letters is extremely difficult, even when the only condition imposed is that these six letters should form some Greek word or words,—as, for example, ἀΐω δῖα. But in verse 8, besides the requirements of the sense, this further condition is present, that the first of the six letters must be either a consonant or a digammated vowel. 488 APPENDIX. For there is synaphea between verses 7 and 8 of the strophe (as verses 19, 20 prove); and therefore the last syllable of τερπόμενος in v. 7 must be long. To find six letters giving » -- -τ ὺ, which shall satisfy all these conditions, is (so far as I can see) impossible. The space after τερπό- μενος at the end of v. 7 excludes the possibility that syllables metrically belonging to v. 8 had been tacked on to v. 7. There is therefore the strongest probability (to my mind it is a certainty) that verse 8, as originally written in our papyrus, was defective. The defect may have existed in the archetype, or the scribe of our papyrus may have inadvertently omitted something. In verse 12 of this same ode, he omitted the letters ya of ayaxAéa: in Ode v. 129, od yap: im XII. 55, ἀκόλουθον. Verse 8, as written by the scribe, may have been Ivédéva]® ἵκῃ παιηόνων. But in the verse as written by the poet, about 5 letters, forming two short syllables, came before Πυθῶναάδ. All the conditions of sense of metre are fulfilled, if we suppose that the lost letters formed the word μέχρι. That is not, however, the only possible restoration on the lines which have been indicated. We might also suggest in verse 8 és ὅ χ᾽ ddeia (cp. ZZ. 16. 455 εἰς 6 κε δὴ Λυκίης εὑρείης δῆμον ἵκωνται, ‘ until’): and in v. 8 (ε)οπὶ Πυθωνάδ᾽ κιτιλ. But I prefer ὀπὶ ἁδείᾳ... μέχρι ἸΤυθῶναδ᾽, because, in view of the synaphea, a consonant is preferable to (F)o after τερπόμενος at the end of v. 7. : A minor question remains. Is ἵκῃ to be taken as 2nd pers. sing. of ἵκωμαι, Or as 3rd pers. sing. of ἵκω (subjunct.)? (1) If it is the 3rd pers., then there should be a stop after πεδοιχνεῖν in v. 9; for, zmmediately after the 3rd pers. ixy (to which Apollo is subject), the vocative [v6 “AoAXov in v. το would be intolerable. A new sentence will now begin with Ilv@¢ "AwoAXov. And therefore τόσα in v. τι would mean,—‘ Zhus much, Apollo, the Delphian choruses are wont to sing,’ etc. The reference would be to the passing notice of Apollo’s ἀποδημία in verses 5,6. But such an interpretation of τόσα would be forced and unsatisfactory. (2) It seems far more probable that, after v. 6, where the absent god is spoken of in the 3rd pers. (ἀγάλλεται), there is a transition to the 2nd person (iy), as the thought of his return to Delphi rises in the poet’s mind. On this view, only a comma will stand after πεδοιχνεῖν, and τόσα will be the relative, with ἄνθεα for its antecedent. See ἢ. on Ode I. 37. I subjoin the text of verses 5—12 as given by Blass (3rd ed., 1904, pp. 129 f.) :— ODES XV, XVI. 489 5 -v υἹ, εἴτ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἀνθεμόεντι «που. Ἕβρωι δαφνᾶι ἀγάλλεται ἢ δολιχαύχενι κύκνωι, Ν > ἃ ε Ln ΄ ’ ὄφρ᾽ ἂν ἁ]δείαι φρένα τερπόμενος ὀπὶ Πυθόα]δ᾽ ἵκηι παιηόνων ἄνθεα πεδοιχνεῖν, το Πύθι᾽ Λπολλον, τόσα χοροὶ Δελφῶν Ν , > > | , , σὸν κελάδησαν παρ᾽ ἀγακ'λέα ναόν. A few observations may be offered. (1) The insertion of που in v. 5 seems undesirable: see above, p. 114. (2) In v. 6 there is scarcely room in the papyrus for AA®NAI, as I is the only thin letter. In @HPCIN [my conjecture], H and N are the only broad letters. (3) In v. 7 the papyrus certainly has not space for ofp’ av before ddeta: see above, under III. (4) Inv. 8, as Blass himself justly remarks (p. 131), ‘pro spatio etiam οπιπυθοα (sive -Ow Suit) paene nimia sunt.’ In fact those words require eight letters, where there is room only for six. Nor does Πυθόαδ᾽ furnish -- -- ὐ, which Blass’s own scheme of the metre (p. 13) requires. Again, as he notes (p. 131), ‘omit (Fomi) co laborat, quod producenda est -vos syll., quam vim fg ap. hos poetas [1.6. the lyric] habere non solet.’ Ode XVI. 36—38. χρύσεον τέ Fou δόσαν ἰόπλοκοι κάλυμμα Νηρηΐδες. (1) On the hypothesis that verses 27 f. were divided thus, ἰόπλοκοι XVI. 36— κα-ἰλυμμ᾽ --᾿ Νηρηΐδες, the difficulty is to fill the gap. Neither ἁδύ Ἢ . (A. Ludwich) nor εἷμα (A. Platt) will serve. Slightly better, perhaps, would be ἔνθα (‘on that occasion’; cp. ποτέ in the similar mention of a wedding-gift, v. 115 f.). But this, too, is unsatisfactory. (2) The other mode of emendation would be to supply a short syllable after ἰόπλοκοι.Ό. As Theseus is vaunting, ἰόπλοκοί ye is not impossible :—‘ she was the bride of Poseidon, aye, and the Nereids gave her a golden veil.’ The only alternative which I can think of is ἰόπλοκοί σφι (-- αὐτῇ), with ro instead of fo after re. But ode is not elsewhere found in Bacchylides, while fox is frequent. Others hold that it is unnecessary to suppose the loss of a short syllable after ἰόπλοκοι, and that -- ὦ -- can stand here as a substitute for the --ο΄-- ἡ found in verses 14, 80, and 103. This is the view of Prof. Housman (Class. Rev. xu. p. 138). But he suspects κάλυμμα (since '——w~ stands in 15, 81, 104), and suggests κάλλυσμα in the sense, not XVI. 112 27—30 490 APPENDIX. found elsewhere, of az ornament. [Hesychius has cdppara καλλύσματα (sweepings). | Ode XVI. 112. The emendations of diéva fall into two classes; (A) those which substitute for it a word denoting some article of apparel; and (B) the rest. (A) 1. ὠΐαν is suggested by Robinson Ellis (Class. Rev. xu. 66), ‘a purple hem,’ z.e. ‘a robe with a purple border.’ [C. Z G. 2554. 126, τὴν ἐπάνω ὠΐαν τᾶς πέτρας, its ‘upper edge.’ In Attic da or éa meant the ‘fringe’ of a garment: Ar. frag. 27, etc.] 2. πορφυρέαν σινδόνα, H. Richards (C. &., xu. p. 134). 3. Ἰαονίδα πορφυρᾶν, O. Crusius (Philol. tvu. NV. F. Xt. p. 182. ‘A purple Ionian cloak’?) 4. W. Headlam (C. &. xu. 67) suggests ‘some feminine substantive meaning “raiment,” formed like ἀμπεχόνη, and from the same root as εἷμα, ἱμάτιον : 4.9. εἱμόνᾳ, ἱμόνᾳ, cidva, ciavg.’ 5. ταινίαν, A. Ludwich and J. A. Nairn. (B) 1. ἀγλαΐαν, Sitzler (quoted by Jurenka, p. 129). 2. ἁδονὰν (in the sense of χάριν, ‘grace,’ or ‘charm’) L. Barnett. 3. ᾿Αιόνα R. Walker (C. &. χη. p. 436), Ze. ᾿Αόνα, Doric for Ἠϊόνη, one of the Nereids (Hes. Zheog. 255). ‘We thus arrive at the reading, ἃ νιν ἀμφέβαλεν ᾿Αιόνα πορφυρέαν,᾽ ‘where Eione threw a purple cloak about him.’ But the dvw of the papyrus may have been (Walker suggests) a corruption of ἀλλικ᾽, acc. of ἀλλιξ, a word used by Callimachus and Euphorion, one sense of which (acc. to Etym. Magn.) was πορφύρα. Ode XVII. 27—30. Πολυπήμονος.. Προκόπτας x... I. ‘ Procoptes dropped the hammer of Polypemon.’ This, the most natural interpretation of the words, has been generally accepted. But is Polypemon here the father of Procoptes? On the strength of Ovid, Ibis 409, ut Sinis et Sciron et cum Polypemone natus, that view is adopted by Robinson Ellis (C. &. xu. p. 66), Housman (2. p. 74), Jurenka (p. 135), and H. Weir Smyth (Greek Melic Poets, p. 443). C. Robert, however (Hermes XXXII1. p. 149), does not think that such a paternal relation is implied. Polypemon, he suggests, may be either (1) the maker of the hammer, a smith-daimon like Hephaestus and Palamaon ; or (2) the former possessor of the hammer, which Procoptes has somehow inherited. Robert does not refer to the passage of the Jézs. In Apol- lodorus 3. 16. 2 the son of Polypemon is Sinis; but as Sinis is mentioned in the verse of the /dis, the matus there can scarcely be ODES XVI, XVII. 491 other than Procrustes (= Procoptes): cp. JJet. vu. 436 ff., and Heroid. IL. 69 ff. This is, however, a detail. C. Robert agrees with the other scholars above-mentioned as to the meaning of the words. ‘ Procoptes dropped the hammer of Polypemon.’ II. Other explanations have been proposed. (1) Blass places a point after σφῦραν, making it depend on ἔσχεν, and not on ἐξέβαλεν ---- ‘Theseus stayed...Polypemon’s hammer; Procoptes let it fall.’ Poly- pemon is thus identical with Procoptes (Procrustes). But it is awkward to denote the same person by different names in two successive clauses. Festa’s view is similar; only he would read ἐξέβαλ᾽ ἅν. He ingeniously suggests that a corrector had written E over the second A in EZEBAAAN (= ἐξέβαλ᾽ av), and that this second A became A, thus generating the EZEBAAAEN of the ms. (2) Herwerden would make Theseus, not Procoptes, the subject of ἐξέβαλεν, and would change τυχὼν to τύχεν. ‘Theseus struck the hammer from the hand of Polypemon; Procoptes met a stronger than himself.’ Ode XVII. 35. Emendations of the MS. ἢ μοῦνον σὺν ὅπλοισιν. In the editio princeps Dr Kenyon read ἢ μόνον τ᾽ ἀνοπλόν | τέ | νιν. The other conjectures may be classed as follows. I. Those which retain the letters συνοπλοι-. 1. A. Platt: σὺν ὅπλοισί vw. 2. Sitzler: σὺν ὅπλοισιν οἷς (‘with his own weapons’ merely, as distinguished from those of an army). 3. Stahl: σὺν ὅπλοις vw ots. 4. A. Ludwich: ἢ μοῦνον συνόπλοιό νιν, ‘without a comrade in arms.’ A very ingenious emendation. Eur. H. F. 127, has ξύνοπλα δόρατα, ‘allied spears’: but the adj. is very rare in classical Greek, and, so far, improbable here. II. . Emendations which suppose that the Acame from A. 1. Weil, Festa, Goligher: σὺν ὀπάοσιν (accepted by Blass and H. W. Smyth). The change of A into A led to the insertion of I after the second O, producing σὺν ὅπλοισιν. 2. Housman: ἢ μοῦνον συνοπαόνων (‘without companions’). This also gives good sense, but does not so well account for σὺν ὅπλοισιν. XVII. 35 XVIII. 15 492 APPENDIX. Ode XVIII. 15. The ms. has TIHN (Ἄργος ὅθ᾽ ἵππιον λιποῦσα). I. Can τί ἦν be retained? (i) The hiatus is, of course, quite defensible. (Cp. Aesch. Theb. 704 ti οὖν: Ar. Nub. 82 τί ἔστιν : Av. 149 τί οὐ: Nub. 80 τί, ὦ, etc.) (ii) As to metre, a trochee stands in the corresponding place of the antistrophe (33): but there is no reason to doubt that an iambus was admissible here (cp. the verse of Catullus in the same metre, meas esse aliquid putare nugas). (iii) The real question is as to the phrase itself. (a) It is assumed that τί ἦν... ὅτε was an old formula in beginning a story; and that is possible. ‘How was it, when the heifer fled from Argos...?’ But there is no other trace of that formula. (6) Jurenka (p. 142) takes τί as a predicate: ‘wat (=how pitiable) was Io, when, as a heifer, she fled,’ etc. (wie elend war). He compares Plat. Charm. Pp. 154 D τί σοι φαίνεται ὃ νεανίσκος ; and Plut. Osh. 3 τί γεγόνασιν ot Καίσαρος πολέμιοι; I doubt that interpretation. (¢c) W. Christ would write, τί, ἦν or “Apyos «.t.4. ‘How then? There was a time,’ etc. That would be intolerably jerky. 1. Emendations. (1) tiev (G. E. Marindin, cp. Nairn in C. 2. XI. p. 453) is attractively simple. The construction would then be, λαχοῖσαν ἔξοχον γέρας tiev, guae rem eximiam celebrandam acceperis. The point after γέρας in the Ms, is not a grave objection ; it would have been added when TIEN became TIHN (ri jv). ‘The difficulty which I feel as to réev arises rather from its relation to the words which follow. The sentence, ὅτ᾽ "Apyos...gevye...Bods, has now to be taken as defining either ὁδόν (the strain of song), or (better) γέρας, the choice theme,— (namely, that) time when 70 was fleeing. This is not impossible ; but it seems slightly harsh. (2) On the whole, I prefer ἦεν (W. Headlam, C. R. xu. p. 68). The form ἦεν (from ἦα, epic form of Ionic ἔα) occurs in //. 12. 9, Hes. Scwt. 15. Our poet might certainly have used it. Kenyon’s remark (p. 187, n. on this passage) must be borne in mind: ‘TI is very like H in the ms.’ If HEN had once been mis-read as TIEN, TIHN (τί ἦν) would follow. The formula ἦν ὅτ᾽ is most often used in contrasting the past with the present: Anthol. 8. 178 ἦν ὅτε ἦν ἀτίνακτος.. .νῦν δέ pe θὴρ ἐτίναξεν (cp. 2. 12. 44; 14. 52; 9. 344 (ἦν ὁπότε): Pind. fr. 83.) But that formula could also be used, of course, simply to introduce a story, when no such contrast was involved, as in Anth. 1. 92 ἦν ὅτε Χριστὸς ΕΣ tavevV, ODE XVIII. 493 Ode XVIII. 15—18. ... Apyos ὅθ᾽ ἵππιον λιποῦσα φεῦγε χρυσέα βοῦς, εὐρυσθενέος φραδαῖσι φερτάτου Διός, ἸΙνάχου ῥοδοδάκτυλος κόρα. (1) According to the oldest version of the story, Io was changed XVUI. into a cow, usually described as white (Apollod. 2. 1. 3; Ovid, Mez. isle I. 652, etc.). (2) In the fifth century, she was commonly depicted as a maiden with the horns of a cow. (3) Ata later period, she was once more represented as a cow. R. Engelmann illustrates this third phase by a gem from Mon. d. Inst. 2. 59. 9 (Roscher’s Lexikon, τι. p. 275). He had previously discussed the whole subject in his essay, De Jone dissertatio archaeologica (Halle, 1868). It seems probable that Bacchylides was here thinking of Io as the horned maiden. The epithet χρυσέα is one which he elsewhere gives to Aphrodite (v. 174), to Artemis (x. 117), and to an uncertain goddess (Hebe or Aphrodite?) in vii. 72. In such cases the word denotes a divine beauty or glory,—or the preciousness of the deity in the eyes of her votaries. Here, whatever image of Io was in the poet’s mind, χρυσέα means ‘precious’ to Zeus. But, if the poet imagined Io as transformed into a cow, the word would not be happily used ; we should have expected rather some epithet, such as λευκή, which should be dis- tinctive of her new form. Further, χρυσέα βοῦς is in apposition with Ἰνάχου ῥοδοδάκτυλος xdpa,—a fact which seems to strengthen the probability that Bacchylides was thinking of the horned maiden. That compromise was inevitable for a dramatist who wished to bring Io on the stage as a speaking person. Aeschylus adopted it in the Prometheus Vinctus: 588 κλύεις φθέγμα τᾶς βούκερω παρθένου; the date of that play is uncertain,—perhaps between 467 and 458,—but indu- bitably later than the Supp/ices, which may be as early as ¢. 491/90. Engelmann (in Roscher p. 271) assumes that the Aeschylean conception of Io in the Supplices (where she is only mentioned, not exhibited) is the same as in the Prometheus,—viz., the horned maiden. He infers that, if the Supplices was earlier than the Prometheus, some dramatist must have preceded Aeschylus in bringing Io on the scene in that shape. But it can (I think) be shown that the Io imagined in the Supplices is not the horned maiden of the Prometheus. The decisive passage on that point is Supp/. 299—301 :-— 494 APPENDIX. XO. βοῦν τὴν γυναῖκ᾽ ἔθηκεν “Apyeia θεός. ΒΑ. οὔκουν πελάζει Ζεὺς ἐπ᾿ εὐκραίρῳ βοΐ; ΧΟ. φασίν, πρέποντα βουθόρῳ ταύρῳ δέμας. When he wrote the Supplices, Aeschylus thought of the transformed Io as a monstrous form, half cow, half woman; see verses 567—5 70 :— ...oww ἀήθη βοτὸν ἐσορῶντες δυσχερὲς μιξόμβροτον, τὰν μὲν [v. 4. τὰ μὲν] βοός, τὰν δ᾽ [τὰ δ αὖ γυναικός" τέρας δ᾽ ἐθάμβουν. With μιξόμβροτον we may compare the description of the Sphinx in Eur. Phoen. 1023 f., μιξοπάρθενον | daiov τέρας. The words in the Supplices manifestly would not apply to a being whose form was wholly human, save for horns springing from the head. On the other hand, the Bovxepws παρθένος of the Prometheus cannot have been also βουκέφαλος: that would have been too grotesque for a speaking person in tragedy. It is probable, as Engelmann says (12. p. 271), that the extension of Io’s wanderings to Egypt dates from the time when the Greeks recog- nised her in Isis. See Herodotus 11. 41: τὸ yap τῆς “lows ἄγαλμα ἐὸν γυναικήϊον βούκερών ἐστι, κατάπερ Ἕλληνες τὴν Ἰοῦν γράφουσι. At the time, then, when Herodotus visited Egypt (probably between 449 and 445 B.c.), the horned maiden was already the form under which Greek artists commonly depicted Io. On the older Greek vases, the black- figured and the earliest red-figured, Io is still the cow. (Engelmann Zc. ; cp. Preller, Gr. AZyth. 11.” p. 40, ἢ. 5.) Engelmann further remarks that, before the Greeks could have associated Io with Isis, they must already have been familiar with the representation of Io as the horned maiden. But can we be sure of that ? Might not the horns of Isis have suggested such an association, even at a time when Greeks were still wont to think of Io as changed into a cow? Egypt was open to Greeks from about 5508.c.; and they must have known the Isis of the monuments long before any dramatist (whether it was Aeschylus or a predecessor) had brought Io into a play. Painters of red-figured vases in the early part of the fifth century might have derived the new type of Io directly from Isis. On this hypothesis, that type need not have originated in the exigencies of drama. The Pro- metheus may have been the first play in which the βούκερως παρθένος figured ; and Aeschylus may have been using a type which had already appeared in Greek art. ODE XVIII. 495 Ode XVIII. 33. 4 ῥα. The ms. has HPA. The cause of this is that some Alexandrian critics XVIII. 33 wrote 4 or qe, instead of 7 or ἡέ, when that word introduced the second (or any later) question of a series; as in 71. τό. 12 f.:— ἠέ τι Μυρμιδόνεσσι πιφαύσκεαι, ἢ ἐμοὶ αὐτῷ, ἦε τιν᾽ ἀγγελίην Φθίης ἐξ ἔκλυες οἷος; Cp. //. 6. 378f. And so also where the question is indirect; Od. 1. 174 ff. :— ὄφρ᾽ εὖ εἰδῶ ἠὲ νέον μεθέπεις ἡ καὶ πατρώϊός ἐσσι ξεῖνος. Thus ἦ or qe, after 7 or yé in direct or indirect interrogation, was distinguished from the simply disjunctive 7 (7é)...4 (ἠέ), ether...or (as in 72. τ. 503 f., εἴ ποτε δή σε μετ᾽ ἀθανάτοισιν ὄνησα | ἢ ἔπει ἢ ἔργῳ). But the refinement was an arbitrary one ; and it is discarded in some modern texts of Homer. Blass writes 4 fa here, and ἦ in 35 (where the ms. has simply H). I prefer ἤ pa...#. Ode XVIII. 33—5r. The following are some of the supplements which have been xvmu. suggested in these verses. 88-! 33. Jurenka: αἰνὰ yu ἔλυσαν. (Blass thinks that the general sense was, guamvis fortem delassaverunt. But he makes no suggestion.) 35 f. Wilamowitz: ἢ Πιερίδες φύτευϊσαν ᾿Ινάχου κόρᾳ | καδέων ava- παυσίιν ἁμέραν. Jurenka adopts ἁμέραν in 36, and my ἀδύμῳ μέλει in 35. 38. Wilamowitz: ἀσφαλέστατον ἅπερ ἐκράνθη λέγειν (‘to tell how the matter was finally ordained’). This assumes that the ms. has lost the letter I between A and II. Blass: ἀσφαλέστατον ἃ πρ[ίν ἐστ᾽ ἀοιδά. ‘Acquiescit poeta in eo quod extremum proposuerat [1.6. in vv. 35 f.]; ea enim fuit vetus traditio.” Jurenka, ἀσφαλέστατον ἅπ[ λῶς (with ἐμοὶ μὲν οὖν [λέγειν in 37; but the first three words stood alone in that verse). 40f. Jurenka: οἰστροδίνατος ἐντέροις | Ἰὼ φέρουσα παῖδα peya- λοκλέα. 42f. Blass suggests ἔνθα νιν τέκ᾽ ἀνδρῶν. Jurenka: ἔνθα νιν πατὴρ Κρονίδας | λινοστόλων πρύτανίν τ᾽ ἔθηκε λαών. 44. Blass and Jurenka: βρύοντ[α τιμᾷ. 496 APPENDIX. 45. Jurenka: μεγίσταν τε θνατῶν κτίσαι γενεάν (where κτίσαι depends on ἔθηκε in 43, ‘caused him to found...’). 50. Jurenka: τίκτεν Διόνυσον, [ἀγλαῶν τε κώμων. Blass writes τίκτε Δῖον υἱὸν (instead of the Ms. Διόνυσον) as the complete verse. 51. Wilamowitz: στεφαζναφόρων ἄνακτα (adopted by Jurenka; and approved by Blass, who, however, does not place it in his text). Odé XIX. r—11. ΤᾺ ἃ. 11 1. In support of εὐρυχόρῳ, Headlam refers to Anaxandrides, Πρωτέσίλαος το ff. :— μέλπειν δ᾽ wdas τοτὲ μὲν Σπάρτην τὴν εὐρύχορον, τοτὲ δ᾽ αὖ Θήβας τὰς ἑπταπύλους... Gomperz and Jurenka conj. εὐρυαγυίᾳ. 2. Λακεδαιμονίων Wilamowitz: Λακεδαιμόνιαι Headlam: Aaxedat- povides Jurenka. 3. κελάδησαν Gomperz, and so Jurenka.—xaraépyxov (or κατᾶρξαν) Headlam. 4. καλλιπάρᾳον Kenyon: so Platt and Blass.—xadAiraxvy also conj. Kenyon, and so Jurenka: καλλίπαχυν és δόμους Headlam. 6. ἰοτρόφου πὰρ ποταμοῦ Blass (referring to the river Evenus: but see commentary).—iorAdxayov Rossbach: ἰόπλοκον, αἷσαν Sandys: ἰοστέφανον Platt, Jurenka. But it seems certain that the letter after IO was T. 7. ταχὺν οἶτον Jurenka: τέλος αἰπύ Pingel (quoted by Blass).— τελευτάν, ἐπεὶ conj. Blass. 8. (after Ποσειδὰν) ἐπεὶ ἅρμα Jurenka: ἄρηγεν conj. Blass. 9. (after ἰσανέμους) πόρεν Jurenka: πόρεν, ταί vw conj. Blass. 10. ἐϊκτιμέναν Kenyon, Wilamowitz, Jurenka.—évxripévay πόρευσαν. ἢ pav—conj. Blass.—és ἐύκτιτον ὦρσεν Sandys. 11. υἱὸϊν "Apyos Reinach and others.—vid[s "Ἄρηος Jurenka :—v ᾿Αφάρηος Tyrrell. 497 VOCABULARY. * denotes a word found only in Bacchylides; +, a word which seems corrupt. A a, III. 10, XV. 30 (d25) ᾿Αβαντιάδας, Χ. 40 “ABas: -ντος, Χ. 6 ἁβροβάτας: ἁβροβάταν, 111. 48 ἁβρόβιος : -ἰων, XVII. 2 ἁβρός: -ον, fr. 11. 4 ἁβρότης : -ἣτι, fr. 26 ἀγάθεος: -éav, 111. 62: -έᾳ, V. 41 ἀγαθός: -ὧν (masc.), fr. 18, 3 ἀγακλεής: -€a, XV. 12 ἀγακλειτός: -αἷς, XII. 90 ἀγάλλω: ἀγάλλεται, ΧΥ. 7 ἄγαλμα, I. 74, V- 4, IX. τί ᾿Αγανορίδας, XVIII. 46 ἀγγελία: -av, 11. 3, XV. 26 ἄγγελος, V. 19: -ov, XVIII. 30 ἀγέλα: -as (acc.), XVII. 10: -ats, IX. 44 ᾿Αγέλαος: -ov, V. 117 ἀγέρωχος: -οι, V. 35 ᾿Αγκαῖος : -ov, V. 117 ἀγκύλη: -ns, fr. 18. 13 ᾿Αγλαΐα: -ᾳ, III. 6 ἀγλαΐζω: -érw, 111. 22 ἀγλαόθρονος: -οι, XVI. 124 ἀγλαός: -όν, XVI. 61: -άν, V. 154: ΧΥῚ. 2: -ῶν, 103 ᾿Αγλαός (proper name): -@, IX. 9 (?) . ἄγναμπτος, fr. 20. 2 (ἄκαμπτος MSS.): τῶν, VIII. 73 -ovs, ἀγνοέω: -noev, fr. 12 ἁγνός : τόν, IX. 29: -οῦ, X. 25: -Gs, XIV. 54: -ds, XVIII. 28 ἀγορά: -dv, XIV. 43 ἀγρός: -οῦ Epigr. 2. x (fr. 34) ayporépa, V. 123, Χ. 37 ἀγυιά: -al, 111. τό, fr. 3. 12: -ds, X. 58, VIII. 17: -ἂν, 52 ἀγχίαλος : -ἰάλοισι, IV. 14 ἀγχίδομος : -δόμοις, XII. 89 ἄγω: -ovow, fr. 16. 11: τουσα, XVI. 2: -ovra, XVII. 34: ἄγον (3rd pl.), XIv. is "Αδραστος: ᾿Αθάνα, ΧΙΙ. 195: ᾿Αθᾶναι: -ας, 37: ἄξοντα, V. 60: ἄγονται, III. 46: ἄγετο, ΧΙΧ. 4 ἀγών: -ὥνι, V. 44: -ώνων, VIII. 21 "ἀδεισιβόας: -αν, V. 155: ται, X. 61 ἀδελφεός: -ῶν, V. 118 ἀδίαντος, XVI. 122 ἄδικος: -οισιν (masc.), XVII. 42 aduds: -ares, fr. 19. x ἄδματος: -arot, X. 84: ἀδμήτα, V. 167 τον, VIII. £9 ἁδύπνοος: -wy, XII. 73 (?) ἁδύς : ἁδεΐᾳ, XV. 7 ἄεθλος : -ων, VIII. 8: XII. 198 ἀείδω: -εἰν, IV. 18: ἄεισαν, VI. 6: ἀείδεται, Iv. 5 ἀεικέλιος: -ἂν, fr. 19. x ἀεικελίως, III. 46 delpw: -pas, 111. 36: dparo, 11. 5 ἀέκατι, XVII. 9 ἀέκων: -ovTa, XVI. 44 ἀέλιος, X. 22: -lov, V. 161, X. IOI, P» 439 (1. 55 Blass).—See ἅλιος ἄελλα: -αν, IX. 22 ἀελλοδρόμαε:: -av, V. 39 ἄελπτος: -ov, III. 29, XII. 131 ἀέξω: ἀέξει, XII. 207: -ew, 111. 78. See αὔξειν * ἀερσίμαχος : -μάχους, XII. 100 ἄζυξ: -γα, XV. 20: ~yas, X. 105 ἀηδών : -dvos, III. 98 ἀήτα, XVI. 91 ἀθαμβής, XIV. 58 τοῖς, VII. 54, IX. 10, -as, XIV. 2, XVI. 7: τᾷ; XV. 21 XVII. 60: -av, XVII. I: -dvais, IX. 17, XVIII. Io ᾿Αθαναῖος : -alwy, XVI. 92 ἀθάνατος: -ον, IX. II, XII. 65: τοι, V. 193: άτων, 86: οισ(ιν), X. 6, XIV. 45 ἄθεος : -€wv, X. 109 ἀθλέω: ἄθλησαν, VIII. 12 GO péw : ἄθρησον, V.8 (MS. : but cp. ἐπαθρέω) 33 498 ἄθυρμα, VIII. 87: -άτων, XVII. 57: - Epigr. 1. 3 (fr. 33) *G@upows: -w, XII. 93 ai (=el): al τις, V. 5: al κε, XVI. 64 αἰαῖ, V. 153, fr. 2. x Αἰακίδας: Alaxidats, XII. 166 Alaxés: -o0, XII. 183: -@, 99 Alas: -vTa, XII. 104 Alywa, XII. 78: -av, VIII. -lvas, XI. 6 αἴγλα: -av, XII. 140 αἰγλάεις : -evra, fr. 16. 10 Atyurros: -ὕπτου, fr. 16. x11 *Atéas: -a, V. 61 ἀϊδής, XII. 209 αἰδοῖος : -at, VIII. 65 (?) αἰεί, 1. 66, VIII. 81, XII. 63 αἰέν, XII. 207, XVII. 43, Epigr. 1. 3 (fr. 33) αἰετός, V. 19 αἰθήρ, U1. 86: -épa, 36, V. 17, VIII. 35, XVI. 73: αἰθέρι, XII. 61 αἰθός: -θᾶν, fr. 3. 6 Al@pa, XVI. 59 al@w: -εσθαι, fr. 3. 3 αἴθων, XII. 50: -vos, V. 124 αἷμα: -ατι, X. 111, XII. 153 αἰνέω: aivet, XII. 83: -éot, VIII. τείτω, XII. 201: -etv, V. 16, 188 alvés: -νά (neut.), XVI. 10? αἴξ: αἰγῶν, V. 101 αἰολόπρυμνος: -ots, I. 104 αἰόλος: -ots, XIV. 57 αἰπεινός : -άν, VIII. 34 αἰπύς: -tv, III. 36 aipéw: -εῦνται, XIV. 56: αἴρω: see deipw aica, fr. 20. 4: XII. 66, 99 ἀΐσσω: ἄϊξεν, τι. I: saan XII. 144. See also 1X. 23n. αἴτιος, X. 34, XIV. 52 Αἰτωλίς: -idos, VII. 51 Αἰτωλός: -ots, V. 114 αἰχματάς: αἰχματάν, XII. 133 αἰχμοφόρος: -οι, X. 89 Ἠάϊών : ἀϊόνα, XVI. 112 αἰών : -ὥνι, ΧΙΙ. 61 f.(?): -Gva, I. 43 *dxapavTopéas: -av, V. 180 ἀκάματος: -άτοις, XVIII. 20: -dras, V. 25: -aTq, XII. 178 ἄκαρπος: -ov, fr. 7. 5 ἀκίνητος : -ἥτους, V. 200 ἀκοίτας, ΙΧ. 9 ἄκοιτις: -w, V. 169 ἄκοιτος : -ov, XVIII. 23 ἀκόλουθος : -ov, XIV. 55 ἀκούω: ἄκουσον, XVI. 53 ᾿Ακρίσιος : -ίῳ, X. 66 ἄκριτος: -ἰτους, IX. 46 ἀκτά: -άν, XV. 16 55) IX. 35: 102 (?): εἷλεν, X. 85 σαν, IX. 32, XVI. 27: -ᾳ, ᾿Αλεξίδαμος : ᾿Αλθαία, ν. 120 VOCABULARY. ἀκτέα: -éas, VIII. 34 ἄκων : -ovTas, XVII. 49 ἀλαθεία, XII. 204: ἀλάθεια, fr. 10. 2: τείας, V. 187 (where see n.): -elg, III. 96, VII. 42, VIII. 85 ἀλαμπής: ἀλαμπέσι, XII. 175 ἄλαστος: -στον, III. 34 ἀλάτας: -ταν, XVII. 36 ἄλγος, XVI. 19 ἀλέκτωρ, IV. 8 -ov, X. 18 ἀλέγκιος : -la, V. 168 *adiwwaéras: -at, XVI. 97 ἴ. GME : -tkl, VII. 45 ἅλιος : -lov, 111. 80: ᾿Αλίου, XVI. 50 ἀλκά: -ds, X. 126 ἄλκιμος: -ov, V. 146, XVII. 38: -ίμων, XVII. 13 ᾿Αλκμήνιος, V. 71 ἀλλά, I. 66, εἰς.: after εἰ καί, XVI. 33: ἀλλ᾽ οὐ γάρ, ν. 162 ἀλλοδαμία: -iay, XVII. 37 ἀλλοῖος : -οίαν, IX. 36, XIII. 7 ἄλλος, ΙΧ. 36, XIII. ἴω; -αν, fr. 20. 3: VIII. 63: -ους, fr. 9: -ων, I. 47f.: “otal, v. 127, fr. 9: «αἰ, p. 437 (1. 23 ἀλλότριος: -ov, XIV. 60 ἄλλως, fr. 29 ἄλοχος: -ov, XV. 29, XVI. 109 GAs: ἁλός, V. 25, XVI. 62, 122, p. 439 (1. 54 Blass) ἄλσος, ΠΙ. 19, X. 118, XVI. 85 ᾿Αλυάττας: -ττὰ, III. 40 ἀλυκτάζω: ἠλύκταζον, Χ. 93 ᾿Αλφεός or ᾿Αλφειός : -εοῦ, VI. 3: -εόν, III. ἡ (Ὁ), ν. 38, 181, X. 26: -ειοῦ, VII. 49, nr. 193 ἅμα, 111. ΟἹ ἀμαιμάκετος: -ον, Χ. 64 ἀμαλδύνω: -tvet, XIII. 3 ἅμαρ, 111. 29, fr. 7. 4: -Tt, X. 33: -Ta, V. 113 ἁμαρτέω (=6p.): ἁμαρτέοιτε, VIII. 103f. (Ὁ): -εἶν, XVII. 46 ἀμάρυγμα, VIII. 36 ἀμαυρόω: -οῦται, XII. 177 dudxavos: -dvov, I. 171 ἄμαχος, XV. 23 ἀμβολά: -ds, fr. 11. x ἀμβρόσιος: -lwv, XVIII. 2 ἄμβροτος: -ότου, XVI. 42 duelBw: elas, XVII. 16: 159 ἀμεμφής : -éa, XVI. 114 ἁμέρα: -ας, XVIII. 27: τᾷ, Ie 3 ἀμέρδω : ἄμερσαν, Χ. 36 ἁμέτερος: -ov, fr. 2.1: -ας (gen.), V. 144, XVII. 5: τᾷ, V- go: -as (acc.), XI. 3 -ειἰβόμενος, V VOCABULARY. ἢ ἀμετρόδικος : -οις, X. 68 ἄμετρος: -ον, XVI. 67 (?) ἀμίαντος, 111. 86 ἀμπελοτρόφος: -ον, VI. 5 ἀμύσσω : -εἰ, XVII. 11: ἄμυξεν, XVI. 19 ἀμφάκης: -ες, Χ. 87: -ea, fr. 3. 8: ἀμφάκει, Ρ- 439 (I- 79 Blass) ἀμφί, with acc., IX. 34, X. 18: with dat., I. 39, IX. 44, XVI. 105, 124, XVII. 53: in tmesis, XVIII. 7 ἀμφιβάλλω: -βάλλει, XVII. 6: -έβαλεν, XVI. 112: βάλωσιν ἄμφι, XVIII. 7 ἀμφικύμων: -ova, XV. τό ἀμφιπολέω: -λεῖ, fr. 7. 3 ἀμφιτίθημι: -τίθει, Epigr. 1. 4 (fr. 33) ᾿Αμφιτρίτα: -av, XVI. 111 ᾿Αμφιτρύων : -bwvos, V. 156 ᾿Αμφιτρυωνιάδας, V. 85: -av, XV. 15 ἀμφότερος: -αισιν, V. 188 ἀμώμητος: -ov, V. 147 ἄν, I. 70, V. 97, 135, 193 (9), X- 30(?), XVI. 41, XVII. 3 ἀνά, with acc., v. 66: with dat., III. 50: in tmesis, III. 50 f. ἜΒΗ ΜΗ: ἀνὰ... ἔβαλλον (tmesis), III. 5οῖ. ἀναβολά: see ἀμβολά ἀνάγκα, fr. 16. 2: -av, X. 72: -α, Χ. 46 ἀναδέω: -δησάμενος, ΙΧ. τό ἀνάδημα: see ἄνδημα *dvadoudxas: -αν, V. 105 ἀνακάμπτω: ἀνεκάμπτετο, XVI. 82 ἀνακαρύσσω: ἀγκάρυξαν, IX. 27 ἀνακλαίω: ἀγκλαύσασα, V. 142 (?) ἀνακομίζω : ἀγκομίσσαι, 111. 89 ἀναμείγνυμι : ἀμμειγνυμένα, fr. 16. 5 ἀναμιμνάσκω: ἀνέμνασεν, τι. 6 ἄναξ, III. 39, 76, V. 84, VIII. 45, XII. 148, XVI. 78, XVII. 2 *dvailados, XIX. 8 * ἀναξιβρόντας, XVI. 66 *dvatiuodmos: -ov, VI. 10 ἀναπάλλω: ἀνέπαλτο, X. 65 ἀνάπαυσις: -tv, XVIII. 36 ἀναπαύω: dumatoas, V. 7 ἀναπέμπω: ἀνέπεμψε, 111. 62 ἀναπτύσσω: -ὕξας, V. 75 ἀνατείνω: ἀντείνων, X. 100: ἄντειναν, XII. 138: ἀντείνασα, fr. 13. 4 ἀνατέλλω: -τελλομένᾳ, XII. 127 (?) ἀνατίθημι: ἀνέθηκε, Epigr. 2. x (fr. 34) dvaros: -o., fr. 19. 2 ἀναφαίνω: -wy, XII. 76 ἄνδημα, VII. 52 ἄνδηρον : -hpos, p- 439 (I- 54 Blass) ἀνδροκτόνος : -ov, XVII. 23 ἄνεμος, V. 65: -μων, Epigr. 2. 2 (fr. 34) ἀνήρ, Υ. 191, VI. 46, XVII. 7: ἄνδρα, 111. 69, IX. 48, XII. 201, XVII. 31: -és, I. 52f., fr. 25: -t, 111. 88: -as, 1. 10: τῶν, IX. 38, XII. 189, XIII. 8, 17, XVII. 40, 499 fr. 10. 2: ἀνέρων, X11. 196: ἄνδρεσσι(ν), V. 96, X. 114: -dow, fr. 16. 6 ἀνθεμόεις: -εντι, XV. 5: -evTas, XII. 88 ἀνθεμώδης : -dea, XVIII. 39 ἄνθος: -ea, 111. 94, XII. 59, XV. 9, fr. 3. 2: τέων, X. 18, XII. 92: ἄνθεσιν, IX. τό ἄνθρωπος: -wv, 1. 51, 59, VII. 44, VIII. 18, 88, Ix. 48, fr. 1. 2, 14. 24: -οισ(ιν), V. 30, VII. 9, IX. 12, XII. 59, XIII. 1, XIV. 54, fr. 16, 8, 19. 3 ἀνίκατος: -aTov, V. 57 ἄνιππος (?), p. 475 ἀνίσχω: -ovTes, XIV. 45 ἀντάω: -doas, XII. 127 ἀντί, I. 147 ἀντίθεος : -ov, XIV. I: -οἱ, X. 79 dowd: -dv, XVII. 4: -al, XII. 230: -ἂν, fr. 3. 2: -ais, VI. 14 ἀολλίζω: ἀόὀλλιζον, XIV. 42 ἅπαξ, fr. 1.x ἀπάρχω: -et, XI. 6 ἅπας: -ντι, X. 125: -Ta, XIV. 51, fr. 21. x ἀπείρων: -ova, VIII. 20 ἀπενθής, XII. 87: -θῆ, fr. 7. 2 ἄπιστος: -ov, III. 57, XVI. 117 datos: -ov, XII. 51: τοῖο, V. 62 ἀπό, I. 57, V. 10, VIII. 21, X. 65, XV. 17, XVI. 55, 103, fr. 3. 10, 13. 2, 16. x1: ἄπο, XVII. 55: in tmesis, IV. 20, Epigr. 2.4 ἀπολαγχάνειν : λαγχάνειν ἄπο, IV. 20 ἀπόλλυμι: ἀπώλεσεν, XV. 31 ᾿Απόλλων, I. 18, III. 29, 58, ΙΝ. 2, XII. 148: ΓΛπολλον, XV. 10 ἀποπλέω: -ων, 1. 12 ἀπόρθητος: -ων, VIII. 52: -ous, 99 ἀποσεύω: ἀπεσσύμεναι, Χ. 82 ἀποτρέπω: ἀπέτραπεν, Χ. 27 ἀποφθίνω: -φθιμένῳ, VIII. 79 ἄπρακτος: -αν, IX. 8: -ακτα, fr. 8. x ἅπτω: -εἰν, 111. 49 ἀπωθέω: -woduevov, V. 189 dpa, X11. 164, 228, XV. 5 dpaxva: -ἂν, fr. 3. 7 ἀργαλέος: -éay, X. 72 ᾿Αργεῖος (Argive): -eiwv, VIII. 11, XIV. 5 ᾿Αργεῖος (proper name), I. 32, 11- 4f. ἀργηστής: -ds, ν. 67 ἀργικέραυνος : -ov, V. 58 “Apyos, ὃ: -ov, XVIII. 19, 33 “Apyos, τό, IX. 32, Χ. 60, 81, XVIII. 15 ἀργυροδίνας : dpyupodiva, VII. 48 ἀρείων : -w, VIII. Qf: -ovos, XVII. 29 dperd, 1. 71: -dp, 22, V. 32, IX. 13, fr. 10. 2: -Gs, 111. go, X. 7: -al, XIII. 8: ”Aperd, XII. 176 * dpératxmos, XVI. 47 ἀρήϊος: ἀρῇος, τ. 3(?): -#iov, 111. 69: -ηΐων, XVII. 57 ἀρηΐφιλος: -ov, V. 166: -οι, XIV. 50: -ους, I. 10: τοις, X. 113 33—2 500 “Apns, V. 130, XII. 146, fr. 20. 2: -nos, Vv. 34, VIII. 44 ἀρίγνωτος, V. 29: -ov, XVI. 57: τοῖο, IX. 37: τοις, VIII. 64 " ἀρισταλκής: ἀρισταλκές, VII. 7 ἀρίσταρχος: -ov, XII. 58 *dpioréxapmos: -ov, III. 1 ᾿Αριστομένειον (τέκος), VII. 10 *dpicrowdtpa, X. 106 ἄριστος, III. 22: -ov, XIII. 2: -ol, V. 111 "Apxadla: -αν, X. 94 ἅρμα, V. 177: -aow, p. 437 (I. 19 Blass?) ἁρμόζω: -ζει, XIII. 12 ἁρπαλέως, XII. 98 ἄρρητος : -ων, fr. 4. 2 “Apres, X. 37: τἰδος, V. 99 ἀρχά: -ἂς, X. 65 ἀρχαγέτας: -av, III. 24 ἀρχαγός: -dv, V. 179: -ovs, VIII. 51 dpxatos: -av, V. 150, p. 439 (I. 52 Blass) ᾿Αρχέμορος: -ῳ, VIII. 12 dpxw: dpxev, XIV. 47 taoayevovra, VIII. 13 ἄσπετος: -ol, XVIII. 34 ἀσπίς: -low, XX. 3 doraxus: -ύων, Epigr. 2. 4 (fr. 34) ἀστραπά: -dv, XVI. 56 ἀστράπτω: ἄστραψε, XVI. 71 ἄστρον : -ων, VIII. 28 ἄστυ, Ill. 43, X. 12, 57, XII. 115: -ea, 188 ᾿ἀστύθεμις : -w, IV. 3 ἀσφαλής: -e?, XII. 66: -éorarov, XVIII. 38 ᾿Ασωπός: -ὄν, VIII. 39 ἀτάρβακτος, V. 139 *drapBoudxas, XV. 28 ἀτάσθαλος: -ov, XVII. 24 ἄτεκνος : -ov, p. 475 (?) ἄτερθε, XVI. 12 ᾿Ατρείδας : -εἶδᾳ, XIV. 6: -ἂν, X. 123 ἀτρέμα, V. 7 ἀτρόμητος, XII. 123 ἄτρυτος : -ov, VIII. 80: -y, V. 27 ἀτύζω: -όμενοι, XII. 116 αὐγά: -ds, X. I10: -als, p. 439 (I. 55 Blass) αὐδάεις, XIV. 44 αὐθαίρετος: -οι, fr. 20. x αὐθιγενής, Il. 11 αὐλά: αὐλᾶς, III. 32 αὐλός: -@y, II. 12, VIII. 68, IX. 54, fr. 3. 5 αὔξω: -ovow, IX. 45: -ew, I. 52 Giimvos: -ον, XVIII. 23 αὔρα: -at, XVI. 6 αὔριον, 111. 79 αὖτε, ΙΧ. 23 αὐτίκα, X. ττο αὖτις, 111. 89, XIV. 60 αὐτόματος: -οι, fr. 18. 3 Αὐτομήδης : -εἰ, VIII. 25 αὐτός: -6y, XVII. 41: αὐτ-, p. 437 (I. 22 Blass) VOCABULARY. αὐτοῦ (adverb), v. 178 αὐχήν : -évt, Il. 7 ᾿Αφάρης: -nTa, V. 129 ἄφατος: -a, XVII. 18 ἄφθεγκτος: -οισιν, fr. 2. 2 ἀφικνέομαι : ἀφίκετο, XVIII. 40 ἀφνεός, I. 62: -όν, V. 53: τοῦ, XVI. 34 ᾿Αφροδίτα, XVI. 116 ἀφροσύνα: -αις, XIV. 57 ᾿Αχαιός: -Gyv, VIII. 58(?), X. 126, XIV. 39: -ots, X. 114 dxeluavros: -ov, fr. 22. τ ἀχειρής: -és, XI. τι (?) ᾿Αχιλλεύς, ΧΙ]. 110: -éa, IOI, 134 ἄχος, X. 85: -éwv, 76, XIV. 52 ἀχρεῖος : -ov, IX. 50 aq@os, fr. 3. x12 (?) dws: dots, XVI. 42: "Ads, Vv. 40: ᾿Δοῖ, XII. 129 ἀωτεύω: -ovTa, VIII. 13 (?) B *Badudeledos: -ov, 1. 29 βαθύζωνος, XIV. 7 (?): -ov, I. 7: τοῖο, X. 16: -ots, V. 9 βαθύξυλος: -y, XII. 169 βαθυπλοκάμου, X. 8 βαθύπλουτος: -ον, 111. 82 βαθύς, 111. 85: -ύν, ν. 16, XIV. 61: -είας, XVI. 62 Βακχυλίδης : -ῃ, Epigr. 1. 4 (fr. 33) βάλλω: see under ἀναβάλλω and ἀμφι- βάλλω βαρυαχής: -éas, XV. 18 βαρύβρομος: -ov, XVI. 76 βαρυπενθής: -éow, XIII. 72 βαρύς: -εἴαν, XVI. 28, 96 βαρύτλατος, XIII. 4 βαρύφθογγος: -ov, VIII. 9 βάσανος : βασάνοισιν, VIII. 58 (9) βασιλεύς, I. 14: -εῦ, XVII. I: -εἴ, X. 63, XIV. 6, 38: -jes, fr. 26 βέλος: -n, V. 132 Bia: -αν, V. 181, XVI. 23, 45: -@, V- 116, X. 91, XVII. 10 βιάω: -Grat, XII. 200, fr. 1. 2 Bios: -ov, fr. 7. 2: τῳ, 1. 59 Bord: -dv, V. 53 βλέπω: -ers, XVI. 75 βλέφαρον, V. 157: τῳ, X. 17: -άρων, fr. - 10 βληχρός: -dv, XII. 227: -Gs, X. 65 βλώσκω : see wor- Bod: βοᾷ, VIII. 68: -dv, 35 βοαθόος Epigr. 2. 3 (fr. 34) βοαθόος: -ov, XII. 103 (?) Bodw: Béace, XVI. 14 Βοιώτιος: -ίοισιν, fr. 17. 4 Βοιωτός, V. 101 Βορέας, XII. 125: -α, V. 46 βορεάς, XVI. QI VOCABULARY. βορήϊος: -αι, XVI. 6 βούθυτος: -o1s, 111. 15 βουλά, VIL. 90 (9) : -αἶσι, Χ. 121 βουλεύω: βούλευσεν, V. 130 βοῦς, XVIII. 16: βοῦν, XV. 22: βοῦς (acc.), X. 104: βοῶν, V. 102, IX. 44, fr. 3. 3, Rex βοῶπις: -w, X. 99, XVI. 110 βραχύς, Ill. 74 βρίθω : -θοντι (3rd plur.), fr. 3. 12: βρίσει, IX. 47 Βρισηΐς : Βρισηΐδος, XII. 137 βροτός: -ῳ, 111. 66: -ῶν, I. 42, III. 66, gt, V. 63, 87, 109, 190, 194, VIII. 22, 85, X. 35, XII. 62, 202, XVI. 32, XVII. 2, fr. 26, 28: -oto(t), VIII. 74(?), XIV. 31, XVI. 118, fr. 11. x “βροτωφελής: βροτωφελέα, XII. 191 βρύω: -e, 111. 15: τουσι, 16: -ουσα, XII. 179: -ovTa, XVIII. 44: -ovTes, VI. 9 βωμός: -dv, IX. 30, X. 41, 110, XII. 58: τῶν, fr. 3. 3 os γᾶ: γᾶν, X. 70, XII. 180: γᾶς, XIV. 63: γᾷ, V. 42, VII. 41 γαῖα, XII. 153: -αν, fr. 20. 4: -as, V. 24, Ρ. 437 (I. 6 Blass): τᾷ, vir. 38 γαμβρός: -@, XVI. 50: -όν, p. 437 (I. 8 Blass) γάμος: -@, XVI. 115 γάρ, 111. 5, etc.: placed between a prep. and noun, XI. 4, XVI. 103 f. yapus: -w, V. 15: -υἵ, XIV. 48 γαρύω, III. 85 γε, with μέν, 111. 63 (Ὁ), go(?): after εἰ, XII. 228 (εἴ κε MS.): νῦν, VIII. 25: πρίν, XV. 13 γέγωνεν, 111. 37 *yvehavw: -woas, V. 80 γέμω: -ουσαν, XV. 4 γενεά: -dv, X. 74: -Gs, VIII. 49 γένος, I. 30, XVI. 93 yepaipw, XII. 225: -εἰ, IV. 3, VI. 14: -ovoa, II. 13: ἐγεραίρομεν, IV. 13 γέρας, II. 12, VI. 8, X. 36, XVIII. 14 γέρων : -ovTa, III. 59 yetw: -σαντο, VIII. 46 “γῆρας, 111. 89, fr. 21. 3 Tiyas: -avras, XIV. 63 γίγνομαι: γένετο, XVIII. 29 - γιγνώσκω: γνώσει, V. 3: γνῶν, 152 γλαυκός: -ὄν, VII. 51: -ᾷ, Χ. 29 γλυκύδωρος: -€, III. 3, X. I: τον, V. 4 γλυκύς: -0, 1. 65: -eta, V. 151, fr. 16. τ, 17. 4: -elav, 11. 12: -torov, 111. 47 γλῶσσα: -av, V. 195, IX. 51 γνάμπτω: ἐγνάμῴφθη, XI. 52 γνήσιος : γνησίων, VIII. 83 γνώμα: -g, X. 35: -as (acc.), III. 79: καισι, fr. 27 501 γύαλον : -λοις, XIII. 41 a ai -έα (sing.), ΧΙ. 8: (plur.), vil, a yulov: -ων, XVI. 104: -ols, 124 γυμνάσιον: -lwy, fr. 3. 5 γυνά, ν. 139: -aika, fr. 15. 2: -αικός, XII. 136: -atkes, 111. 45: -αἰκῶν, X. 112 A δα-: ἐδάη, ν. 64 Aaidveipa: -αν, V. 173: -ᾳ, XV. 24 δαιδαλέος: -ας (gen.), V. 140: -έων, fr. 3. 3 *Sadopébpos: -dpe, fr. 23. x δαΐζω: -ει, XII. 126 δαιμόνιος : -ον, XV. 35 δαίμων, V. 113, 135, VIII. 26, XV. 23, XVI. 46, fr. 21. τ: τον, 111. 37: -ovos, XIII. I: -oves, XVI. 117: -oot, VIII. 84 Δαΐπυλος: -ov, V. 145 dais: -ras, fr. 18. 4 δαΐῴρων, V. 122, 137 δάκρυ, XVI. 95 δακρυόεις, V. 94 δακρύω: -υσα, V. 153 Δάλιος: -ε, XVI. 130 Δαλογενής, 111. 58, X. 15 Δᾶλος: -e, fr. 12 δαμάζω, δάμναμι: δάμασεν, 1. 118: δαμά- σειας, XVI. 44: δάμναται (midd.), fr. 3: ἐδάμησαν, VIII. 64 δάμαλις: -ἰν, XVIII. 24 δαμασίμβροτος, XII. 50 δαμάσιππος: -ov, III. 23 *SapacixOwv: -ovt, XV. 19 Δαμάτηρ: Δάματρα, III. 2 Aavaol: -ots, XII. 145 Aavads: -o0, X. 74 δάπεδον : τοις, X. 25 δάπτω: -ouévay, XV. 14 δάσκιος : -ov, X. 93 δέ, passim (occurring about 160 times; cp. καί and τε): as third word of a sentence, I. 6, XVII. 47, Cp. XII. 127 n.: δέ τε, XII. 129, fr. 3. τ: τε. δέ, XII. 115 n. (?) δὲ (enclit.): πόντονδε, XVI. 94: cp. X. 1140. δείδω: ἔδεισεν, XVI. 102: δέδοικα, XVII. 30 δείκνυμι: δείξομεν, XVI. 46: δεῖξαι, fr. 435-4 δειλός : -οἷσιν, I. 51 δειμαλέος : -g? Ill. 72. Δεινομένης : -veos, III. 7, IV. 13: -veus, V. 35 δεινός : -οὔ, III. 53 δέκατος: -ον, X. 59: τάτῳ, I. 15 Δελῴφοίΐ, III. 21: -ῶν, XV. IT δέμας, V. 147, VIII. 31 502 Δεξιθέα: -αν, 1.8 δεξίστρατος : -ov, XIV. 43 δέος, V. 84 δέρκομαι: -erat, XIV. 51 δέσποινα, X. 117, XII. 95 δεῦρο, V. 8 δέχομαι: ἐδέξατο, VII. 47: δέξατο, XV. 35, XVI. 85: δέκτο, IX. 31, X. 17 δή, V- 142, 156, X- 95, XI. 4, XII. 121, £93 δῆρις : -w, V. 111 διά with gen.: VIII. 47, XII. 52: with acc.: Ill. 61, VI. 4, VIII. 30, XII. 156, XIV. 40 διάγω: -εἰν, V. 33 διαιθύσσω: -7, fr. 16. 4 διαΐσσω: -σσεν, 111. 54 διακρίνω: -ivet, VIII. 28, 89: -κεκριμέναι, fr. 24. x διατελέω: -eiv, fr. 7. 2 διατρέχω: διέδραμεν, XIV. 44 δίδυμος : -ous, 111. 78 δίδωμι: ἔδωκε(ν), VIII. 26, X. 39, XII. 80, fr. 21.1: δῶκε(ν), XVI. 116: δόσαν, XVI. 37: dolnre, VIII. 2 διέπω: -ovet, 111. 21 δίζημαι: -nvrat, 1. 67: -σθαι, XVII. 60 δικ- : δικών, XVI. 63 δίκα : -ας, X. 26, XVI. 25: -g, XII. 202: -as (acc.), XII. 45, XVII. 42 Aika: -as, IV. 12 δίκαιος : -οἱ, fr. 18. 4: -as (acc.), X. 123: των, XIV. 47: ταῖσι, XIII. 11 δινάεις : -ἂντα, XII. 165: -Gvros, 78 δινέω (-dw): δίνασεν, XVI. 18: δίνηντο, 107 Διονύσιος : -σίοισι, fr. 16. 5 Διόνυσος: -ov, XVIII. 50: Διωνύσου, VIII. 98 (?) dis, IX. 27, 29, XVI. 2 δίσκος : -ov, VIII. 32 διχόμηνις: -dos, VIII. 29 διχοστασία: -iats, X. 67 διώξιππος : -οι(ο), VIII. 44, X- 75 δνόφεος : -ov, XV. 32 δοιάζω: dolate, X. 87 δοκέω, XVII. 12: -εἴ, fr. 16. 8 δόλιος, XVI. 116 δολιχαύχην : -evt, XV. 6 δολιχός: -dv, XVII. 16: -@, 45 δολόεις : -εσσα, 111. 75 δόμος: -ov, III. 49, ΧΥ. 29, XVI. 100: -οί, III. 40: τοὺς, XVI. 63: -ows, III δονακώδης: -dea, fr. 22. 2 δόναξ : -axos, XII. 92 δονέω: -e?, V. 67: -ἔουσι, I. 69: -εῖν, fr. 8. x δόξα: -av, VIII. 1, IX. 18, XII. ὅτ: -as (gen.), IX. 37: -@, XII. 120 δορά: -Gs, V. 124 δόρυ, XII. 120, XVI. go VOCABULARY. δράκων, VIII. 13 δράω: δρῶν, 111. 83 δρόμος: -w, V. 183: δρόμον, 1X. 26 δύα: -g, p- 439 (I. 79 Blass), fr. 21. 3: -Gy, XIV. 4 δύναμαι: -ra, fr. 7. 2: -To, XVIII. 26 δύναμις: -ἰν, XIV. 59 δύνασις: -w, IX. 49 δύο, IV. 17, XV. 19, XVII. 46, 49 δύρομαι: -évats, III. 35 δύσλοφος: -ov, XII. 46 Ἐδυσμάχητος: -τα, fr. 32. 2 δυσμενής, XVII. 6: -éwv, V. 133, XII. 208 δύσμορος, XV. 30 δυσπαίπαλος: -a, V. 26 δύστανος : -010, X. 102: -wy, V. 63 δῶμα: -ατα, V. 59: -ἄσι, 173 δῶρον : -a, XVI. 10, 76, 124, VIII. 4, fr. 32. 2: -ots, fr. 16. 5 E ἑβδομήκοντα, 11. 9 "EBpos: -ῳ, XV. 5 ἔγγονος : -ων, VIII. 46 ἐγγύθεν, XVI. 128 ἐγκύρω: éyxipoat, fr. 21. 3 ἐγχέσπαλος: -ov, V. 69 ἔγχος: -ea, fr. 3, 8: -έων, VIII. 43 ey, V. 127, XII. 221: ἐμέ, XVI. 33 (κἀμέ) : με, ΧΙ. 5, XVI. 53: ἐμοί, V. 31, 138, XII. 226, XV. 2, XVIII. 37: pot, 151: ἄμμι, XVI. 25 ἕδος, VIII. 46 ἕδρα: -as, fr. 11. x ἔθειρα: -αν, V. 29: -as, VI. 8, XII. 197 ἐθέλω: -εἰ, 1. 52, V. 14: ἐθέλων, V. τόρ: ἔθελεν, Χ. 73: cp. θέλω ei, with indic., I. 55, X. 27, XII. 168, 199, 228, XVI. 28f. (εἰ καί), 57. (do.), fr. 7. 2, 29, p. 437 (? I. 9 Blass): with optat., V. 190: with ellipse of indic. verb, XI. 4 (εἴ wore), XVII. 12 (εἴ τινι). Cp. ai and εἴπερ εἶδον : elde(v), V. 40, X. 22, XVI. IOQ: ἴδεν, V. 71, XVI. τό: ἰδεῖν, V. 30, XVI. 43: ἰδών, XVI. 72, 1ΟΙ εἴδωλον, V. 68, fr. 25 εἴκοσι, X. 104 εἰλαπίνα : -as (acc.), XII. 162 εἶμι: twev, XVIII. 12 εἰμί: éort(v), 111. 38, V. 162, 167, XII. 203, fr. 3. 9, 7. 1, 12. 1: edoi, VIII. 88, fr. 19. 2: εἴη, IX. 12: ἔμμεναι, XVII. 14: ἔμμεν, V. 144, XVII. 31, 56: εἶμεν, IX. 48: ἐών, 1. 56, VII. 46: ἐόντα, IV. 19, XVIII. 23: edvra, 111. 78: ἦν, XVII. 21, XVIII. 15: ἔσεσθαι, XII. 57 εἵνεκεν, X11. 136 εἴπερ, VIII. 86, XVI. 53 εἶπον : elme(v), 111. 48, 77, V. 86, XVI. 47, 111. 81: εἰπεῖν, VIII. 72, fr. 1. x VOCABULARY. elpnva: -ᾳ, V. 200 Εἰρήνα, fr. 3. τ: -g, XII. 189 elpw (dico): elpev, XVI. 20, 74 eis, XIV. 43: see és els, fr. 7. 1: μία, zb., XII1. 8: ἕνα, 1. 45 *elcdvTay, V- ILO εἴτε.. ἤ, XV. 5 f.: εἴτ᾽ οὖν. «ἢ ῥα..ἤ, XVIII. 209 fi... ἐκ, V. 15, 82, 132, 141, VIII. 35, X. 36, XIII. 8, XVI. 24, 62 (?): ἐξ, ΠΙ. 46, V. 61, X. 43, XVI. 122, fr. 4.1 ἕκαστος : -@, XIII. 16 *‘Exdra, fr. 23. x &xart, I. Of., V. 33, VI. 11, IX. 15, X. Q, XVI. 7 ἐκβάλλω : ἐξέβαλεν, XVII. 28 ἔκγονον, XVI. 16 ἑκκαιδέκατος : -αν, VII. 3 ἐκπίμπλημι : ἐκπλήσομεν, XVI. 27 Εκτόρεος : ‘Exropéas (gen.), XII. 154 ἐκτός, 1X. 52 Ἕκτωρ: -opa, XII. 109 ἐλαία : -as, VII. 52: -g, X. 28 ἔλαιον : -w, IX. 23 ἐλαύνω, IX. 51 ἐλαφρός, I. 35: -όν, fr. 8. x ἐλέγχω: -ει, fr. 10. 2 ἐλέφας: -αντι, fr. 16. 9 *é\txoorépavos: -ov, VIII. 62 ἔλλαθι (λημι), X. 8 Ἕλλαν: -dywy, 111. 12, V. 1{1, VIII. 30: -ασι(ν), VII. 7, IX. 20, XII. 82: Ἑλλά- νεσσιν, 56 f. (?): “EAXavas, VII. 44 Ἑλλάς: -da, IIT. 63 ἐλπίς, 111. 75, Vill. 18, fr. 16. 4: -ἔδι, 1. 54, IX. 40, XII. 220: -low, 157 ἔλπομαι, fr. 12 ἐμβάλλω: ἔμβαλεν, X. 54 ἐμός: -Gs, XVI. 64: -Gv, V. 117: -als, XII. 229 ἔμπεδον, X11, 178 ἐμπίτνω: -ων, IX. 24 ἔμπορος: -ov, XVII. 36 ἐμπρέπω: ἐνέπρεπεν, VIII. 27 ἐν, 11. 6, V. 27, 41, 44, 80, 88, 110, 131, 165, 173; 200, VII. 3, 45, 53, VIII. 22, IX. 19, 29, X. 4, 19, 24, 32, 88, XI. 8, XII. 61, 81, 99, 118, 124, 135, 162, 189, 198, XIII. 15, 41, XIV. 53, XVI. 5, 108, I15, 120, XVII. 23, 45, 49, XVIII. 8, 47, XIX. 1, fr. 3.6, 15. 1, 17. 5, 21. 2, 32. τ, Epigr. 1. 3 (fr. 33) ἐναντίος : -a, V. 76 ἐναρίζω: -ομένων, XII. 151 Ἔνδαΐς : "Evdatéa, X11. 96 ἔνδοθεν, XVI. 86 ἐνδυκέως, V. 112, 125 ἔνθα, 111. 33, V- 63, 107, 127, 182, XIV. 40, XV. 17. XVIII. 42 ἔνθεν, X. 82, 97, 113 évvéa, XV. 18 593 ἐνστάζω : ἐνέσταξεν, XII. 229 ἐντυγχάνω: ἐντυχεῖν, XVII. 44 ἐντύω : ἔντυον, fr. 18, 2 ἐνυφαίνω : -νετε, p. 437 (I. 4 Blass)? ἕξ, V. 113 ἐξάγω : ἐξαγαγεῖν, X. 103 ἐξαιρέω: -είλετο, V. 74 ἐξαίσιος : -ἰοις, XIV. 58 ἐξεναρίζω: -ων, V. 146 ἐξευρίσκω : -ευρεῖν, fr. 4. 3 ἐξικνέομαι: ἐξίκοντο, XII. 132 ἐξόπιν (or ἐξόπιθε), XVI. gt ἔξοχος: -ov, XVIII. 14 ἑορτά: -ais, III. 15 ἐπαθρέω: -noov, V. 8(?): -ἤσαις, XII. 227 ἐπαΐσσω: -wv, V. 116 "Exagos: -ov, XVIII. 42 ἐπεί, III. 23, 53, 113, VIII. 2, IX. 25, X. 120, XI3+\133) ΧΡ. ;, 25.. ΧΥΙ. 42, 99, [21, XVIII. 39 ἔπειμι: ἐπιόντα, XVI. 46 ἔπειτα, V. 74 ἐπέρχομαι: -ovrat, fr. 18. 4 ἐπί, with gen., VII. 9: IX. δὲ, XV. 1 (2), XVI. 83, fr. 3.3, Epigr. 2.1 (fr. 34): with dat., V. 83, go, 133, VI. 3, VIII. 12, 42, IX. 21, 42, 44, XII. 105, 193, 203, XIII. 16, XV. 34: with acc., I. 76, VIII. 41, X11. 88, 149, XVII. 37, fr. 18. x, IS ἐπιβαίνω : ἐπέβαινε, 111. 34: ἐπέβασε, ἄς 15 ἐπιγίγνομαι: -γιγνομένοις, VIII. 81 ἐπιδείκνυμι : ἐπεδείξαμεν, 11. 9: ἐπεδείξαο, III. 93 ὲ ἀρ Saale -δέγμενοι, XVI. 96 ἐπίζηλος: τῳ, V. 52 ἐπικείρω:: ἐπέκειρεν, V. 108 ἐπικλώθω: ἐπέκλωσεν, V. 143 ἐπικουρία : -av, XVII. 13 ἐπιλέγω: -λεξαμένα, V. 136 ἐπίμοιρος : -ov, I. 48 ἐπίμοχθος, I. 71 ἐπινίκιος : -lots, Il. 13 ἐπισκήπτω: των, V. 42, VII. 41 ἐπιστάμα : -ἂμαι, IX. 38 ἐπιτάσσω: ἐπέταξε, fr. 9 ἐπιτίθημι: ἐπέθηκεν, XVI. 113 ἐπιτνυγχάνω: -τυχόντι, fr. 82. 3 ἐπίφρων : -ova, XV. 25 ἐπιχθόνιος : -ἰων, IV. 15, V. 5, 54: τίοις, v. 96, IX. 14 ἐπιχρίμπτω: -et, fr. 20. 3 ἐπιχωρίαν, XII. 92 ἐποιχνέω : -εἴς, IX. 1 (?) ἕπομαι: ἕπεται, 1. 60: ἕπεσθαι, V. ἕσπεο, X. 115 ἐποπτεύω : -εύοις, Epigr. 1. 3 (fr. 33) ἔπος : -έων, fr. 4. 2 ἑπτά, XVI. 2 ἑπτάπυλος: -ols, XVIII. 47 194: 504 épavvds: -dv, XVI. 42 éparés: -G, XVI. 129: -ῶν, X. 43, fr. 3. 12: τοῖσιν, XVI. 110 ἐρατύω : épdrvev, XVI. 12 “ἐρατώνυμος, XVI. 31 ἔργμα: -ατι, XIII. 17 ἔργον, Vill. 82, fr. 11, τ: -α, xvii. 18: τοισ(Ψ), IX. 44, XII. 203 épdw: -ων, I. 53, V- 36: -ovra, XIII. 18, XVII. 43: ἐργμένον, XII. 207: ἐρχθέντος, XII. 65 épeirw: ἤρειπον, X. 68 “ἐρειψιλάοις, XII. 167 (?) “ἐρειψιπύλας: -av, V. 56 ἐρεμνός : -ὁν, XVI. 116 ἐρέπτω: -ew, IV. τό: -έψωνται, VIII. 24: ἐρεφθείς, XII. 70 ἐρεύθω : ἔρευθε, XII. 152 Ἔρίβοια, XVI. 14: -as, XII. 102 ἐριβρύχας, V. 116 ἐρίζω: -er, 1. 58 ἐρικυδής : ἐρικυδέος, (sing.), 190 ἐρισφάραγος: -ov, V. 20 ἔρνος, V. 87 éptxw: -ev (inf.), XVI. 41 ἔρχομαι: ἐρχομένων, XV. 33: ἤλυθεν, 1. 4: ἦλθε(»), ν. 184, VIII. 41, XVII. 16, Epigr. 2. 3 (fr. 34): ἔλθῃ, Xvi. 28: ἐλθόντα, XI. 7: -ες, X. 78: -as, fr. 11. 3 f. ἔρως: ἐρώτων, VIII. 73 és, I. 12, II. 2, III. 59, 62, V. 12, 61, τού, VIII." 57, 20; 34. X- 48, 55,72, XE 4, XII. 143, XIII. 8, XIV. 61, XVI. 63, 73, 76, XIX. 10: probably to be inserted in v. 184 and xX. 114. See els ἐσεῖδον : ἐσιδόντες, XII. 139 ἐσθλός : -ὄν, V. 129, IX. 47 (εσέλων A), XIII. 3: τῶν, IV. 20, V. 198, XVI. 132 ἔσχατος : ἔσχατα, VIII. 41 ἔσω, XVI. 22 ἕτερος, ΙΧ. 42, fr. 4. τ: -ου, fr. 4. τ: -αν, XVI. 89 ért, III. 31, IV. I, V. 174, X. 47; fr. 8. x ἔτος, X. 59: -ea, III. 81 ἐτύμως, XII. 228 εὖ, I. 41, 53, 1Π. 94, V. 36, 78, 100, VIII. 72, XII. 65, XIII. 1, 18 *edalveros: -€, XVIII. 11 edavdpos: -ovs, VIII. 17 Εὔβοια: -av, IX. 34 εὔβουλος, XIV. 37: -ου, p. 437 (I. 7 Blass): -ων, IX. 27 *eiyuos: -ων, X. τὸ εὐδαίδαλος: -ov, XVI. 88, fr. 11. 3 εὐδαιμονία : -as, V. 186 εὐδαίμων, V. 55 εὔδενδρος: see ἠῦ- Εὔδημος, Epigr. 2. 1, (fr. 34) ἐὔδματος: -arov, VIII. 54 XII. 59: ἐρικυδέα VOCABULARY. εὔδοξος, VII. 9: τον; XIII. 22: τῶν, VIII. 21 * eveyx7s, XII. 147 εὐειδής: -€os, XII. 102 εὐεργεσία: -av, 1. 47 εὐθαλής: -és, VIII. 5 ἐὔθρονος, XV. 3 εὐθύδικος: -ov, V. 6 εὐθυμία: -g, XVI. 125 εὐθύνω: εὔθυνε, imper., XI. 2 εὐκλεής: -έα (acc.), V. 196 εὔκλεια: -as, 1. 74: Εὐκλείᾳ, X11. 183 εὐκλείζω: -ξας, VI. 16 Εὔκλειος: Διὸς Εὐκλείου, 1. 6 εὐκτίμενος : -av, V. 149, X. 122, XIV. IO: ἐὐκτιμέναν, XIX. τὸ (?) ἐὔΐκτιτος: -wy, 111. 46 *evuapéw: -εῖν, 1. 65 εὐμαρέως, V. 195 εὐμενής, fr. 17. 3 εὐνά: -ais, VIII. 64 (?), XII. 99 (?) *edvans: -et, VIII. 42: -ἣ, Pp. 439 (1. 75 Blass) : Evvoula, X11. 186: -as, XIV. 55 Εὐξαντιάδας : -αδᾶν, p. 437 (1. gf. Blass)? Εὐξάντιος : -ov, I. 15 Εξαντίς : -ida, 11. 8 εὔοχθος : -ous, fr. 18. 4 εὔπακτος: -wv, XVI. 82 εὔπεπλος: -ov, VIII. ὅτ: -ol, X. 42% τοισι, XIV. 49 εὐπλόκαμος, I. 16: -ots, III. 34 εὐποίητος: -ov, V. 177 εὔπρυμνος: -ows, XII. 150 éUrupyos: -ous, V. 184 εὑρίσκω: εὑρήσει, X. 124 *etpudvat: -ακτος, V. τ evpuBias, XV. 31: -Bla, X. 52: -βίαν, V. 104 *evpudlvas: -αν, 111. 7, V. 38 * εὐρυνεφής : -el, XV. 17 εὐρύς: -εἴαν, XIV. 40: -elas, VIII. 47: -elats, IX. 17 εὐρυσθενής: -éos, XVIII. 17 evptxopos: -ov, IX. 31 Εὐρωπιάδας, 1. 14 εὐρώς, fr. 3. 8 εὐσέβεια: -αν, III. 61 εὐσεβής: -ἔων, XII. 188 εὖτε, I. 73, III. 25, XII. 118, fr. 13. x εὔτυκος, VIII. 4 εὔτυκτος: -ov, XVII. 50 εὐτυχία: -as, fr. 7. τ εὔυδρος: -ov, X. 119 : εὐφεγγής, VIII. 29: -έας, XVIII. 26 εὐφραίνω: εὔφραινε (imper.), III. 83 εὐφροσύνα, III. 87, IX. 53: -ὕναι, X. 12 εὐχά: -άν, XVI. 67: -ἂς, 65: -άς, VII. 50 εὔχομαι : εὔχοντο, XIV. 46: εὐχομένου, X. 107: εὐξαμένῳ, Epigr. 2. 3 (fr. 34) εὐώδης : -dea, XIII. 40 ἐφαμέριος : -ἰων, 111. 76 VOCABULARY. ἐφάμερος : -ov, III. 73 ἐφίημι: -σι, XII. 48 ἐφίστημι: ἐπιστάσας, 111. 55 ἐχθρός : -ά (neut.), III. 47: ἔχθιστος, 52 "Εχιδνα: -ας, ν. 62 ἔχω: -et, I. 57, X. 124, XIII. 7, fr. 7. 5 -ovow, III. 63: -ew, I. 50, XVII. 48: των, fr. 7. 2: -ovra, XVII. 32: ἔσχεν, V. 104, XII. 106, XVII. 27, 41: ἕξειν, XII. 163 Z ζάθεος: -éav, 11. 7: -éas, V. 10: -éots, X. 24 ζεύγνυμι: ζεύξασα, X. 46 Ζεύς, 111. 55, V- 200, X. 73, XIV. 51, XVI. 68: Zed, VII. 48, XVI. 53: Ζηνός, III. II, 26, V. 20, VIII. 5, IX. 29: Ζηνί, X. 5, XV. 18: Acds, I. 6, III. 70, V. 79, VI. 1, X. 52, XII. 58, XV. 28, XVI. 20, 30, 75, 86, XVIII. 17: Ala, Vv. 178 Ζέφυρος: -ov, V. 28: τῳ, Epigr. 2. 2 (fr. 34 fd: -dv, UI. 82: ds, V. 144 (ow: -Ὦ, 1. 70: -εἰν, 57 H ἤ, pas (1) single, v. 87, VIII. 36, Xu. 169: (2) repeated, ‘either’...‘or,’ x. 34) IX. 39-41: (3) after an ἐρνειεοῤαιῖνο, ἧ..ἤ..ἢ..} XVII. 5-11: πότερα..ἤ.. Ἐπ 35: (4) after εἴτε, xv. 6: εἴτ᾽ ofp --% pa..H.., XVI. 33-35.—#, ‘than,’ Iv. 18, fr. 2. 2 , (1) affirmative, XII. 54, 71, 147; 157; XVII. 41: (2) interrogative, XVII. 5 7, ‘where,’ V. 9 nBa: -av, III. go, V. 154 ἤδη, X. 59, XII. 196 ἡδύς. fr. 17. 5; cp. adds ἠΐθεος : τοι, XVI. 128: -έων, 43, 93 ἥμερος: ἡμέρα, X. 39 ἡμίθεος: -οἱ, VIII. 10, X. 62: -έοις, XII. "155 ἥμισυς: -v, 1. 9 ἠπιόφρων : -ov (voc.), XII. 78 ἦρα (-: χάριν), X. 21 Ἥρα, v. 89, Vill. 8, X. 44, XVIII. 22: -av, X. 107 Ἡρακλῆς: -κλεῖ, VIII. 9 ἥρως, V- 71, XIV. 37, XVI. 47, 73) 94: as voc., 23: τῷ (acc.), VIII. 56, XII. 104: -wes, X. 81 “Helodos, Vv. 192 ἠύΐδενδρος: -ov, XVI. 80 ἠῦτε, XII. 87 Θ θαητός : -dv, X. 14, XII. 115 θάλασσα: -as, XII. 149: θάλασσαν, 181 θάλεια: -εἰαν, ILI. 89 5°5 θαλία: -tas, XII. 187: θάλλω: -ovew, V. 198: τέθαλεν, IX. 40 θάλπω: -er, fr. 3. 11: θάλπῃσι (subjunct.), fr. 16. 3 θάμα, XII. 193 θαμβέω: θάμβησεν, V. 84 -tats, XIII. 15 -ovoa, XIV. 58: θάνατος: -ov, V. 134: -ov, XIX. 7: τοῖον XII. 63 θάπτω: -ομεν (impf.), V. 115 θαρσέω: -e?, V. 21 θάρσος, XVI. 50 *@arnp: -ἥρων, 1X. 23 θαῦμα, XVI. 123 θαυμάζω: -ασθείς, I. 42 θαυμαστός, V. τ: τόν, VIII. 31 Ged, V. 103: -Gs, X. 49, XVI. 9 Θεανώ, XIV. 7 θεῖος, VIL. 3 *Oednuds: -όν, XVI. 85 Ἐθελξιεπής: -εἶ, XIV. 48 θελξίμβροτος : -ov, V. 175 θέλω: -et, XII. 51: τῇ, V. 135: -otme, XVI. 41: των, V. 169, XVI. 69: -ἥσει, Ill. 64: cp. ἐθέλω θέμις, III. 88: Θέμιτος, XIV. 55 θεόδματος : -ov, XI. 7, XII. 163: -ot, P- 437 (I. 14 Blass): τους, x. 58 θεόδοτος : -ους, VII. 50 Θεόκριτος, fr. 14 θεόπομπος: -ov, XVI. 132 θεός, V. 36, 50, X. 34, XIII. 18, XVII. 41: τόν, III. 21 (625) : -ol, VIII. 50: -οὔς, I. 53: τῶν, III. 38, 57, Υ. 95, 179, VIII. 63, 89, X. 121, XVI. 24, 100, 124: -oto(w), IV. 18, XII. 138, XIV. 14, 45, fr. 3. 3 θεοτίματος : -ov, VIII. 98 θεότιμος: -ov, X. 12. θεοφιλής: -és, X. 60: -λῆ, III. 69 (ἢ) θεράπων, V. 14 θερμός : -μᾶν, IX. 22 Θερμώδων : -οντος, VIII. 43 *Oepovemys, XII. 199 θεσπέσιος : -ἰῳ, XII. 108 Θεσσαλία: -as, XIII. 40 (?) Θεσσαλός: -dv, XVII. 54 Θέστιος : -iov, V. 137 θευπροπία: -αν, IX. 41 Θήβα, IX. 30: -as, VIII. 54 Θῆβαι: -as, VIII. 20 θηροσκόπος, X. 107 Θησεύς, XVI. 16: -εῦ, 74: θιγγάνω: Olyev, XVI. 12 Gis: θῖνα, XII. 149 θνάσκω: θνᾷάσκοντες, XII. 166: θάνῃ, 1. 73: θανεῖν, 111. 47 θνατός, I. 56: -ὄν, 111. 78: -ὧν, III. 61, XVII. 21, fr. 21. 1: -οἷσ(ι»), 1. 66, ΠῚ. 51, 93, V- 160, IX. 53; Χρὴ; ΕΣ gs XIV. 52, XVIII. 45, fr. 3. 1, 9. x, 20. x -€a, 99 506 Golva: -as, fr. 18. 2 Gods: Body, XVI. 55: θοούς, V. 129: -ds, III. 3 θοῶς, XIV. 59, XVI. 98 θράσος: -e, XVI. 63; cp. θάρσος θρασυκάρδιος, XIX. 5: -ov, XII. 106 θρασυμέμνων : -ovos, V. 69 θρασυμήδης: -ea, XV. 15 Opavs: -ὖν, XVII. 39 *@pacixetp: θρασύχειρος, 11. 4 θροέω: θρόησε, III. 9 θρῴσκω: -ουσα, XII. go: Odpev, XVI. 94 θυγάτηρ, Ν. 124, XVI. 34: θύγατερ, VII. 1, XII. 77, fr. 23. 2: θύγατρες, I. 28, X. 84: -@v, V. 167, VIII. 50: -άσι, III. 35 θυμάρμενος : -ov, XVI. 71 θυμός, XVI. 82, fr. 17. 3: τόν, I. 33, 69, III. 83, V. 80, IX. 45, XII. 220, XVI. 23, fr. 7. 2, 16. 3 θυσία: -αισι, V. IOI θύω: Over (inf.), XV. 18: θύσω, X. 104 I ἰαίνω : -εἰ, XII. 220: lavOels, XVI. 131 idwrw: -erat, fr. 7. 5 laropia: -g, I. 39 Ἰάων : -όνων, XVI. 3: cp. Ἴων Ἴδα: -as, V. 66, XVI. 30 ἰδέ (ΞΞ ἠδέ), XIII. 5 (9) *idpwes: -evTa, XII. 57 ἱερόν (subst.): ἱερά, 111. 15 ἱερός : -άν, Il. 2, IX. 34: -ἂν, XVII. 1 Ἱέρων, Ul. 64, 92: -wva, IV. 3, V. 16: -wvos, III. 4: των, V. 49, 185, 197 ifjw: ἑσσαμένων, X. 120 ἵἕημι: ἵησι, fr. 13. 2: ἱεῖσαι, X. 56: ἵεται, v. 48: ἵετο, XVI. 90 ᾿θακήσιος : -ου, fr. 25 ἐθύς: -εἴαν, XIV. 54 ἰἐἰθύω: ἰθύσας, IX. 51 : ἱκάνω : ἵκανεν, X. 96: ἵξον, XII. 149 ἔκελοι, fr. 19. 3 ἱκνέομαι: -εἶσθαι, fr. 21. 3: ἵκετο, VIII. 39, Xv. 16: iky, XV. 8: ἱκέσθαι, X. 30 ἴκριον : των, XVI. 83 ἵλεως : τῳ, X. 15 ἼΛιον : του, XII. 115 ἱμείρω: -ει, I. 62 *ipepdpmvé : -πυκος, XVI. 9 *imepbyuios: -ou, XII. 137 ἱμερόεις : -ev, X. 118: -evra, Epigr. 1. 2 (fr. 33) iweprés: -άν, I. 13 wa, (1) ‘in order that,’ IX. 11, p. 437 (I. 5 Blass): (2) ‘where,’ x. 79 Ἴναχος: -ov, XVIII. 18 loBdégapos: -οἱ, XVIII. 5: τῶν, VIII. 3 *Téda: -av, XV. 27 ἰόπλοκος : -ov, VIII. 72: τοι, XVI. 37: τῶν, III. 71 VOCABULARY. ἰός (‘arrow’): ἰόν, ν. 75 ἰοστέφανος : -ov, III. 2: τοῦ, XII. 122: τῶν, Vv. 3 ἱππευτάς: -αἰ, XII. 160 ἵππιος : -ov, XVIII. 15: -ov, XVI. 99 ἱππόβοτος: -ov, X. 80 *immodlvynros: -ων, V. 2 ἱππόνικος : -ov, XIII. 22 (?) ἵππος: -ovs, III. 4, XIX. 9, Ρ. 437 (1. 19 Blass): των, IV. 6, V. 44 ἱπποτρόφος: -ov, X. 114 *inmakns: -€0s, X. 101 ἰσάνεμος : -ους, XIX. 9 ᾿Ισθμιονίκας : -αν, IX. 26 ᾿Ἰσθμιόνικος : -ον, 1. 46 Ἴσθμιος : -ἰαν, XVII. 17: (I. 6 Blass) Ἰσθμός: -ὄν, VII. 40: -οὔ, 11. 7 ἰσόθεος : -έων, ΧΙΙ. τ56 ἰσόρροπος : -ον (neut.), Iv. τα f. (?) ἴσος, V. 46: ἶσον, I. 62, fr. 2. 2 τίας, Pp. 437 ἵστημι: ἵσταν (impf.), X. 112: ἔστα, ΙΧ. 23, fr. 18.1: στᾶθι, V. 80: στᾶσον, 177: στασάμεθα, V. 112: σταθείς, XII. 105, XVI. 84: σταθέντων, 111. 18 ἱστίον, XII. 131 ἱστός: -ol, fr. 8. 7 ἵστωρ: -opes, VIII. 44 ἰσχυρός : -dv, XVII. 38 ἰσχύς: -ὕν, XII. 75: τύι, V. 22, XVII. 20 ioxw : -ουσι, V. 24: ἴσχε (imper.), XVI. 23: ἴσχεν (inf.), 88 Ἰτωνία: -as, fr. 11. 2 Ἴφικλος: -ov, V. 128 Ἰώ, XVIII. 41 Ἴων: -es, fr. 26: -ων, XVII. 2; cp. Ἰάων K Κάδμος, XVIII. 48 κᾶδος: -éwv, XVIII. 36 καθαρός: -dv, fr. 27 kal, passim (occurring about 70 times; cp. δέ and re): in crasis, κἀμέ, XVI. 33: κηὔτυκτον. XVII. 50: xwrt, III. 81 καιρός : -@, fr. 21. 2 καίω: καῖε, V. 140 κακομάχανος: τοι, XVII. 8 κακόποτμος, V. 138 κακός: -dv (nom. neut.), fr. 2. 2: -@ (neut.), XVII. 44 καλέω: -et, 11. 10: κέκληται, VII. 9 καλλίζωνος, V. 89 καλλικέρα (fem.): -αν, XVIII, 24. Cp. ὑψικέρα Καλλιόπα, ν. 176: -ας, XVIII. 13 καλλιπάρᾳον, ΧΙΧ. 4 Ἑκαλλιρόας : -αν, X. 26, 96 καλλίχορος : -ον, V. 106: -ῳ, X. 32 καλός, fr. 14: -ὁν, VIII. 82, ror: -ὥὧν, I. 146, 11. 6, III. 96, V. 51: KaX-, VOCABULARY. P- 439 (I. 36 Blass): κάλλιστος, XIII. 17: τον, VIII. 86, IX. 47, X. 79: κάἀλ- λιστα, 111. 93 Καλυδών : -ὥνα, ν. 106 καλυκοστέφανος : του, 108 κάλυμμα, XVI. 32, XVII. 38 καλύπτω: -ύψῃ, XII. 64 καλῶς, XII. 206 κάμνω: κάμον, X. 77: κάμοι, V. 36 κάμπτω: κάμψεν, IX. 26 καναχά, XIII. 15: -dv, 11. 12 κάπρος: -ov, V. 105 κάρα: κρατός, XVII. 51 καρδία: -av, Xvi. 18, fr. 8. 2; cp. xpadla Kap@aios: -αἰων (Κρανναίων ms.), Epigr. 1. 2 (fr. 33)? καρπός: -év, Epigr. 2. 4 (fr. 34) καρτερόθυμος, V. 130 καρτερός: -dv, XVII. 27: -ᾷ, X. 46 καρτερόχειρ, I. 31 κάρτος, V. 114 κἂρυξ, XVII. 17: -uKes, XIV. 40 καρύσσω: -ύξοντι (3rd plur.), XII. 231 Kapxapédous: -ovTa, V. Kdoas: -av, X. 119 κασιγνήτα: -as, IX. 9 κασίγνητος : -οις, X. 65 Κασταλία: -as, 111. 20 κατά, with gen., XVI. 94: with acc., VII. 44 f.(?), 1X. 32, X. 93, 94, XII. 180, XVI. 80, 87, XVIII. 26, fr. 16. 10 κατακτείνω: κατέκτανον, V. 128: -ver, XVII. 25 καταναίω: κατένασσε, 111. 60 κατανεύω: κατένευσε, XVI. 25 καταφεν- : κατέπεφνεν, V. 115 *xataxpalyw: κατέχρανεν, V. 44 κατέχω: -εχον, X. QI: -exe, XVI. 28: κατέχουσι, X. If κατορθόω: κατορθωθεῖσα, XIII. 6 ke(v), IV. 13, V. 169, XVI. 64 κέαρ, I. 55, XIV. 23, XVI. 8, 87, 108, fr. 3. 11, 7. 5, 16. 12 κεδνός : -@, XVI. 29: τᾷ, III. 33: -ῶν, ν΄. 118 κεῖθι, VIII. τὸ κεῖμαι: κεῖται, VIII. 84, XIV. 53, fr. 82. τ κεῖνος: -a, XIV. 62: -ov, V. go: -ο, 164: τῷ, X.. 23: τῶν, VIII. 21 κελαδέω: -δησαν, XV. 12: -δῆσαι, XIII. 21 κελάδων: -δοντος, VIII. 65 Κελεός, fr. 36 κέλευθος, V. 31, XVIII. 1, fr. 29: -ov, IX. 36, X. 26, XVII. 17: -ov, V. 196, VIII. V. 98: -ous, xX. 47 κελεύω : κέλευσε(»), III. 48, XVI. 87, XVIII. 21 κέλομαι, XVI. 40 Κέος: -ον, Il. 2, VI. 5, 16 *xepauwveyx7s: -ἔς, VII. 48 507 κέρδος, fr. 1. 2: -ἔων, III. 84: -εσσι, XIV. 57 Κερκνών : -όνος, XVII. 26 'κεῦθος: κεύθεσι, IX. 4.(9) κεφαλά: -dv, IX. τό: -G, ν. οἵ Κήϊος: -ἴα, XVIII. 11: -tas, 111. 98: -ty, Epigr. 1. 4 (fr. 33): -twv, xvi. 130 Kyvatos: -ῳ, XV. 17 κιγχάνω: κιχεῖν, 1. 67, XIV. 53: κιχήσας, ν. 148 κικλήσκω: κίκλῃσκε (impf.), X. 99 κινέω: ἐκίνησεν, IX. τὸ Κίρρα: -ας, Χ. 20 κίω: -κίον, Χ. 48 κλάδος: -ον, VIII. 33 κλάζω: ἔκλαγεν, XVI. ἔκλαγον, III. 49 κλεεννός, V. 182: -dv, V. 12: -@, II. 6 κλεινός, V. 13: -&, IX. 30: τόν, XVIII. 9: τάν, VIII. 74(?): -ᾷ, Χ. 78: -ol, VIII. 22: -ots, VII. 54 Κλειώ, X11. 228: το, ITI. 3, XI. 2 Κλεοπτόλεμος: -w, XIII. 19 κλέος, VIII. 40, XII. 65, XVI. 80 κλέω: κλέομεν, XV. 13 κλισίη: -now, XII. 135 KAovéw: -ων, XII. 118 Κλύμενος: -ov, V. 145 κλυτός: -dv, X. 80: -dv, XVI. 73: -Gs, XVI. 7: -ds, 101 κλυτότοξος, 1. 147 κλύω: ἔκλυε, X. 106: κλύε (impf.), XVI. 67: κλύον, XII. 133: κλύῃ, XVI. 74 κνίζω: κνίσεν, XVI. 8 Κνώσιος: -ov, XVI. 120: -wy, 39 Κνωσός: -όν, I. 13 κοινόω: κοινώσας, XIV. 49 κολπόω: κόλπωσαν, ΧΙΙ. 130 κόμα: -αν, VIII. 24: -atot, XVI. 113 κομπάζω: -άσομαι, VIl. 42 κόνις, Υ. 44 κόρα, XVI. 32, XVIII. 18: -αν, I. 117, XIX. 5: -g, XV. 20: -at, p. 439 (I. 48 Blass)?: -as (acc.), XVI. 103: cp. κούρα κορυφά: -αἰ, V. 24 κορώνα: -as, V. 73 κοσμέω: κοσμῆσαι, XI. 7: ἐκόσμησας, VII. II 128, XVII. 3: “κόσμος: -ov, III. 95, XVI. 62 κούρα, V- 104, 137, X- 9, XVI. 53: -αν, III. 2: -at, VIII. 44, X. 42, XVI. 125: -as, X. 109: -ats, III. 60 Κουρής: -ἣσι, V. 126 κοῦρος : -ous, XVI. 3 κοῦφος: -ἃ, XII. 89: -όταται, 1. 68 κράδεμνον : -a, fr. 16. 7 κραδία: -αν, X. 85, XVII. 11: cp. καρδία κραίνω : των, XII. 45 ἘΚρανναίων : see Καρθαῖος κραταιός : -οὔ, XVII. 18 508 κρατερός: -dv, XVII. 40: -dv, XII, 143: -Gs, X. 20: -G@, V. 21 Kparéw: -εῦσαν, VI. 7: -ἦσας, VI. 15 Κρεμμυών: -Ovos, XVII. 24 Κρέουσα: -as, XVII. 15 κρέων : κρέουσαν, III. 1 Κρής: -τῶν, 1. 5 Κρητικός: -ὁν, XVI. 4 κρίνω: -εἰς, Χ. 6: -εἰ, V. 131: -ειν, 116: -εἶ, XVI. 46 Κρίσα: -ας, Iv. τ4 (?) κριτός : -ol, VIII. 11 Κροῖσος: -ov, 111. 28 Κρονίδας, I. 45, X. 73, XVI. 77: -av, V. 178: -a (gen.), IX. 29, XVII. 21 Κρόνιος, XV1. 65 κρόταφος: -ov, XVI. 30 κρύπτω: -ειν, III. 14: κρυφθεῖσα, XII. 177 κτείνω: ἔκτανεν, V. 89: κτανεῖν, XVIII. 31 κτίζω: -ew, X. 72 κτύπος, fr. 3. 9 *xvavavOnys: -éi, XII. 124 κυάνεος : -ov, XII. 64 κυανοπλόκαμος : του, V. 33, VIII. 53: τοί, x. 83 κυανόπρῳρα, XVI. 1 κυανῶπις : -ἰδας, XII. 160 κυβερνάω: -Gs, XVI. 22: -@, XII. 160: _-GTat, XII1. 10 κυβερνήτας, ΧΙ. 1: -av, V. 47 Kddos, I. 50, VI. 3, IX. 17 κυδρός : -οτέρᾳ, 1. 54 κύκλος: -ον, VIII. 30 Κύκλωψ: -πες, X. 77 κύκνος: -@, ΧΥ. κύλιξ: -ἰκων, fr. 16. 3 κῦμα: -ατα, V. 26: -ασιν, XII. 125 kuvéa: -av, XVII. 50 Κύπρις: -δος, V. 175, XVI. 10, fr. 16. 4 κυρέω: -ρῆσαι, 111. 8 κύων: κύνα, ν. 60 Κωκυτός: -οὔ, ν. 64 κῶμος: τοι, Χ. 12: τῶν, ἔτ. 3. 51 τοῖς, VIII. 103 A λαγχάνω: -vew, IV. 20: ἔλαχεν, 1. 56: λάχε(ν), 70, VI. 2: λάχῃσι, XVIII. 3: λαχών, I. 41, III. 11: λαχόντας, Χ. 70: λαχοῖσαν, XVIII. 13: λέλογχεν, ΧΙ]. 187: λελογχώς, ΙΧ. 39 λάϊνος : -ov, fr. 18. x Rais: -dos, XV. 17 λαιψηρός: -ὥν, VII. 6 Λάκαινα: -αν, XVII. 50 Λάμνιος : -lav, XVII. 55 λαμπρός: -dv, 111. 54 λάμπω: -εἰ, Ill. 17, VII. 43: λάμπε (impf.), XVI. 104, 123: λαμπόμενον, V. 72: -μένα, IX. 3(?) Λάμπων, XII. 226: -wvos, 68 VOCABULARY, λανθάνω: λαθεῖν, XVIII. 27 Λαομέδων : -οντος, XII. 142 λαός: -@, XII. 231: -ovs, X. 67: -ῶν, I. 9, VIII. 35, X. 117 λαοφόνος: -ov, XII. 120 λάρναξ: -ακος, V. 141 Λατοΐδας, III. 39 Λατώ: -οῦς, V. 124, Χ. 16, 98 Λάχων, VI. 1: Adywva, VII. II λέγω: -et, XVII. 18, 32, 47, fr. 29: V. 57: -ew, III. 67, V. 164 λείπω: -εἰ, I. 73: λεῖπον (3rd plur.), XII. 116: λίπον, V. 172: λίπεν, I. 9: λιπεῖν, XV. 13: λιπών, I. 44: λιποῦσα, XVIII. 15: λιπόντες, 11. 8, X. 60, 81, XII. 141: λιποῦσαι, X. 57: λείπεται, VIII. 87, XII. 64 λείριος : -ων, XVI. 95 λεπτόθριξ : -ἰχα, V. 28 *\errémpuuvos: -ov, XVI. 119 λευκός: -dv, XVII. 3: -Gv, XVI. 13 τουσι, λευκώλενος, VIII. 7, XVI. 54: -€, V. 176: τον, XV. 27: του, V. 99 λέχος: -εἰ, VIII. 56, XVI. 30 λέων: -ovTa, VIII. 9: -ovTos, I. 32: -ovTl, XIl. 47 λήγω: λῆξεν, XII. 122, 128 λῃστάς: -al, XVII. 8 *\eyurAayyns: -ἢ, ν. 73: τ-εῖς, XIII. 14 λιγύφθογγος: -ov, IX. 10: -οἱ, V. 23 λίθος (fem.), fr. 10. x λικμάω: -μήσῃ, Epigr. 2. 4 (fr. 34) λινόστολος : -όλων, XVIII. 43 λιπαρόζωνος : -ων, VIII. 49 λιπαρός: -ἄ, VII. 1: τόν, XV. 29: -άν, ν. 169, Χ. 38: -Gs, p. 437 (I. 13 Blass): τῶν, I. 47 λίσσομαι: -duevos, V. 100: λίσσοντο, X. 69 λόγος, XIV. 44: τον, XIV. 31: τῶν, XIV. 47 ; λογχωτός: -ἄ, fr. 3. 8 Λοξίας, XII. 148: Λοξίᾳ, 111. 66 Λοῦσος: -ov, X. 96 λόχος: -ov, XVIII. 32 (?) Avyxets: -éos, X. 75 λυγρός: -ais, X. 68 Λυδία: -as, III. 24 Λύδιος: -ia, fr. 10. x Αὐκιος: -lwv, XII. 147 Λυκόρμας: -g, XV. 34 λύσσα: -as, X. 102 * Avratos: -ov, XVII. 21 Avw: -εἰ, fr. 16. 7: ἔλυσεν, I. 43, XII. 113 M Maia: -as, XVIII. 25 μαίνομαι: -otTo, XII. 119 μάκαρ: -pov, X. 121 Maxed, p. 439 (I. 73 Blass) VOCABULARY. μακράν (adv.), IX. 51 μάν, XII. 182 μανία: -ἂν, X. 109 μᾶνις: μᾶνιν, XII. 111 Μαντινεύς: -έες, fr. θ. 2 μανύω: τύει, fr. 10. 1, 33: -ῦον, ΙΧ. 14 μαρμαίρω: -ovow, fr. 16. 9 μαρμαρυγά : -ats, III. 17 μάρναμαι: -άμεθα, V. 125 (impf.): -αντο, XII. 151 Μάρπησσα: -av, XIX. 6 ματεύω: -eL, IX. 35 μάτηρ, V. 138: ματρί, III. 50 μάτρως: -was, V. 129 μάχα: -αν, XII. 117: -as (gen.), I. 34, 11. 4, XVII. 59: -ats, X. 68, XIII. 13 μεγάθυμος, XII. 195 *ueyaivynros: -νητε, 111. 64: -ous, I. 44 Ἐμεγαλοκλεής: μεγαλοκλέας, VII. 49 *weyaddxoAros: -ou, fr. 31. 2 μεγαλοσθενής : -σθενές (voc.), XVI. 52 *ueyadodxos: -ov, XVI. 23 μέγαρον, XVI. 100: -wy, III. 46: τοις, V. 119, 165 μέγας: -a, XII. 155: -av, XVI. 98: -άλου, Vv. 79: -dda, fr. 3. τ: -άλαν, IX. 49, XII. 79: -άλας (gen.), V. 24: -άλων, I. 63, XIV. 52: -άλαισιν, XII. 157: μεῖζον, fr. 2. 2: μέγιστον, 1. 49, 111. 19, fr. 16. 11: -av, XVIII. 45: τοῦ, VI. 1, VIII. 55: -a, III. 61 μεγασθενής, XVI. 67 *weyuoTodvacoa, XVIII. 21 *ueyororarwp, V- 199 μείγνυμι: μειγνύμεν, IX. 65: μειχθεῖσα, XII. 99: μιγεῖσα, XVI. 31 μειλίχιος: -οις, X. go μείρομαι: εἱμάρθαι, XIII. I pels: μηνί, 1. 16: μῆνες, VII. 2 (ἢ) : μῆνας, Χ. 93 μείων, 1. 63 Ἐμελαγκευθής: -és, III. 55 (9), fr. 2 (Ὁ) μέλαθρον : -ων, Χ. 44 *uekappapys: -ἐϊ, 111. 13 μελάμφυλλος: -ov, VIII. 33 μέλας: -awa, XII. 153: -av, XVI. 17 Μελέαγρος, V. 93: -ov, 77; 171 μελέτα: -av, XII. 191 μελέγλωσσος: -ov, 111. 97: των, fr. 3. 2 μέλισσα: -av, IX. τὸ μελίφρων, fr. 3. το: -ovos, p. 439 (I. 50 Blass) μέλλω: -et, V. 164: μέλλον (part.), VIII. 96, IX. 45: -ovros, VIII. 14: τόντων, fr. 7. 4: ἔμελλε, ππ|. 30: μέλλε (impf.), XV. τ: μέλλον (impf.), XII. 164 μέλος, XIX. 3: -έων, XVIII. 2, p. 437 (I. I Blass) μέλπω: τ-ουσι, XII. 94: -ετε, 100 (imper.) μέλω: -εἰ, V. 92: -ev, fr. 8. 5 Μέμφις: -ἰν, fr. 22. τ 599 μέν, I. 30, III. 15, 63, 85, 90, V- 3, 37» 144, IX. 47, X. 02, XII. 114, 203, XIII. By XVI. 1,24, 75, XVI. 37; fe: te. 3, 10. 1, 12, 19. 1, 24.1 Μένανδρος: -ov, XII. 192 μενέκτυπος: -ov, XVI. I Μενέλαος, XIV. 48: -ῳ, 6 μενεπτόλεμος, XVI. 73: του, Υ. 170: τοις, 126 μένος, III. 54 μέριμνα, 111. 57, X. 86, XVIII. 11: -at, I. 69, XVIII. 34: -as (acc.), fr. 16. 6: -ἂν, Υ͂. 7 μέρος. 111. 71 μέσος: τῳ, XIV. 53: τοισι, fr. 82. x μετά, with gen., X. 123: with dat., v. 30 Μεταπόντιον, X. το, 116 μεταπρέπω: μετέπρεπεν, V. 68 μή, UI. 13, 68, V. 36, 81, 160, X. 27, XII. IgQ, XVII. 44 μηδέ, V. τότ μήδομαι: μήσεται, XVII. 42: ἐμήσατο, XV. 30: μησάμενον, IV. 16 μηλόβοτος: -ous, V. 166 * μηλοδαΐκτας: -av, VIII. 6 μηλοθύτας: -av, VII. 39 μῆλον: -a, V. 109: των, X. III, XVII. 9 μηλοτρόφος: -ov, Χ. 95 μήν, see pels μῆρα, fr. ὃ. 4 Maris: -w, XV. 25, XVI. 29, 52 μιμνάσκω: μεμνᾶσθαι, XVII. 58 μίμνω: -ew, 111. 31: -ovTa, XII. 135 μιν, X. 111; Cp. vey μινύθω: -ει, 111. Qo (ἢ μινύνθη), XII. 209 Ἐμίνυνθα, V. 151 (ὃ μινύνθη) Μίνως, 1. 3: -wi, XVI. 8, 68 μίτρα: -αισιν, XII. 196 μοῖρα (fate), ΚΝ. 121, 143, VIII. 15, XVI. 27, 89: -ay (‘portion’), Iv. 20, V. 51 Μοῖσα: -ἂν, ν. 4, fr. 27 A 2; cp. Μοῦσα pod-: μόλε(ν), XVI. TOI, 122: μόλοι, V. 110: μολών, III. 30: μολοῦσα, XIII. 4 povapxéw: -ήσειν, fr. 16. 8 μόνος, fr. 14: -ous, XVII. 46 * μουνοπάλα: -av, XI. 8 μοῦνος : -ov, III. 80, IV. 15, V. 156, XVII. 35: τῳ, fr. 15. x Μοῦσα, 11. r1, III. 92, XIV. 47, fr. 17. 4: -ἂν, III. 71, V- 193, VIII. 3, IX. II, XVIII. 4, Epigr. 1. 3 (fr. 33): cp. Μοῖσα μῦθος: τον, XIV. 39: τοῖσι, X. 00 μύριος: -ia, V. 31, VIII. 48, XVIII. 1: -ίαι, IX. 38, X11I. 8, fr. 24. 2: -id, fr. 7. 3: -tas, X. 126: -ίων, III. 41, XII. 196 μύρω: -ομένοις, V. 163 μυχός: -ots, 1V. 14 μῶῷμος, XII. 202 510 N ναίω: -els, X. 116; -εἰν, VIII. 99: vaiov (impf.), xX. 61, 80 ναός: -6v, XV. 12, fr. 11. 3: -οὔ, III. 19; cp. νηός νάπα: -ats, XVII. 23 νασιώτας: -av, VIII. 77 (?) νασιῶτις : -ἰΨ, IX. 10 νᾶσος: -ov, II. 8, IX. 35, XI. 6, XII. 75 (ἢ), 182: -ov, V- 11, p. 437 (I. 14 Blass): τοιο, 20. (I. g Bl.) ναυβάτας: -at, XVI. 48 vais, XVI. 1: vada, 89, 119: νᾶες, fr. 16. τι: νᾶας, XII. 74: ναυσί, I. 5, XII. 150 veavias: -at, VI. 9: -as, fr. 13. 3 νεβρός, XII. 87 νεῖκος, X. 64 Νεῖλος: τον, XVIII. 40, fr. 22. 2: -ov, VIII. 41 Νεμέα: -€av, VII. 40: -ég, VIII. 82, XI. 8, XII. 67 Νεμεαῖος: -aiov, VIII. 4 νέμω: veluns, VII. 8: νείμας, I. 12: νέμον- Tat, IX. 33 *vedxpiros: -ου, p. 475 (fr. of VII.?) *yedxporos: -ov, V. 48 νεόκτιτος : -ῳ, XVI. 126 νέος : -ον (neut.), XVII. 3, 16: -οι, XII. Ι00, XVI. 129: τῶν, X. II, 12, QI, XVII. 14: τοις, fr. 3. 5 Νέσσος: -ov, XV. 35 νευρά: -dv, V. 73 νέφος, 111. 55, X11. 64, fr. 20. 3 νηέω: ναήσατο (Dor.), 111. 33 vhs: νῆιν, V. 174 νηός: νηόν, Epigr. 2. x (fr. 34): cp. ναός Νηρεύς: -éos, XVI. 102: Nypéos, I. 8 Νηρηΐς : -qd0s, XII. 123: -tdes, XVI. 38 νίζω: νιψάμενος, X. 97 νίκα: -αν, 11. 5, V- 49, VIII. 82, X. 39, XII. 190: -as (gen.), VI. II, VII. 9, VIII. 67, IX. 52: -as (acc.), VII. 47: -Gy, XII. 205 Nixa, X. I, XI. 5, Epigr. 1. x (fr. 33): -as, V. 33, IX. 15: -@, Ill. 5 vikdw: -ἂν, XII. 205: -doas, V. 183: -άσαντα, 40: -άσαντι, VIII. 25 vw (sing.), III. 92, IV. 14(?), V- 24, 43, 78, 159, VIII. 26, IX. 27, X. 15, 22, 86, 89, XII. 230, XIV. 56, XV. 31, XVI. 84, QI, 112, XVIII. 27, 42: (plur.), VIII. 15, p- 439 (1. 76 Blass).—Cp. μιν νόημα, X. 54 νόος: -ov, ἡ. 95: τῷ, IV. 9, V- 8 νόσος: -wv, I. 60: cp. νοῦσος νόσφιν, I. 60 véros: -ov, XII. 130 νοῦσος: νούσων, fr. 19. 2 viv, V. 4, 31, VI. 10, VIII. 25, IX. 9. Χ. 10, 37, XI. 3, XIII. 20, XVI. 55, fr. 4. 1 VOCABULARY. νυν (enclitic), XVIII. 8 νύξ: νύκτα, fr. 7. 4: -6s, VIII. 29, go, XII. 127, 175: -as, XVIII. 28 Nvé: Νυκτός, vit. 2, fr. 23. x νωμάω: νωμᾶται, ν. 26 {Ξ} "ξανθοδοδερκής, VIII. 12 ξανθόθριξ: -τριχα, V. 37 ξανθός: -dv, 111. 56, VIII. 24, IX. 15: -Gs, X. 51, XII. 136: -¢, V. 92, fr. 8. 4: -al, XIX. 2 ξεῖνος: -a, X. 85: των, I. 40: τοισι, XI. 5 fevia: -αν, ΧΙ]. 224 ξένος, V. τί ξεστός: -οὖς, XVII. 49 ξίφος, XVII. 48: -ea, fr. 8. 8 ξουθός: -αἴσι, V. 17 ξύλινος : τον, IIT. 49 ξύνειμι: -έασιν, fr. 26 ξυνός: -ὁν, IX. 6, 12 Oo 6: (1) As definite article, passim. (2) As demonstrative pron., always the first word of the sentence, and (a) often followed by 6(é): ὁ δέ, XVI. 71: τοῦ δ᾽, X. 106: χῷ δ᾽. V. 76, I11, XVI. 81: τὸν δ(έ), V. 71, 93, 170, X. 85: of δ᾽, IX. 44, and rol δέ, v. 149, fr. 18. 2: ταὶ δ(έ), X. 110, XII. 91: τὰ (nom.) δέ, V. 91: ταῖσιν δέ, V. 68, X. 53: but also (ὁ) with asyndeton, τᾷ ποτ᾽, X. 40: τάν, V. 169: τάς, X. 42: τῶν, XII. Too. (3) As relative pron., in the oblique cases: τοῦ, VIII. 40: τόν, V. 142, VIII. 12, XVI. 115: τάν, XII. 193, 226, 228: τῶν, XII. 67, 168: τοῖσιν, I. 11, V. 135 * 6Bpimodepxhs: -εἴ, XV. 20 * 68piudcmopos: -ov, XVIII. 32 ὅδε: τόνδε, I. 70, XVI. 60, Ep. 2. τ (fr. 34): τάνδε, XII. 203: τᾷδε, VIII. 89: τάδε, IV. 15, 163, IgI, XVI. 74: τοῖσδε, fr. 13. 3 ὁδός, fr. 7. x: -6v, XVI. 89, XVIII. 13: τοῦ, IX. 52 ὁδούς: -όντι, V. 108 ὀδύρομαι: -duevor, fr. 8. x ᾿Οδυσσεύς: -e?, XIV. 5 ὅθεν, XVIII. 46 ὅθι, VIII. 6 οἱ, dat. pron. 3rd pers. (=atr@), I. 19, 45, X. 110, XVI. 18, 37, I15, XVII. 46, XIX. 9, Ep. 2. 3 (fr. 34) οἶδα, IX. 49: olde, III. 13, VIII. 53: εἰδώς, v. 78, IX. 42: eloeat, XVI. 64 οἰκεῖος : -ων, I. 57 οἰκέω: -εῦσι, VIII. 43 οἰκίζω: ᾧκισσαν, VIII. 51 VOCABULARY. *OtkAeldas, VIII. 16 © οἶκος : -ot, fr. 16. 9 οἰκτίρω: -ovTa, V. 158 Olveidas: -ats, 1X. 18 Oiveds, V. 97: -έος, 120: οἶνος, fr. 17. 5 οἷος : -ov, XV. 30: -av, XII. 46: ofa (adv.), XVII. 36: οἷά τε, V. 65: -αισιν, XVI. 120 τ-ῆος, 166 ὀϊστός : -dv, V. 82 Οἰχαλία: -av, XV. 14 οἴχομαι: ᾧχετο, I. 12 ὄλβιος, V. 50, fr. 28: -ov, 111. 8: -av, XI. 4: τοῖο, XVI. 102: -wy, XIV. 56: ταῖς, XVIII. 10 ὄλβος, fr. 20. 2: -ov, ΠΙ. 902: τῶν, 22 ὄλεθρος : -ον, V. 139 "ὀλιγοσθενέω: -ων, V. 139 ὁλκάς : -dda, XV. 2 ὄλλυμε: ὥλεσε, V. 121: ὥλεσσεν, XIV. 63 ὀλολύζω : ὠλόλυξαν, XVI. 127 ὁλοός : -οά, V. 1531 ᾽᾿λυμπία: -ᾳ, VI. 6, VII. 3 ΠΟλυμπιοδρόμος : -ous, 111. 3 ᾿Ὀλυμπιονίκα : -as, IV. 17 Ὀλύμπιος: -ov, V. 179 Ὄλυμπος: -y, Χ. 4 ὁμιλέω: -εἴ, I. 51 ὅμιλος : -ov, IX. 24: τῷ, I ὄμμα, XVI. 18: -άτων, 95, XVII. 54: -act, XVIII. 19 ὀμφά, XIII. 13 ὀμφαλός: -dv, IV. 4 ὀξύς: -εἴαν, XII. 117 ὀπάζω: ὄπαζε (imper.), XVI. 132: ὥπασεν, XIV. 60: ὄπασσας, VII. 50 ὅπᾳ, XVII. 30 ὀπάων : -oow, XVII. 35 ὀπίσσω, XII. 53 ὁπλότερος: -ov, X. 71 ὁπότε, I. 143: ὅπποτε, XII. 110 ὁράω: ὁρᾷς, fr. 14: ὄψεαι, 111. 79 ὀργά: -al, fr. 24. τ ὀρέγω : ὄρεξεν, V. 114 ὀρθόδικος : -ov, Χ. 9, XIII. 23 ὀρθός: -ἂς, X. 27: ὀρθόν, IV. τι ὀρθῶς, τ. 72, IV. 6 ὀρίνω: ὠρίνατο, XII. 112 ὅριον : -a, XVII. 6 ὁρμά: -άν, IX. 20, XII. 156 ὁρμαίνω: -et, fr. 16. 12: -οντα, XII. 106 ὁρμάω: -G, XVII. 41 ὄρνιξ : -ἰχες, V. 22 ὄρνυμι: ὥρσαν, XII. 145: ὄρνυο, XVI. 76: ὀρνύμενον, V. 45: ὄρος, Χ. 55 ὅρος, fr. 7. τ: ὅρον, V. 144 épodw: ὄρουσε, XVI. 84 *dpalados: -w, XV. 19 “ὀρσιβάκχας: -av, XVIII. 49 Ἀὀρσίμαχος : -ov, XIV. 3 -ol, XIV. 41 511 ὄρχος : -ους, V. 108 és, relative pron., III. 11, XIII. 23, XIV. I, XVII. 20, XVIII. 3, fr. 4. 11; 7. 3: ἅ (fem.), VIII. 19, IX. 50, XII. 97: 187, XVI. 112, XVIII. 49: ὅν, V. 193: ds, IV. 8: ᾧ, Vil. 8: οἵ, VIII. 23, IX. - 33» 34, XII. 114: Gs, VIII. 50. Also ὅς τε (epic), XII. 105, XVII. 39 (?) ὅς, possessive pron.: ὅν, V. 47 ὅσιος : -ov, XVI. 21: -td, III. 83 ὅσος: -o1, III. 63: -at, VIII. 63: -d, τι. 6. Also ὅσσος: -ov, I. 70: -d, VI. 4, IX. 85 ὅστις, 111. 67 f., V. 110, X. 124: ὅτι, ΠΙ. 57, V- 164, IX.6: ὅντινα, I. 68: ἅντινα, IX. 37: ᾧτινι, V. 50 ὅταν, XII. 63, XVI. 27, p- 439 (1. 3 Blass) 6re, X. Q5, XII. 121, XV. 34, XVIII. 19, 50, XIX. 4 ὅτι, 11. 4, lI. 61, 79, 81, VI. 15, XV. 27 ὀτρύνω: ὥτρυνε, VIII. 35, XII. 146 ov, οὐκ, οὐχ: I. 36, III. 30, 87, 88, go, 95, V. 24, 53, 84, 122, 129, 136, 162, VIII. 15, 53) X- 22, XII. £75, XIV. 30, 52, XVI. 41, 81, XVII. 43, fr. 3. 9, 11. 1, 12, 14, 17. 1, 20, 32.1 οὐδέ, V. 25, XVIII. 25, fr. 3. 10, 4. 2, Ll. 1x οὐδείς, fr. 28: -ἐν, 1. 65, 111. 57, XVI. 118, fr. 19. 3 οὐδός : -ὄν, fr. 18. x οὐκέτι, XVI. 11,21 “οὔλιος Ξε οὖλος : -ἰον, XVII. 53 ovAos: -αἰς, XVI. 113 οὖν, XVIII. 29, 37 οὕπω, V. 43 Οὐρανία, XV. 3: -as, V. οὐρανός: -o0, XVI. 55 οὔριος : -la, XII. 130 οὖρος : -ov, XVI. 87 οὔτε.. οὔτε, XVIII. 26 ff.: οὔτε, fr. 20. 2: ov.. οὔτε. of οὐδέ), fr. 17. xf. οὔτις, 111. 63, VII. 44 οὔτοι, V. 84 οὗτος : τοῦτο, III. 83: τοῦτον, XVII. 31: ταῦτα, V. 136, XVII. 30 ὀφθαλμός: -dv, p. 437 (I. 7 Blass): -otow, 1X: ἢ ὄφρα, XVII. 42, Ep. 2. 3 (fr. 34) égpts: -ύων, XVI. 17 ὄχθα: -αισιν, VII. 49 by: dl, XVI. 129, p. 439 (I. 77 Blass) II παγκρατής, Χ. 44, XVI. 24, fr. 10. 2 παγκράτιον : παγκρατίου, XII. 56 πάγνυμι: πᾶξαι, Χ. 88 πάγξενος or -ξεινος : παγξείνου, XII. 95 (?): -ένῳ, X. 28 13, VI. II οὔτε.. otre.. - οὔτε (instead 512 πᾷ, IX. 47 παιανίζω: παιάνιξαν, XVI. 129 παιδικός : -ol, fr..3. x2 παιήων : -όνων, XV. 8 παῖς, VII. 46: παῖδα, V. 146, 156, X. 14, 32, XII. 103, XVII. 56, XVIII. 41: -δί, VIII. 103, XVI. 70: -des, V. 36, XIV. 56: -das, I. 43, X- 69, XIV. 63: παῖδας, p- 475 (fr. of VII.): -δεσσι, XIV. 39 Πακτωλός, 111. 45 πάλα: -as, VIII. 36, X. 21 πάλαι, fr. 4.1 παλαιός: -o0, VIII. 64 παλαίστρα: -av, XVII. 26 πάλιν, Vill. 16, XVI. 81 παλίντροπον, X. 54 Πάλλας: -avros, Ep. 1. x (fr. 33) Παλλάς: -ddos, XIV. 3: -ddt, V. 92 παμμαχία: -ἰᾶν, XII. 76 πάμπαν, p. 439 (I. 81 Blass) *rdaubepors, fr. 20. 2 πανδαμάτωρ, XII. 205 πανδερκής: -€a, XVI. 70 Πανδίων : -ovos, XVI. 15, XVII. 15 πάνδωρος, fr. 20. 4 Πανέλλανες : -ων, XII. 198 ἡ πανθαλής, XII. 229 πανθαλή- ‘Dor. for πανθηλ-): -έων, XII. 69 Πανθείδας: -a, 11. 14: Πανθείδᾳ, 1. 37 *mdvyiKos: -οιο, X. 21 παντᾷ, V- 31, VIII. 48, XIV. 44 παντοδαπός: -ὥν, IV. 19 πάντοθεν, XVIII. 20 παντοῖος : -atot, XII. 49 παρά, with gen., III. 11, XIII. 1(?), 10 (πάρ), XV. 35, XVIII. 3, 13: with dat., Ill. 20, V. 64, VIII. 84, XII. 150 (wapat): with acc., III. 6, 1V. 4, V. 38, VIII. 39, IX. 29, X. 26, 119, XII. 58, XV. 12, XVI. I19, XVIII. 39, fr. 7. 4, 11. 3, 15. 2 παραπλήξ: -ἣγι, Χ. 45 παρατρέπω: -τρέψαι, Ν. 95 παράφρων: see πάρῴφρων πάρεδρος: -ου, Χ. 51 πάρειμι : -εστι(ν), 111. 67, Iv. SVU. 1, 40 17, x παρηΐς: -ἰδων, XVI. 13 14(?), παρθενικά: -Gs, XVI. 11 mapbévios: -ig, Χ. 47 παρθένος: -ῳ, XV. 21: τοὶ, 111. 50, XII. 94 παρίημι: παρέντα, 111. 88 παρίστημι: παρισταμένα, X. 5 πάροιθε(ν), 111. 19, VI. 4 πάρος, ΧΙ. 4 πάρφρων: -ονος, Χ. 103 πᾶς: πᾶν, VI. 43: πάντα, V. 55, XIV. 38, XVII. 45, fr. 28: πᾶσαν, VIII. 40: παντί, L. 58, XIL 231: πάντων, I. 64, xvi. 66, Epigr. 2. 2. (fr. 34): πάντεσ- VOCABULARY. σι(ν), XII. 81, 203, XVI. 123, fr. 9. τ: πᾶσι(ν), XIV. 54, fr. 16. 8 πᾶσις: dot, IX. 42 (?) πασιφανής, XII. 176 πασσυδίᾳ, XII. 141 πατήρ, Ν. 101, Χ. 96, XIV. 37, XVI. 78: πάτερ, XVI. 53: πατέρα, X. 51: πατρός, XVI. 63, 99, 109 πάτρα: πάτραν, x. ‘di πάτριος: -lwy, 1. πατρίς : -ίδος, p. 475 (fr. of vit) πατρῴαν, XII. 74 παῦλα: -αν, IX. 8 (?) maipos: -ow(t), VIII. 95, XII. 62, fr. 21. x: παυροτέρων, I - 64 παύω: παύσει, ΧΙΙ. 45: παῦσεν, Vv. 98, X. 108: παῦσαι, 76: παύσασθαι, XIV. 46 πεδίον, XII. 143: τῷ, X. 19, XII. 118 * πεδοιχνεῖν, XV. 9 πέδον, VIII. 5 πείθω: πεῖθε (impf.), VIII. 16: πιθοῦσα, X. 107: πειθόμεθ᾽, V. 195 πεισίμβροτον, VIII. 2 πέλαγος, XVI. 4, 77 πελάζω: πέλασσεν, X. 33: πελάσσας, VIII. 38: πλαθεῖσα, XVI. 35 Πελλάνα: -αν, ΙΧ. 33 Πέλοψ: -οπος, V. 181, VII. Ρ. 437 (1- 13 Blass) πέλω: πέλονται, ΙΧ. 38, fr. 3. 7: ἔπλετο, 1. 31 πέμπω: 53, Χ. 25, «εἰ, V. 11, XIV. 61, fr. 16. 6: -οι, XV. 29: -ew, V. 197: -εν, VIII. 20: ἔπεμψεν, XV. 2: πέμψαι, Ill. 66: πέμψει, V. 91 πενθέω: -εῖν, fr. 2. 2 πενία: -ας, I. 61 πεντάεθλος : -οιἱσιν, VIII. 27 πένταθλον : πεντάθλου, VIII. 104 πέντε, 1. 43 πεντήκοντα, I. 5, ILI. 81, VII. 2 πεπρωμένα : See Top- πέπων : -όνων, Ep. 2. 4 (fr. 34) πέρθω: wépoav, Χ. 122 περί, with gen., V. 124, XVII. 51 (ὕπερ MS.): with dat., VII. 50, XII. 55, XVII. 47 περικλειτός: -é, fr. 12: -ol, X. 81: -κλειτῶν, VIIL. 8: -οἵσι(ν), V. 12, IX. 19 Πέρσας: -ἂν, 111. 27 Περσείδας, ΧΙΙ. 48 πέταλον, V. 186 πετάννυμι: πέτασε, XVI. 72 Ilerpatos: -alov, XIII. 20 Πηλεΐδας, XII. 110 πῆχυς: -uv, fr. 13. 4 πιαίνω: -erat, 111. 68 Πιερίδες, XVIII. 35, Ρ. 437 (I- 3 Blass): των, XVIII. 3 πινυτός. -Gs, XIV. 55 - VOCABULARY. πίνω: -ovros, fr. 16. 12 πίπτω: ἔπεσον, X. 20: πεσεῖν, 72: πε- σόντα, 23. Cp. πίτνω Πίσα: -αν, v. 182 πίσυνος: V. 21, XII. 221 Πιτθεύς: -€os, XVI. 34 πίτνω: -vov (impf.), XVI. 6 πιφαύσκω, V. 42: τοι, VIII. 81 πίων: tmordtw, Epigr. 2. 2 (fr. 34) πλαγκτός: -@, VIII. 20 (?) πλάξιππος, V. 97 πλάσσω: πλᾶξεν, X. 86 πλατύς: -εἴα, fr, 29 Πλεισθενίδας, XIV. 48 *mdelorapxos: -ov, III. 12 πλείων : -ova, III. 65: πλεῦνας, VII. 46 ἸΠλευρών: -Gva, V. 151, XIX. Io πλήμμυρις : -w, fr. 30 πλημύρω: -wY, V. 107 πλόκος: -ov, XVI. 114 πλοῦτος, I. 50: -ov, III. 13, XIV. 59, fr. 3. 2, 16. 12: -ov, IX. 49: τῳ, X. 51 πνέω: -ων, V. 153, IX. 22: -ovoa, XVI. QI πνοιά: πνοιαῖσιν, V. 28 ποδάνεμος: -ov, VI. 13 ποδάρκης: -€a, XVIII. 30 πόθεν, XVII. 31 ποικίλος : -ov, VII. 43: -αις, X. 33 ποιμήν : -ένων, XVII. 9 ποῖος: -α, V. 88 *mrodéuaryts: -δος, XVI. 7 πολέμαρχος: -ε, XVI. 39 πολεμήϊος: -αν, XVII. 4: τοις, 33 πόλεμος: -Οιο, XII. 121: -ov, XVII. 58: τῷ, ν. 131 πολιοκρόταφος: -ον, fr. 21. 2 πολιός : -dv, III. 88 . mods: -, I. 13, 29, IV. 2, V. 12, 150, VIII. 54, 66, 98, X. 114, 122, XI. 7, XII. 71, 163, 185, XIV. 41, pp. 437-9 (1. 2 52 Blass): -e, X. 78: -lwy, ἣν 7 πολυάμπελος : πολυαμπελ-, p. 475 (fr. of VII) πολυδάκρυος : -ov, III. 30 πολύδακρυς: οὖν, XV. 24 πολύζηλος: -ῳ, X. 63 πολυζήλωτος, VII. 10: -€, VIII. 45: -ov, I. 74, IX. 48 πολυήσατος: -ows, XVIII. 9 πολυκρατής: -és (voc.), VIII. 15 πολύκρημνος: -ov, I. Τὶ πολύκβριθος : -ov, X. 70 πολυλάϊον, IX. 34 πολύλλιστος : -ov, X. 41 Πολυνείκης: -εἴ, VIII. 20 Πολυπήμων: -ονος, XVII. 27 πολύπλαγκτος: -ov, XII. 181: τοι, X. 35 πολύς: -ύὔ, X. 50: πολλάν, XVII. 34: πολέες, Χ. 17: πολλαΐ, VIII. 80: -έας, Epigr. 1. 3 (fr. 33): -έων, V. τοο: ; ae 513 πολλῶν, IX. 48: -οῖς, I. Cp. πλείων πολύστονος: -ov, XVI. 40 πολύφαντος: -ov, XII. 61 πολύχρυσος: -ῳ, X. 4 πολυώνυμος: -ε, Epigr. 1. x (fr. 33) πόνος: -ov, XII. 54, fr. 7. 5: -ous, fr. 9 πόντιος: -ov, XVI. 84: τῳ, 35 πόντος, XVI. 128: -ov, XII. 129: -ovde, XVI. 94: -ou, III. 86, fr. 30: -w, XII. 125 πορ-: ἔπορεν, V. 51: πεπρωμέναν, 111. 25, XVI. 26 Πορθανίδας: -da, V. 70 πόρος: -@, VIII. 42 πόρπαξ: -ἕξιν, fr. 3. 6 πορσύνω: ἐπόρσυνε, XVI. 89 πορτιτρόφος : -ov, X. 30 πορφύρεος: -εον, XVII. 52: -€av, XVI. 112: -eot, fr. 20. 2 *ropgupodlvas: -av, VIII. 39 πορφυρόζωνος : -οιο, X. 49 Ποσειδάν, XVI. 79, XIX. 8: -Gvos, IX. 19, XIII. 20: -ἂνι, XVI. 36, 59 Ποσειδάνιος : -ov, fr. 6. x moraivios : -av, XVI. 51 ποταμός: -οὔ, VIII. 65, XII. 77: VIII. 45 ποτέ, 111. 23, 72, V. 56, VI. 6, X. 40, XI- 4, XII. 54, XVI. 115, XIX. 1 πότερα, XVII. 33 mori, with acc., X. 96, XV. 29: cp. πρός πότμος: -ov, V. 158 πότνια, XI. 5, Ep. 1. x (fr. 33) που, V. QI: ποῦ, III. 38, 39 πούς: ποδῶν, VII. 6, IX. 20: -εσσι, VI. 2, XII. 86: ποσσί(ν), 1. 35, V. 183: ποσίν, XVI. 108, XVII. 17 πρᾶξις, V. 163 πράσσω: -οι, V. 190: -ovras, fr. 21. 2: πράξαντι, 111. 94 ; πρέπω: -et, XVIII. 12 πρεσβύτατος: -ov, VII. 8 Πρίαμος: -o1o, X. 120: τῷ, XIV. 38 πρίν; X. 72, XII. 114, XV. 13, XVIII. 38, fr. 21. 3 πρόγονος : -o1, X. 110 πρόδομος : -οις, VI. 14 προΐημι: -le, V. 81 Προῖτος : -ov, X. 45, 83: τῳ, 66 πρόκειμαι : -Tat, XIII. 9 Προκόπτας, XVII. 28 προλείπω: -ων, V. 154 πρόξενος : -ον, VIII. 20 προπάροιθε(ν), III. 32, V- 148 προπέμπω: -e (imperat.), XVI. 55: -πέμ- πων, VIII. 34 Ξ πρόπολος, V. 192 πρός, with dat., X. 23: with acc., V. 45, 149, X- 100 προσεῖδον: προσιδεῖν, V. 161 προσεῖπον: -ev, V. 78 42, V. 127. Δ τῶν, 34 514 προσεννέπω: προσήνεπεν, XIV. 9 πρόσθε(ν), 111. 47, XVI. 45 πρόσπολος, XIV. 2 προστίθημι: προσθέντα, VIII. 72 (?) πρόσφαμι: προσέφα, V. 93, 171 προσφωνέω: -ει (impf.), or -εἶ, p. 439 (I. 76 Blass) πρότερος : -ov, XII. 164: -ρων, V. 43 προφαίνω : προφάνη, V-. 77 προφανής, 111. 51 προφάτας, VIII. 3: -ἅται, IX. 28 προφέρω: -ειν, X. 51 πρόφρων, Ep. 1. 2 (fr. 33) προχοά: -ais, VI. 3 πρύμνα: -ᾳ, XII. τοῦ πρύτανις: -ἰν, I. 18, XVIII. 43 Ἀπρώθηβος : -ov, XVII. 57 πρών: -vas, ν. 6 πρώτιστος: -ov (adv.), VIII. It πρῶτος, XIV- 47: τον, VIII. 9: τοῖς, I. 58 πτάσσω: τ-οντι, V. 22: πτᾶσσον, impf., XII. 117 πτέρυξ: -ύγεσσι, V. 18 Πυθέας: -éa (gen.), XII. 191 Πυθιόνικος, IV. 5: -ov, X. 13 Πύθιος : -e, XV. το: -ίου (neut.), xv. 1 (?) πυθμήν: -éves, V. 198 Πυθώ (acc.), 111. 62 Πυθών: -Gva, VII. 39: -ὥνι, V. 41 πυκινός: -dy, fr. 1. x πύλα: -at, p. 437 (I. 14 Blass): -as (acc.), ΓΙ, 4, 2 πύματος: -ον, V. 153 πυνθάνομαι: πύθετο, XV. 26 πύξ, VI. 7 πῦρ: -6s, III. 53, XVI. 105: -l, XII. 107, XV. 14 πυρά: πυράν, 111. 31 Ἀπυργοκέρας: -ατα, fr. 81 πύργος: -ων, V. 148 πυργόω: -ωθέντα, 111. 13 Ἐπυριέθειρα: -αν, XVI. 56 πυροφόρος: -ot, fr. 10, τὸ Πύρριχος : -ov, ΧΙ1Π1. 22 πυρσός: -dv, XII. 82 Ἀπυρσόχαιτος : -Tov, XVII. 51 TW, V. 1223 cp. οὕπω πῶλος: -ov, V. 39 πῶμα, V. 76 P pa, XVIII. 33 (ἤ pa) ῥᾷδιος: -ov, XVII. 43: ῥᾷστον, fr. 4. 2 ῥέεθρον: -o1s, 111. 20, V. 64 ῥέπω: -€, XVI. 25 purd: -d, V. 46 ῥίπτω: -ων, VIII. 32 pod: -ats, XII. 193 ῥοδοδάκτυλος, XVIII. 18 ῥοδόεις : -εντι, XV. 34 VOCABULARY. ῥόδον : -ous, XVI. 116 poddraxus: -vv, XII. 96 = calvw: -εἰ, I. 55: -vovca, p. 439 (I. 77 Blass) σακεσφόρος: -ov, XII. 104 σάλπιγξ, XVII. 4: -ἔγγων, fr. 3. 9 σᾶμα, VIII. 14, XVI. 57 σαμαίνω: σάμαινεν, XIV. 38 σαόφρων, XII. 186 oamw: -εται, III. 87 Σάρδιες, 111. 27 σαφής: -ἢ (acc. pl.), XVI. 75 σβέννυμι: σβέννυεν, 111. 56 σεισίχθων : -ονος, XVII. 22: -ovt, XVI. 58 σείω: -ων, XII. 120 σελάνα, VIII. 29 σέλας, XVI. 104 Σεμέλα: -av, XVIII. 48 *ceuvoddrerpa, II. I σεμνός: -G, XII. 195: -άν, XVI. 110: -οὔ, X. 52: -Gs, ν. 99 σεύω: σεύοντι (3rd plur.), XVII. Io: ἔσσευε, V. 104: σευομενᾶν, fr. 16. 3 σθένος, VII. 7, XVII. 40: -€t, V. 107, VIII. 37 σιδαρόδετος: -oxs, fr. 3. 6 Σικελία: -as, III. 1 Σικυών, IX. 32 Σίνις : -w, XVII. 20 σιωπά, 111. 95 Σκάμανδρος: -ον, XII. 165 σκᾶπτρον, 111. 70 Σκίρων: -ωνα, XVII. 25 σκοπέω: -εἷῖς, 111. 74 σκότος: -@, III. 14 σκύφος: τ-οισιν, fr. 17. 5 σμερδαλέος: -ἔαν, X. 56 σοέω: σόει (impf.), XVI. 90 σός: σόν, XII. 83, XV. 12: σᾶς, VIII. 49: σῶν, 45: cp. Teds σοφία, XIV. 31, fr. 10. 2 σοφός, IX. 39, XI. 1, fr. 4.1: τόν, XII. 201 Σπάρτα: -g, XIX. I στάδιον, VI. 7, 15: τίου, IX. 21 στάσις, fr. 20. 2 στείχω: -εἰ, VIII. 47: -€W, 17, XVII. 36 στέρνον : -οισ(ι), X. 88, XVII. 53 στέφανος: -@, VIII. 23: τοι, X. 19: -ous, Ep. 1. 4 (fr. 33): -wy, 1. 48, ΠΙ. 8: -οισ(ιν), 11. 10, IV. 16, VI. 8, VII. II, XII. 55, 69 στεφανόω: ἐστεφάνωσεν, XII. 197: στεφα- νωσάμενον, X. 209: -μενᾶι, XII. ΟἹ στεφαναφόρος : -ων, XVIII. 51 (Ὁ) στῆθος: -έων, V. 15: -εσσι, Χ. 54 στίλβω : -ειν, XVII. 55 στολά: -dv, XVII. 32 : στορέννυμι: στόρεσεν, XII. 129 στραταἀγέτας, XVII. 7: -av, XVI. 121 ΄ ᾿ VOCABULARY. orpararyés: -yé, V. 2 στρατιά: -dy, XVII. 34 στρατός: -@, III. 27 στρωφάω: -Grat, XII. 180 στυγερός: -dv, V. 11: -ῶν, X. 76 σύ, III. 92, VII. 8, XII. 67, XVI. 28 (?), 44, 76, fr. 15. x: σέο, 11. 65: σέθεν, X. 9: σοί (orthot.), v. 168, X. 2, XVI. 54: τίν (orthot.), XVII. 14: Toe (enclit.), x. 104, 118, XII. 79, XVI. 78, XVII. II: σέ (orthot.), VI. 10, VII. 2, XVI. 58: σε (enclit.), XVI. 29, 39, XVIII. 12, fr. 12 συλάω: -ὥται, fr. 3. 10 συμπόσιον: -lwv, fr. 3. 12 συμφορά, XIII. 3 σύν, I. 5, Il. 10, III. 5, 6, 33, 34; 60, 96, Iv. 6, V. 9, 28, 52, 127, VII. 42, VIII. 51, 85, 103, X- 23, 63, 115, 125, XII. 66, 89, 128, 183, 202, XIV. 13, XVI. 125, XVII. 33, 35 συνετός: -ἅ, III. 85 σύνευνος: -ων, p. 439 (I. 58 f. Blass) ? συνεχέως, V. 113 σύνοικος: -ov, XIV. 56 Συρακόσιος: -lavy, IV. 1: -κοσίων, V. 1 Συράκοσσαι: -dccas, V. 184 σῦς, V. 116: σῦν, XVII. 23 σφάζω: σφάζε (impf.), v. 1 σφέτερος: -ov, X. 50: -as (plur.), 111. 36 σφῦρα: -av, XVII. 28 σχάζω: trxacev, XVI. 121 σχέτλιος : -ov, XVI. 19 σῶμα, XVI. 63: -Tos, XII. 52: -7t, III. QI: -Ta, VIII. 38, fr. 17. x T ταινία: -ᾳ, XVI. 107 Tadatovidas: -αν, VIII. 19 τάλαντον, IV. 12(?), XVI. 25 ταλαπενθής: -éa (sing.), XV. 26: -€os, V. 157 τάλας: -awa, XV. 30 τάμνω: -νων, V. 17: τάμνε (impf.), XVI. 4 Taviogupos: -ov, V. 59: τοις, III. 60 τανίφυλλος : -ov, X. 55 ~ πτανύθριξ:. τανυτρίχων; fr. 3. 4 τάπης: -nres, fr. 17. 2 ταρφέως, XII. 86 ταῦρος: -ovs, XV. 18 ταὔσιος: -ov, V. 81 ταφ-: τάφεν, XVI. 86: -ov, XVI. 48 Taxa, V. 89 ταχύς: -ὖν, XII. 201: -εἶαν, IX. 20: -είαις, v. 18: τάχιστα, Epigr. 2. 3 (fr. 34) ταχύτας: -Gra, VII. τε (θ᾽. passim (occurring about 157 times ; cp. δέ and xal): fivefold, XVII. 19-27: τε... καί, 111. 79 ff., X. gof., fr. 22. τ f.: τε..τε Kal, VII. 39 f.: δέ τε, XII. 129, 515 fr. 3. 1: placed after art. and noun, τὸν ὑπέρβιόν τ᾽, XVII. 19; or after prep. and noun, Ill. 5, σὺν ὑπερόχῳ τε, cp. 1b. 6, 34 τέγγω: τέγξαι, V. 157 τέθμιος : -lov, 111. 70 (?) τεῖχος, X. 77: -εα, XII. 142 τέκνον : -a, X. 102 τέκος, VI. 13, XVIII. 22, fr. 2, x Τελαμών: -μῶνα, XII. 98 τελειόω: τελειοῦσαι, 111. 26 (?) τέλεος: -€ous, X. 91 τελευτά: -ds, IX. 46 τελευταῖος : -as (gen.), VIII. 36 τελευτάω: τελευταθεῖσα, I. 72 Tehéw: -εῖς (fut.), 111. 82: -εἴ (fut.), xvi. 78: -εῦν (probably fut.), v. 164: τέλεσας, VII. 49: τελεῖται, XVII. 30 (fut.), 45 (pres.) τέλος, V. 45, X. 6 τέμενος, X. 48, 110, XIII. 21 reds: τεάν, IX. 13: τεᾶν, XVI. 21: cp. σός τέρας, XV. 35, XVI. 72 τέρπω: -πον (3rd plur.), XVI. 107: -πό- μενος, XV. ἢ *repyrerns: -€is, XII. 230 TeppiuBporos: -ων, XII. 72 τέρψις, I. 59 τετραέλικτος: -ov, IX. 25 (?) τεῦχος: -εσι, V- 72 τεύχω: -εἰ, III, 58: τεῦχον (3rd plur.), X. 110 τέχνα: -ats, X. 33, XII. 49 τηλαυγής: -ét, XVI. 5 τίθημι: τίθησι, IX. 50: θῆκας, 18: θῆκεν, 1. 47: ἔθηκαν, Il. 7: θέωσιν, XVI. 118: θέμεν, XVI. 70: θείμαν, ν. 169 τίκτω: -ει, IX. 46, fr. 3. τ: ἔτικτε, ΧΙΙ. 97: τίκτε (impf.), XVIII. 50: τέκε(ν), I. τό, V. 119, VIII. 56, XVI. 30, 35,54 τιμά: -G, τ. 40: -dv, I. 70 ἔ,, IX. 39, XII. 80, XIII. 6, XVI. 69, XVIII. 7 τιμάω: -G, XII. 183: -ῶν, X. 74: -acev, XII. 194 Τιμόξενος : -ov, VIII. 102 TiptvOios : -ov, X. 57 Τίρυνς : -Oa, X. 71 ae ris (interrog.), ν. 86, 89, VIII. 53, XIV. 47: τίνα, XVII. 31, 32: τί, IV. 18, IX. 51, XVII. 3, 11, 15, fr. 8 τις (enclit.), III. 21, 97, V- 5, 54, 162, 165, 190, X. 27, XII. 84, XVII. 5, fr. 7. 2: τινί, XVII. 2: τινά, IX. 41, 56, XII. 46, 199, 223, XVI. 43: τί, VIII. 101, XVIII. 9, fr. 11. 4 τιταίνω: -εἰ, IX. 43 τιτύσκω: -ων, V. 49 τλάμων, V. 153: -oves, XII. 157 (?) τόθεν, V. 197 τόθι, 111. ἡ (Ὁ), 19, XVI. IOI [V 160 516 rot (particle), 1. 58, VIII. 3 (?), 22: ἢ τοι; XII. 79. Cp. odrou.—For ro 262, see under σύ bere ay 30: τον, p- 439 (1. 35 Blass)? “τοιόσδε: -ὄνδε, XIX. 3: τοιῷδε, VIII. 37 "τοιοῦτος: -ov, V. 87 "τοξόκλυτος, Χ. 39 "τόξον, IX. 43 “πόσος: -d, 111. 48: as relative, I. 37, XV. II τότε, 111. 58, V. 143, 156, VIII. 19, XV. 23, XVIII. 31 : τραχύς: -ὕν, V. 82: -etay, XII. IIT τρέφω: -€l, 111. 92, XII. 62: Opéper, ν. 88, VIII. 7 Tpéw: τρέσσαν, XVI. 92 τριέτης : -εἰ, VIII. 23 τριόδους : -δοντα, fr. 6 2 τρίπους : -ὁδων, 111. 18 τρισευδαίμων, III. 10 τρισκαίδεκα (acc.), X. 92 Tplraros: -ᾳ, 1. 2 τρίτος : -ov, IV. 4 Τροιζήνιος : -la,, XVI. 58 Τροία: -as, VIII. 46 τροχοειδής : -éa (sing.), VIII. 32 Tpws: -@es, XII. 133, XIV. 50: τῶν; XIV. 42 τυγχάνω: τεύξεται, IX. 38: τύχον (Ist pers.), ν. 144: τυχών, XII. 67, XVII. 29: τυχόν, VIII. 83: -όντες, XIV. 12 τυφλός: -ἅ, ν. 132 τύχα, IX. 47: -av, XVI. 132: -α, Υ. 52, Χ. 115: ταῖς, VIII. 51 τῶ (‘therefore’), XVI. 39 TWS, V- 31 ks ὕβρις: -os, XII. 44: τιν, XVI. 41 Ὕβρις, XIV. 59 ὑγίεια: -elas, 1. 55 ὑγρός: -otow, XVI. 108 ὕδωρ, 111. 36 υἱός, X. 15, XII. 123, XV. 28, XVI. 86, XVIII. 26: -é, V- 79, XII. 68, XVI. 20, XVII. 15: -év, II. 14, IV. 13, V- 62, XIX. 11 (?): υἷι, 1π|. 77 (?): vias, XII. 100 tha: -av, X. 93 ὑμέτερος: -av, V. 11, 32 buvéw: -εῦσι, X. 13: -εῖν, V. 33: -έων, vil. 40: ὕμνει (imper.), 111. 3: ὑμνή- σει, 111. 97: ὕμνησον, V. 179 *Suvowvacoa, XI. I ὕμνος, VI. 11: -ov, V. 10, VIII. 78, p- 475 (fr. of vII)?: τοι, fr. 3. 12: τοὺς, IV. 10: των, VIII. 83, XII. 223, XV. 4: τοισιν, XVIII. 8 tat, with gen., XII. 139 ὑπέρ: see ἢ. On XVII. 51 VOCABULARY. ὑπεράφανος: -ov, XVI. 49 ὑπέρβιος: -ov, XII. 75, XVII. 19: -€, III. 37 Ὑπερβόρεοι: -ἔους, III. 59 ὑπέρθυμος : -ον, XII. 103: τῷ, VIII. 37 ὑπέροπλος, VIII. 13 ὑπέροχος : -ov, XVI. 68: -w, III. 5, XVIII. 44 ὑπέρτατος: -ov, 111. 84, Χ. 36, XVI. 79 ὑπερφίαλος: -ov, XII. 158: τοι, X. 78: -ous, XIV. 62 ὕπνος, fr. 3. 10, p. 439 (I. 50 Blass) ὑπό, with gen., V. 43, IX. 48, XII. 154, XVI. 17: with dat., 111. 17, XII. 125, 166: with acc., XVI. 30. Cp. drat ὑπόκλοπος: -ov, XIV. 30 ὑσμίνα : -av, XII. 144 ὕστερον (adv.), IX. 53, XV- 33 ὑφαίνω: ὕφαινε (impf.), XVI. 51: ὕφαινε (imper.), XVIII. 8: pave, XV. 24: ὑφάνας, V. 9 ὑφαιρέω: -εἴται (midd.), VIII. 18 *tWauxns, XII. 85 *bYudyuia: -av, XII. 71 *ivdaldadros: -wy, 111. 18 *iwlderpos: -ov, IV. 4 ὑψίζυγος, 1. 46, Χ. 3 ὑψικέρα (fem.), -αν, XV. 22. Cp. καλ- λικέρα ὑψιμέδων, XIV. 51 ὑψίνοος : -όου, XII. 44 ὑψίπυλος: -ov, VIII. 46 ὑψιφανής : -ἢ, XIII. 5 ὑψοῦ, Vv. 18, VIII. 84: ὑψοτάτω, fr. 16. 6 Φ φαεσίμβροτος : -w, XII. 128 φαίδιμος : -ἰμοισι, XVII. 47 φαίνω, XII. 224: φαῖνε (impf.), VIII. 31: φάνη, XVI. 119: ἐφάνη, fr. 2. 2 Φάϊσκος : -ov, X. 14 φάλαγξ: -yyas, XIV. 42 φαμί, I. 49, ΧΙ]. 54: φασίν, V. 155: φάμεν (inf.), 111. 65: φάσω, I. 49, X. 24: ἔφα, fr. 18. 2: φάτο, Vv. 84: πέ- para, IX. 52 φάος, 111. 80, V. 67, XVI. 43: φάη, VIII. 28 φαρέτρα: -as, V. 76 φᾶρος: -el, XVI. 5: -€a, IX. 24 φάσγανον, X. 87, XII. 54 φάσκειν: φάσκον (3rd plur.), X. 50 parts, VIII. 48 φέγγος, 111. OI, . 162 φεν-: πέφνεν, VIII. 13: ἔπεφνεν, XVII. 17 *pepexvdjs: -éa (sing.), XII. 182: -έϊ, I. 17 Pepévixos, V. 184: τον, 37 φερεστέφανος : -o1, XVIII. 6 Φέρης : -nTOos, 111. 77 VOCABULARY. φέριστος : «ον (neut.), V. 160 Φερσεφόνα: -as, V. 59 φέρτατος, XVII. 20: -ov (masc.), v. 118, XVI. 33: (neut.), VI. 2: -ov, XVI. 20, XVIII. 17 φέρτερος: -ov (neut.), Iv. 18 φέρω : -εἰ, 111. 95, . 134: -εἰν, fr. 32. 3: τῶν, III. 59, V. 185: -ovea, II. 3, XVIII. 41: -ovTes, XII. 144: φέρον (impf.), XVI. 97: ἔνεγκε (imper.), XVI. 62 φεῦ, XVI. 119 φεύγω: -es, fr. 15, 2: φεύγετε, p. 439 (1. 81 Blass): φεύγοντα (neut.), 1. φεῦγε (impf.), XVIII. 16: φεῦγον Oa plur.), v. 150, X. 55, 84, 94: φυγών, REX, 9. iS pha: -av, Vv. a Φήμα, Il. 1, IX. I φθέγγομαι: -ev, XVII. 12: φθέγξατο, XIV. 4 φθίνω: φθιμένων, ν. 83 φθόνος, XII. 200, XV. 31: -ov, V. 188: τῷ, III. 68 φθόρος: -ov, XIV. 61 φιλάγλαος: -ov, XII. 224: τους, XVII. 60 φιλαλάκατος ὃ p. 439 (I. 74 Blass) φιλάνωρ: -opt, 1. 40 φιλέω: -εἴ, IV. 1, XII. 204 φίλιππος : -ov, III. 69 φιλόξεινος: -elvov, XIII. 23: ptrofevia: -as, 11. 16 φίλος : -ov (masc.), 11. 14, IV. 19, V- 131: ταν, XVI. 109: -ν, fr. 15. 2: -ῳ, XVI. 6g: -d, III. 47: -as (acc.), 111. 50 φιλοστέφανος : -w, XII. 184 φιτρός : -dv, V. 142 φλέγω: -ovrat, fr. 3. τὸ Φλειοῦς : -vTa, VIII. 4 nt ~yl, fr. 3. 4: φλόγα, III. re ; φόβος: τῷ, V- 49 56, XVII. ἐφόβησε, X. 43 τον, XII. 145: τῷ, V. 23 φοιβός: -dv, XII. 139 Φοῖβος: -ov, 111. 20 *powlxaomis: -ἰδες, VIII. 10 *powrxbOpé: -ότριχας, X. 105 * powrkoxpddeuvos : -o10, X. 97: 222 *powikdvwros: -ων, V. 102 φοῖνιξ : φοίνισσαν, XVII. 56 Φοῖνιξ : -ἰκος, XVI. 31 Φοίνισσα, XVI. 54 φοινίσσω: φοινίξειν, XII. 165 -olol, XII. φοιτάω: -ᾷ, V. 133 φόνος : -ov, VIII. 14: τῶν, III. 52 popéw: -εἴ, XIV. 30: -εῦντες, fr. 6. 3 φόρμιγξ: -vyyos, XIII. 13 φραδά: -aiot, XVIII. 17 * ppevodpas: -ais, XVI. 118 φρήν: φρενί, fr. 7. 3: φρένα, V. 6, XV. 7, XVI. 131, fr. 1. τ: φρενῶν, XVI. 22: 517 φρένεσσιν, XIII. 11: φρασίν, vie s29(?): φρένας, I. 52, X. 45, XI. 3, fr. 1 φρονέω : -οντι, 111. 85 φροντίς : -ἰσι, XVI. 120 Φρύγιος: -ἰου, VII. 43 gud: -dv, ν. 168 φυλάσσω: -et, XII. 189: -ev (inf.), XVIII. 25: τῶν, V. 47: -ge, III. 29 φύλλον: -a, V. φυτεύω: -evoe(v), XVI. 59, 68: -σαν, XVIII. 35 φύω: ἔφυ, V. 55: φῦναι, V. 160 φωνά: -dv, X. 56 φωνάεις: -devTa, XIV. 31 φωνέω: φώνησεν, V. 101 φώς: φωτός, V. 158, XVII. 19, 30: φῶτα, XV. 15: φῶτε, XVII. 46: φῶτες, fr. 18. 5: φώτων, XII, 152 x Χαιρόλας: -av, p. 475 (fr. of vir) xalra: -av, X. 28, XII. 70: -ais, XVI. 105 χαλεπός: -dy (neut.), V. 95 χάλκασπις: -ἰδες, X. 62 *yadkebkpavos: -ov, V. 74 *yadxedxTuTos: -ov, XVII. 59 χαλκεομίτραν, XII. 109 (?) χάλκεος: -εᾶν, fr. 3. 9 χαλκεόστερνος: -ov, V. 34 xarxodaldaros: -οισιν, fr. 6. 2 χαλκοθώραξ: -aka, XVI. 14: 123 χαλκόκτυπος, XIII. 16 (?) *xadkoxwdwv, XVII. 3 χαλκός, XII, 51 Ἐχαλκοτειχής: -ἔος, III. 32 χάος: -εἰ, V. 27 χάρις, 111. 38: χάριν, III. 07. V. 187, VIL. 97, XIII. 19, fr. 7. 4 Χάριτες, VIII. 1, XVIII. 6: -ίτων, I. 41, IX. 39: τίτεσσι, V. 9: Χάρισσιν, XIV. -dkwv, X. ae * yapiravupos : χάρμα, IX. 13 χειμών : -ὥνος, XII. 140 χείρ: χειρός, VIII. 35, XII. 154, XIII. 1Ο, τον, 11. 2 XVI. 61: χέρα, VII. 41: χεῖρα, XII. 49, XVI. 11: χειρῶν, V. 82, 132, X. 36, QI, XVI. 45: χέρεσσι, XVII. 49: χερσίν, V 189: χέρας, 111. 35, XII. 138, XIV. 45: χεῖρας, 111. 50, X. 100, XVI. 72 χέρσος: -ov, XII. 132 xéw: χέων, V. 15: χέον {impf.), XVI. 96 χθών: χθονός, IV. 4, XVII. 5: χθονί, ν. 88, X. 32: χθόνα, I. 11, VIII. 40, XVI. 80 τῶνα, XVII. 52: τ-ῶνι, fr. 15. 1 χλαμύς: -ύδα, XVII. 54 χλωραύχην: -eva, V. 172 χόλος: -ov, V. 99, 104, 123 χιτών: 34—3 518 χολόω: χολώσατο, XVI. 50(?): -ωσαμένα, X. 53 χορός: -ᾧ, XVI. 107: -όν, Epigr. 1. 2 (fr. 33): -ol, XIII. 14, XV. 11: -@v, XVIII. 51: τοῖσι, XVI. 130: -ovs, X. 112 xpalvw: χραῖνον (3rd plur.), X. ΤΙ χρεῖος (‘need’), 1. 34 (ἢ) χρέος, VII. 43 χρή, 111. 78, Vv. 164, 187, IX. 56, XIII. 20, fr, 1155 χρηστός: -dv (masc.), IX. 51 χρόνος, XII. 206: -ῳ, VII. 45, X. 120, 125, XVII. 45: -ov, I. 70, VIII. 80, fr. 21. τ, 28 Χρόνος: -ov, VII. 1 χρύσαιγις: -ἰδος, fr. 11. 2 χρυσαλάκατος, X. 38: τοι, VIII. 1 χρυσάμπυξ: -vKos, V. 13 χρυσάορος, 111. 28 (?) χρυσάρματος, XII. 194 χρύσασπις: -ἰδος, XIX. II Ἐχρυσεόπλοκος, XVI. 106 χρύσεος: -éa (nom.), XVIII. 16; (voc.), X. 117: -éas (gen.), V. 174; (acc.), XIV. 4: -éa, IX. 40: -eov (masc.), XVI. 60; (neut.), 36: -éav, VIII. 72, XII. 61 (ἢ), XV. 2 (with 0): -έοις, IX. 6 (with v) *xpucebokamrpos: -ov, VIII. 100 Xpucodivas, 111. 44 χρυσόθρονος ὃ v. 1 of a small fr. numbered by Kenyon (p. 206) as 22, and referred by Blass (p. 126) to XIV. χρυσοκόμας, IV. 2 VOCABULARY. *xypuobmraxus, V. 40 χρυσόπεπλος, XVIII. 22 χρυσός, 111. 17, 87, fr. 17. 1: τῷ, fr. 16.9 τόν, 111. 65, fr. 10. 2, 27 χρώς: χρόα, Χ, 97 χώρα: -ᾳ, V. 80 Ψ ψυχά, ν. 77, 151, 171: τᾷ, X. 48: -αἴσ(ιν), V. 83, 133: -ds, V. 64 2 ὦ, 111. 64, VI. 13, VII. 1, 48, VIII. I, 15, 45, 102, X. 116, XII. 77. 94, 190, XIV- 50, XVI. 15, p- 437 (I. 13 Blass) ὧδε, XVII. 39, fr. 18. 2 ὠκύμορος : -ov, V. 141 ὠκύπομπος : -ον, XVI. ὠκύπους: ὠκυπόδων, IV. 6 ὠμηστάς: -ᾧ, XII. 40 ὦμος: ὥὦμοις, XVII. 47 ὡς, (1) ‘as,’ VIII. 27, ΧΙ]. 82 (πυρσὸν ws): (2) ‘when,’ v. 713; (3) ‘how,’ fr. 6. x (unless there the sense was ‘when’): (4) with inf., fr. 1. x (ὡς . . εἰπεῖν) ὥς, ‘thus,’ v. 84, XII. 133, XVI. 81, fr. 16. 12 ὡσεί, XI. I ὥστε, ‘as’ (ΞΞ ὧς), XII. 124 @re, ‘as,’ XVI. 105 519 INDEX. A Abas, king of Argos, x. 40 accents, use of, in the Bacchylides papy- rus, p. 135: noteworthy, in particular instances, p. 137 accusative, cognate (ἀναδεθεῖσιν ἄνθεα), XII. 59f.: in apposition with sentence, XII. 93, XIII. 19: double (τὸν δ᾽ εἷλεν ἄχος κραδίαν), Χ. 85 Achaean settlements in Italy, p. 209, X. 113: ancestry claimed by lonians, p- 483 Acusilaus, the logographer, x. 50 ff. adjectives, compound, peculiar to B., pp- 68 ff.: verbal in -ros, of 3 termina- tions, XII. 181: denoting the parent (Αλκμήνιος), V. 71: compounded with a noun akin in sense to the subst. (ἀρισταλκὲς σθένος), VII. 7 Adrastus, VIII. 19 Aeacidae, Pindar’s tributes to, p. 217 Aegeus and Aethra, legend of, p. 230 Aegina, boxers and wrestlers of, p. 212: festivals at, Ix. 3: the nymph, daughter of Asopus, VIII. 55, XII. 77: repute of the island for just dealing, 2d., and 182 ff. aegis of Athena, XVI. 7 Aeolian lyric poetry, p. 29 Aeolic forms, p. 81 Aeschylus, in Sicily, p. 9; his Actnaeae, i6.: lyrics of, p. 45: traces of, in the work of B., p. 67: treatment of Io’s . story, p- 235 : ‘ Aetolian’ as=‘Elean,’ VII. 51 Agelaus, brother of Meleager, v. 117 Agenor, father of Cadmus, p. 235, XVIII. 4 Aglaia, personified, 111. 6 Ajax, p. 206, n. 2: and Hector, XII. 105 ff. Alcaeus, p. 29: on Apollo’s visit to the Hyperboreans, p. 222, XV. 5 Alcman, his partheneia, p. 31 Alexandrian scholia, citations of Bacchy- lides in, pp. 74f.: sense of ‘dithyramb’ _ in Alexandrian age, p. 39 Althaea’s brand, v. 142 ff., pp. 470f. Alyattes, father of Croesus, III. 40 Amazons, the, VIII. 43 Amphiaraus, VIII. 16 Amphitrite, her place in the Theseus- myth, p. 222: XVI. III Amphitryon, ¢ or Zin, v. 156 Anacreon, p. 29 Ancaeus, of Tegea, Vv. 117 antecedent, to be supplied in dat. (πάρεστι [τούτῳ], ὃς κιτ.λ.), XVIII. τ ff. Antenor, the Trojan, and his sons, pp- 219f. aorist partic. after εἶδε, X. 23: infin., as dist. from pres. infin., v. 30, 161, XVI. 43 Aphares, a son of Thestius, v. 129 Apharetidae, the (Idas and Lynceus), Messenian heroes, p. 239 apocope of prep., p. 84 Apollo, bestows the gift of φιλοξενία, 1. 40: shepherd to Admetus, III. 77: ‘king of the Lycians,’ ΧΙ. 147 f.: styled Loxias, though he is acting as a war-god, 26.: the hunter, xv. 6 apposition, partitive, Χ. 70 ff. Archemorus, VIII. 12 Archilochus, his καλλίνικος, p. 36 Arete, personified, x11. 176 Argos; ἱππόβοτον, XVIII. 15 Argus, son of Earth, XVIII. 19g, 31 Aristaeus, cult of, p. 428 Aroanian hills in Arcadia, Χ. 94 Artemis, as a goddess of vegetation, v. 98f.; of agriculture and cattle-breeding, X. 115 f.: dyporépa, V. 123, p. 211 n. 1: ἡμέρα (‘the soothing’), xX. 39, p. 210 Asopus, the Phliasian river, p. 205: his daughters and descendants, p. 206, Vill. 45 ff. 520 Atalanta, not mentioned in v. 56-175, P- 472 Athena, protects Heracles, v. 92; watches his struggle with the Nemean lion, x11. 44: present when Amphitrite receives Theseus, p. 225 : meaning of her epithet ὀβριμοδερκής, XV. 20: Athena Itonia, PETE, P45 Athenaeus, familiar with the poems of Bacchylides, p. 75 Athenians, ἁβρόβιοι, XVII. 2: ‘Tonians,’ 16. XVI. 3 augment, temporal, the Doric (a), XIv. 37, XIX. 4: the Ionic (7) probably to be retained in x. 93, p. 80 Azenia, a district of Arcadia, x. 55 called Boeotian cups, fr. 17, p- 419 Bologna, vase at, showing Theseus, Am- phitrite, and Poseidon, p. 226 breathings, signs for in the papyrus, - 137 μεδαρο: used to adorn the walls of rooms, III. 32 c Cadmus, XVIII. 48 Caicus, river, fr. 57, Ρ. 433 Calliope, v. 176 Calydon, v. 106 f. Carthaea, a town in Ceos, p. 5, 424 Casas, river, X. 119 Castalia, stream of, ITI. 20 Cenaeum, prom. in Euboea, Xv. 14 Ceos, position and associations of the island, pp. 4ff.: hills of, 1. 11: agonistic inscription of, p. 186: athletic victories won by natives of, p. 451 Cerberus, V. 60 ff. Cercyon, the wrestler slain by Theseus, XVII. 26 Ceyx and Heracles, fr. 18, p. 419 Charites, the, I. 41: IV. 91: IX. 39: XVIII. 6 Cirrha, harbour-town of Crisa, X. 20 Clement of Alexandria, quotes Bacchy- lides, p Clitias and Ergotimus, the vase-painters, Pp» 224 Clymenus, one of the Curetes, Vv. 145 Cnossus, more correctly spelt Cnosus, 1. ᾿ : it a members of, addressed by the poet, XII. 190 contraction in verbal forms, practice of the MS. as to, p. 84 Coressus or Coresia, a town of Ceos, I. 28, Ρ. 446 coronis, use of in the MS., p. 140 INDEX. cottabos, game of, fr. 13, p. 417 crasis of καί with ε, XVI. 33 (κἀμέ), XVII. 50 (κηὔτυκτον); with o, 111. 81 (xwrt): not marked by an apostrophe in the MS., p. 138 Cretan sea, the, XVI. 4 Creusa, mother of Aegeus, XVII. 15, p- 232 Crisa, IV. 14 Croesus, the story of, as told by Bacchy- lides, p. 195 Crommyon, XVII. 24 Curetes, the, v. 126 cycle of the four ἱεροὶ ἀγῶνες, p. 184 Cyclopes, the, X. 77 Cypria, the epic, used by Bacchylides, p- 219, XIV. 46 dactylo-epitritic metre, p. 92 Damon, chief of the Telchines, p. 443, 446 Danaus, X. 74: a descendant of Io, p. 235 dative, epic -yow in plur., XII. 135: of interest, a peculiar use of the, III. 94 Day, personified as daughter of Time and Night, vil. 1 Deinomenes and his family, p. 189 Delos, and the Hyperborean legend, p- 196: poems of Pindar and Bacchy- lides for, p. 223 Delphi, omphalos at, Iv. 4: Gelon’s and Hieron’s tripods at, 111. 18f., pp. 452- 457: winter cult of Dionysus at, p. 221, Xv. rff.: the epithet μηλοθύτας with reference to, VII. 39 Demeter and Persephone, cult of in Sicily, 111. 1 ff.: Demeter and Diony- sus, cult of at Phlius, Ὑ111. 97 ff. Dexithea and Minos, legend of, pp. 443 ff. dialect of Bacchylides, p. 79 digamma, p. 82 Dike and Themis, xiv. 54 f. Dionysus, cult of at Phlius, vi1I. 98: at Delphi, p. 221, Xv. 1ff. Dioscuri, the, fr. 17, p. 419 dirge (θρῆνος), as treated by Simonides, Ρ. 40 dithyramb, of Lasus, p. 46: of Simonides, pp. 39, 46: ode xvii of Bacchylides, a dithyramb in the form of a dialogue, p- 233: dithyrambs at Delphi, p. 221, n. 2: the new school of dithyramb, beginning with Melanippides, pp. 46ff.: a dithyramb of Philoxenus parodied by Aristophanes, p. 234: sense given to the term ‘dithyramb’ in the Alexan- drian age, p. 39: reference of Servius to the ‘dithyrambs’ of Bacchylides, p- 223 INDEX. dithyrambic choruses at Athens, p. 234 division of verses in the MS., p. 95 dolphins carry Theseus to Poseidon’s abode, XVI. 97ff.; cp. pp. 225 and 22 doors of the victor’s house, songs sung at the, VI. 14 Dorian choral poetry, pp. 30ff. Doricisms of Bacchylides, pp. 79 ff. drama, rise of Attic, p. 43 dual subst. with plural adj., xvi. 46 eagle, as an image for the poet, v. 16 ff. Earth, called to witness, v. 40 Echidna, mother of Cerberus, v. 62 Eirene, gifts of the goddess, fr. 3, p. 411 elder-tree, the (ἀκτέα), VIII. 34 Eleans, as judges in the Olympian games, X. 31 ff. elision of « in the dative, and in the 3rd plur. ending -οντι, p. 83 Endeis, wife of Aeacus, X11. 96 enkomion, the, created by Simonides, P- 33 Eos, χρυσόπαχυς, V. 40 Epaphus, XVIII. 42 epic manner of Bacchylides in narrative, p- 58; in speeches, p. 61; in apostro- phizing the Muse, XIV. 47: epic and Ionic forms used by him, p. 81 Epicharmus and Hieron, p. 11 epinikion, the, developed by Simonides, P: 34 epithets, use of by Bacchylides, p. 62; compared with Pindar’s, pp. 70 ff. Eriboea, one of the Athenian maidens with Theseus, XVI. 14, p. 224: wife of Telamon, XII. 102 Eros, how conceived in the older Greek poetry, VIII. 73 Erotes, the, offspring of Aphrodite, 74. erotica as a lyric class, p. 42 Euboea, festivals at, Ix. 34 Eucleia, the goddess, associated with Arete and Eunomia, XII. 183f. Eunomia, σαόφρων, X11. 186; as one of the three Horae, ἢ. on 182 ff.; asso- ciated with Dike and Themis, xIv. 54 f. Euphronius, the vase-painter; his cup showing Theseus welcomed by Am- phitrite, p. 225 Europa, XVI. 3rf. Eurytion, the centaur, pp. 48, 430 Eusebius, on the date of Bacchylides, p. 2 Euxantius, son of Minos and Dexithea, I. 15, Ps 44 Evenus, king of Pleuron, p. 237, XIX. 7, 11 521 festivals, cycle of the four great, p. 184: local, Ix. 30ff. foot-race, the, called ἵππιος δρόμος, ΙΧ. 25 ἢ. Francois amphora, the, p. 224 future tense, as used in κομπάσομαι, φάσω, etc., VII. 42: after ὄφρα, XVII. 42 Gelon, tyrant of Syracuse, pp. 8, 190; his tripod at Delphi, p. 452 genitive and dative, both used with βρύειν, Iu. 15f.: gen. plur. corrupted into nomin. plur., VIII. 46, X. 120 Georgius Syncellus, on the date of Bac- chylides, p. 4 : Giants, the, χιν. 63 gnomic style of Bacchylides, p. 59 gods, the, declared blameless for human woes, XIV. 52 hands, the several in the papyrus, pp. 127 ff. Hebe, cult of at Phlius, vil. 717. Hebrus, river, Xv. 5 Hecate δᾳδοφόρος, fr. 23, p- 421 Hemera (‘day’), personified, VII. 1 Hemera (‘soothing’), title of Artemis, Ρ- 210, X. 39 Hera, the Argive, cult of, x. 47 ff. Heracles, ἐρειψιπύλας, V. 56: twelve labours of, vill. 8: his career pro- phesied, during his struggle with the Nemean lion, X11. 44ff.: at the mar- riage-feast given by Ceyx, fr. 18, p. 41 : Hates. various legends as to the manner in which he slew Argus, XVIII. 29-36 heroes, festivals of the, in Magna Graecia, Pp- 32, 210 Hesiod, v. 191 hiatus, p. 83 Hieron, tyrant of Syracuse, his family, p- 189; annals of his reign, pp. 190 ff. ; his priesthood, III. 1-4; styled orpara- γός, V. 2, p- 465; as a patron of letters, pp. 8ff.; his taste in poetry, v. 3-6, cp. p. 21; his illness, V. 53-55, Π|. 72- 743 attitude of Pindar and of Bacchy- lides towards him, pp. 200 ff. Himera, battle of, p. 10; allusion to, Υ. 34 riérice and Bacchylides, pp. 77f. Horae, the, XII. 182 ff. Hyginus, C. Julius, reputed author of the Poetica Astronomica; the story of 522 Theseus and Minos as told by him, p- 228 hymeneal song in Ar. Aves, 731ff., p. 238 hymns, ἀποπεμπτικοί and κλητικοί, Xv. 1-4 Hyperboreans, the, III. 59, p. 460 hyphen, use of in the papyrus, p. 139 hyporchemes, p. 28: of Simonides, p. 40: of Bacchylides, 2ὁ., pp. 415f. I Ibycus, p. 29: XIV. 58 Ida, Mount, v. 66, p. 433 Idas and Marpessa, the legend of, pp. 237 ff.. XIX. 1 ff. Jliad, the, points in which Bacchylides varies from, ν. 75f.; XII. 146: story of Meleager in, p. 468 imagery of Bacchylides, p. 62 Inachus, XVIII. 18, p. 235 infinitive, for imperative, in prayer, X. 103: of purpose, XV. g: after the im- personal éyévero, XVIII. 29: Doric form of, p. 81 inscription, an agonistic, of Ceos, p. 186 interrogative, double (ris..év ποίᾳ χθονί;), v. 86 ff. Io, the story of, as told by Aeschylus, p- 235: modes of conceiving the form into which she was changed, p. 493: associated with Isis, XVIII. 40, p. 494 Ios, island of, fr. 58, Ρ. 433 Iphiclus, a son of Thestius, Vv. 127 Isthmian festival, the, pp. 35, 184 Isthmus of Corinth, 11. 7 Italy, Greek settlements in, p. 209: deri- vation ‘of from Αταλός may have sug- gested the epithet πορτιτρόφον in X. 30 Itonia, a cult-name of Athena, p. 416 Iulis, the chief town of Ceos, fr. 59, P- 433 J Julian, a reader of Bacchylides, p. 73 L Laocoon, fr. 51, p. 431 Laomedon, king of Troy, XII. 142 Lemnian fire, XVII. 55 lightning from a clear sky, as a sign, XVI. 72f. lion, the Nemean, VIII. 6 ff. logaoedic metre, p. 97 Longinus, the pseudo-, on Bacchylides, . 7 Lusi, a town in Arcadia, and the spring (Aodcos) near it, X. 96 Lycormas, river, XV. 34 INDEX. Lycurgus, king of Nemea, Vil. 12 Lydian cavalry, 111. 23 f. ‘Lydian stone,’ the, fr. 10, p. 415 Lynceus, king of Argos, x. 75 Macelo, sister of Dexithea, p. 443 Maia, mother of Hermes, XVIII. 25 Malea, Cape, III. 72, p. 463 mares as racers, III. 3 Marpessa, p. 237, XIX. 6 masculine adj. in a general statement, though referring to a woman, XVI. 44 f. (ἀέκοντα): masc. partic. construed κατὰ σύνεσιν with a fem. subst., v. 77f. (ψυχὰ...εἰδώς) Medea, XVII. 48 η. Melampus, not mentioned by Bacchylides in the story of the Proetides, p, 211 Melanippides, dithyrambic poet, p. 46 Meleager, legend of, pp. 4688. : his brothers, v. 118 Memphis, fr. 22, p. 421: said to have been founded by Epaphus, XVIII. 43 n. Menander, trainer of athletes, p. 215, XII. 192 Messenian legend of Idas, appropriated by Sparta, p. 240 Metapontion, p. 209, X. 10, 116 Micon, painting by, on a wall of the Theseion, p. 226 middle forms of verbs, rare examples of, Ρ- 87 Minos and the Athenian ἠΐθεοι, p. 223 name, omen conveyed by, VI. τ (Adxwv) Nemea, value of, vit. 4f.: lion of, 6ff., X11. 46 ff. Nemean festival, the, pp. 35, 184 Nike, her parentage and office, x. 1 ff. ; cp. Epigr. 1 (fr. 33), Ρ- 424 Niobe, the children of, fr. 52, p. 431 ae ο Oechalia in Euboea, xv. 14: the epic Οἰχαλίας ἅλωσις, 7. 15 f., p. 223 Oeneidae, members of the Athenian tribe Οἰνηΐς, ΙΧ. 18 Oeneus, king of Calydon, v. 97 Olympia, VI. 3 Olympian festival, the, pp. 36, 184, cp. Vil. 1 ff.; instances of exception being taken to awards by the judges, x. 31-36 | Olympus, the epithet πολύχρυσος as ap- plied to, X. 4 Olympus the flute-player, p. 27 INDEX. optative with εἰ, after a present indicative, V. 190; in a relative clause, after optat. with ἄν, XVI; 44 orichalc, fr. 43, p- 427 Pactolus, river, III. 45 paean, p. 28: the paean of Bacchylides (xv1) for Delos, p. 223 Pallas, the father of Νίκη, Epigr. I. 1 (fr. 33), P- 424 Pandion, son of Cecrops, XVI. 15 papyrus of Bacchylides, the, pp. 121 ff. : Ptolemaic traits of, p. 125: approximate date of, p. 126: the scribe and the correctors of, pp. 127-135; the signs used in, pp. 135-141 paragraphus, use of in the Ms., p. 140 Pasiphae, wife of Minos, XVI. 50 patronymic, forms of, in -ἰδης and -ἰάδης, I. 14 Pausanias, on the story of Theseus and Minos as painted by Micon, p. 227: on the legend of the Apharetidae, Ρ- 240 Peace, the gifts of, fr. 3, p. 411 Peirithous, associated with Theseus, XVII. 46, Ρ. 232 Pellene in Achaia, festival at, 1x. 33 Peloponnesus, traces of, in the poems of Bacchylides, p. 25 Pelops, cult of at Olympia, v. 181, vil. 4f. pentathlon, order of contests in the, VIII. 32 Periphetes, not mentioned by Bacchylides among the victims of Theseus, p. 232 Persae, of Aeschylus, performed in Sicily, p. 10: of Timotheus, p. 48 Persephone, the rape of, placed by Bacchylides in Crete, fr. 53, p. 431 Perseus, ancestor of Heracles, x11. 48 person, transition of second to third, 1x. 13, 19-26; XV. 6-10 Pheme, the goddess of rumour, 11. 1, Ix. 1 ff. Pherecrates, comic poet, his Χείρων, Ρ. 50 Pherecydes, the mythographer, Χ. 50 Pherenicus, Hieron’s race-horse, p. 198 _Philoxenus, dithyrambic poet, pp. 47, 234 Phlius, p. 205: deities worshipped at, VUl. 69 ff., 97 ff. Phoenice as= Caria, fr. 60, p. 434 Phoenix, father of Europa, XVI. 31 Phorbas, associated with Theseus, XVII. 46, p- 232 Phrynichus, the lyrics of, p. 44; his Πλευρώνιαι, p. 470 523 Pieria, XV. 3 Pindar, his supposed allusions to Bac- chylides, pp. 13 ff.; his temperament, p- 15; stamp of his genius, p. 41; traces of in the work of Bacchylides, pp. 65 ff. : his attitude towards Hieron, compared with that of Bacchylides, Ρ- 200: his verses on the power of wine (fr. 218), compared with the similar verses of Bacchylides (fr. 16), p- 418 Pisa, quantity of the z in, v. 182: the name used as a synonym for Olympia, 74. Plato on the decline of lyric poetry, p. 50 Pleisthenes, in post-Homeric genealogy the father of Agamemnon and Mene- laus, XIV. 48 Pleuron, in Aetolia, v. 151 plural adj. with dual subst., xvii. 46 Plutarch, on the exile of Bacchylides, p- 24: his other references to the poet, P- 75 Polyneices, VIII. 20 Polypemon, XVII. 27 Porthaon, father of Oeneus, v. 70 Poseidon Ἵππιος, XVI. 99: Avraios, XVII. 21: Ilerpatos, XIII. 20f., p. 217 prayer at the end of an ode, v. 200: XVI. 132 prepositions, use of by Bacchylides, pp. 80 fi. Procoptes (Procrustes), XVII. 28, p. 490 Proetides, the, and the Argive Hera, xX. 47 ff. Proetus, king of Argos, X. 40: his strife with his brother Acrisius, 25. 59 ff. pronouns, personal and possessive, forms of used by Bacchylides, p. 86 Psalychidae, the Aeginetan clan of, p. 213 punctuation in the Bacchylides papyrus, Ρ. 140 Pythian festival, the, pp. 35, 184 2 quantity, marks of (— and ~), in the Bacchylides papyrus, p. 138 refrains, in singing, p. 417 relative clause in definitions, where ὅς τε el τις, or ὅτε τις, XIII. 10f. repetition of a word, v. 12 (κλεεννάν), 13f. (kNewds): XVI. 59 (φύτευσεν), 68 (φύτευσε): XVIII. 12 (φερτάταν), 17 (Geprérou) Rhea, fr. 54, p. 432 Rhyndacus, river, fr. 61, p. 434 524 Sappho, p. 29 Sciron, XVII. 25 sculptors, the earliest who made statues of athletes, p. 37: Pindar’s sense of the analogy between their tributes and his own, p. 38 sea, sympathy of with its king Poseidon, XVI. 128 Semele, XVIII. 48 © Servius, cites the ‘dithyrambs’ of Bac- chylides, p. 223 shields, red, VIII. ro Sicily, fruitfulness of, 111. 1 Sicyon, festival at, rx. 32 Simonides, early life of, 5; fame of, in the period of the Persian wars, p. 8; with Hieron, p. 11: as a creator of new forms of lyric poetry, pp. 33f., 4of.: his epinikia, pp. 34-37: influence of on the work of Bacchylides, pp. 64f.: his inscription for Gelon’s tripod, pp. 454 ff. Sinis, XVII. 20 ' skolia of Pindar, p. 42 Solon, a paraphrase of, IX. 39-45, Ρ. 479 Sophocles, his Antenoridae, p. 220n.: his Zrachiniae (750ff.), xv. 15 f. Sparta, poetry and music at, in the seventh century B.C., pp. 28, 30ff.: protests against the corruption of lyric poetry, p. 52: poem of Bacchylides for (XIX), p. 237 Stesichorus, epic hymns of, pp. 32, 210: his probable influence on Bacchylides, p- 33: the relation of the two poets respectively to the mythography of the vase-painters, p. 73 Stobaeus, his quotations from Bacchy- lides, p. 76 Styx, X. 9 subjunctive after ὅς, VIII. 24 - swan, the, sacred to Apollo, xv. 6 synizesis, use of by Bacchylides, p. 83 synonym used, instead of repeating a word, XII. 155f. (ἡμιθέοις . . ἰσοθέων) Syracuse, distinction of in chariot-racing, v. 2 (cp. Iv. 1f.): dialectic forms of the name, 70. 184 Telchines, the, pp. 188, 446 Terpander of Lesbos, p. 27 INDEX. Thaletas, p. 28 Thargelia, the, at Athens, p. 234 Theano, wife of Antenor, XIV. 2 Thebes, festivals at, Ix. 30 Themis and Dike, xIv. 54 f. Theognis, traces of in the work of Bac- chylides, v. 160ff. n., 191 ff. n., p. 64 Thermodon, river, VIII. 43 Theseion, painting by Micon in the, p- 226: sculptures of, representing feats of Theseus, XVII. 46 Theseus, the ambiguous paternity of, p- 229: prominence of his cult at Athens in the poet’s day, 24.: legends of his earliest deeds, pp. 231f. Thessalian chlamys, XVII. 54 thrones of Nereids, Muses, etc., XVI. 124f. Timotheus, names of, p. 4: his Persae, z6.: on Achaean ancestry of Ionians, p. 483 Tiryns, walls of, x. 77f. tmesis, p. ΟἹ trainers of athletes, x11. rgrf. transposition of verses, XVI. 62f., 1oof., 109 f.: cp. p. 117 tripods of Gelon and Hieron at Delphi, Ill. 18 f., pp. 452-457 Troezen, p. 230, XVI. 34: spelling of the name, 70. 58 Troy, walls of Laomedon’s, ΧΙ". 142: the war of, VIII. 45f., p. 219 Vv vase-painters, relation of Bacchylides to the, p. 72 verses, division of in the MS., p. 95 vowels, long or short, before mute and liquid, p. 84 = Xenophanes, p. 11 zeugma, a species of, VIII. 36 (a word such as φαίνων to be supplied from προπέμπων in V. 34) Zeus, Εὔκλειος, 1. 6: quenches the pyre of Croesus, III. 55: guardian of law, 76. 70: the Nemean, vill. 4f. CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A. AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. Ot Td University of California SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 405 Hilgard Avenue, Los Angeles, CA 90024-1388 Return this material to the library from which it was borrowed. MAY 03 2004 ἌΡΗ 1 7 20 6 00 688 879 6 a